J01   1 **[295 TEXT J01**]
J01   2    |^*0Unfortunately the accuracy with which an impurity dependent
J01   3 physical or chemical property of sodium can be measured decreases with
J01   4 decreasing impurity concentration. ^To get over this difficulty Alcock
J01   5 has suggested that instead of measuring directly the concentration of
J01   6 oxygen in the flowing sodium its thermodynamic potential should be
J01   7 measured by a suitable galvanic cell incorporated in the circuit. ^The
J01   8 principal advantages of this should be continuous monitoring of the
J01   9 sodium and an accuracy of monitoring which, if the sodium-oxygen
J01  10 system obeys Henry's law, should increase with decreasing
J01  11 concentration of the impurity.
J01  12 *<2. *1Theoretical*>
J01  13 *<*0(a) *1The Cell*>
J01  14    |^*0The use of solid electrolytes in galvanic cells has been
J01  15 described in detail by Kiukkola and Wagner. ^In a reversible cell
J01  16 consisting of two metal-metal oxide electrodes and a solid oxide
J01  17 electrolyte through which current is transported solely by 0*:=**:
J01  18 ions, the change in free energy {15D}G accompanying the passage of one
J01  19 mole of oxygen is given by:*-
J01  20    |2EF
J01  21    |where E is the voltage developed across the cell and F is the
J01  22 Faraday. ^If the electrodes are sodium saturated with its own oxide
J01  23 and unsaturated sodium the change of free energy accompanying the
J01  24 transfer of one mole of 0*:=**: from the saturated to the unsaturated
J01  25 metal will be given by:*-
J01  26 **[FORMULA**]
J01  27    |where
J01  28 **[FORMULA**],
J01  29 **[FORMULA**] are the activities of oxygen in saturated sodium
J01  30 (concentration c*;0**;) and in the unsaturated sodium (concentration c
J01  31 < c*;0**;), T the absolute temperature and R the gas-constant.
J01  32    |^If the activity of oxygen dissolved in sodium is proportional to
J01  33 its concentration as is required by Henry's law then the free energy
J01  34 change per mole 0*:=**: ion may be written
J01  35 **[FORMULA**]
J01  36    |^Thus
J01  37 **[FORMULA**]
J01  38    |^The solubility of oxygen as \0Na*;2**;0 in sodium has been
J01  39 determined and is given by the relationship
J01  40 **[FORMULA**]
J01  41    |^Substitution of equation (3) in equation (2) with appropriate
J01  42 values for the various constants gives
J01  43 **[FORMULA**]
J01  44    |^Values of this function between 400*@ and 800*@\0C at 100*@
J01  45 intervals and for oxygen concentrations between 0.1 and 100
J01  46 {0p.p.m.} are presented in \0Fig. 1.
J01  47    |^At the present time maximum sodium coolant temperatures are
J01  48 around 500*@\0C and oxygen concentrations are usually intended to be
J01  49 maintained in the range 1-10 {0p.p.m.} According to the above this
J01  50 cell under these conditions should give voltages ranging from 224-147
J01  51 \0mv.
J01  52 *<(b) *1The effect of small changes of oxygen concentration and
J01  53 temperature on the cell {0E.M.F.}*>
J01  54    |^*0The {0E.M.F.} of such a cell placed in a sodium circuit will
J01  55 be affected by fluctuations in oxygen content and temperature.
J01  56    |^These may be estimated from equation (4) or the following derived
J01  57 equations:*-
J01  58 **[FORMULA**]
J01  59 **[FORMULA**]
J01  60    |^Equation (5) indicates that any voltage fluctuation arising from
J01  61 a sudden small concentration change will be controlled principally by
J01  62 the original concentration. ^Thus changes from 0.1 to 1 {0p.p.m.}
J01  63 1-10 {0p.p.m.} 10-100 {0p.p.m.} would result in the same change in
J01  64 voltage (*?1776 {0mv.}). ^For relevant reactor conditions (500*@\0C,
J01  65 \0C = 1-10 {0p.p.m.}) the finite change of voltage {15D}E
J01  66 accompanying finite concentration changes {15D}C is plotted in \0Fig.
J01  67 3. ^The latter as might be expected vary considerably. ^A rise of
J01  68 oxygen concentration from 1-2 {0p.p.m.} is accompanied by a voltage
J01  69 drop of *?1723 {0mv.} while, a rise from 9-10 {0p.p.m.} would
J01  70 produce a change of only *?173 {0mv.}
J01  71    |^Changes in voltage accompanying fluctuations of coolant
J01  72 temperature according to equation (6) vary only slightly with
J01  73 concentration and are proportional to the temperature change. ^Values
J01  74 at various oxygen concentrations of
J01  75 **[FORMULA**] together with apparent changes in oxygen level for
J01  76 temperature fluctuations of *?14 10*@\0C at 500*@\0C are presented in
J01  77 Table *=1.
J01  78 **[TABLE**]
J01  79    |^The above figures show that a *?14 10*@\0C temperature
J01  80 fluctuation at oxygen levels in the range 1-10 {0p.p.m.} would
J01  81 indicate an apparent change of *?1712% in oxygen concentration.
J01  82    |^Providing a cell of the above type works satisfactorily the above
J01  83 arguments suggest that it will be sufficiently accurate as an oxygen
J01  84 monitor in a hot trapped sodium coolant circuit.
J01  85 *<(c) *1Contamination of the sodium circuit by oxygen from the cell*>
J01  86    |^*0Experiments with solid oxide electrolyte galvanic cells have
J01  87 indicated that it is difficult to obtain reproducible voltages using
J01  88 normal potentiometric methods at temperatures below 750*@\0C. ^The
J01  89 author has obtained reproducible results with such cells at 400*@\0C
J01  90 and above by using vibrating reed voltmeters that draw current from
J01  91 the cell only as a result of leakage through insulation resistance of
J01  92 **[FORMULA**]. ^Thus if voltmeters of this type were used with the
J01  93 \0Na/ \0Na*;2**;0 cell it is possible to estimate the contamination of
J01  94 the circuit sodium from oxygen continuously diffusing through the
J01  95 electrolyte. ^If it is assumed that in practise **[SIC**] the maximum
J01  96 voltage developed by the cell at 500*@\0C will be around 300 {0mv.}
J01  97 (see \0Fig. 1) then in the case of the instrument with the lower
J01  98 resistance the current will be:*- 3 x 10*:-14**: coulombs/ \0sec.
J01  99    |^The charge on 0*:=**: ion *?183.2 x 10*:-19**: coulombs.
J01 100    |^Thus the number of 0*:=**: ions travelling through the
J01 101 electrolyte per second *?1810*:5**:.
J01 102    |^The mass of oxygen per year at this rate would be approximately 8
J01 103 x 10*:-1**: \0g./ year which is a quite insignificant quantity.
J01 104 *<(d) *1The use of the cell as a corrosion meter*>
J01 105    |^*0With the cell electrodes consisting of sodium with oxygen at
J01 106 different activities a voltage will be developed that is a function of
J01 107 the difference in the oxygen potential at the two electrodes. ^Unless
J01 108 it is known at what oxygen potential a given material in the sodium
J01 109 coolant circuit will start to oxidise the cell can only be used as has
J01 110 been suggested above, as an oxygen concentration monitor. ^However, if
J01 111 a material oxidizes in sodium at a given oxygen potential the
J01 112 reference electrode could be held at that potential and oxidizing or
J01 113 reducing conditions in the coolant circuit for that material would be
J01 114 indicated by a negative or positive potential at the reference
J01 115 electrode. ^Thus for the specific case of niobium in a sodium circuit
J01 116 a corrosion indicator could be a reference electrode of sodium
J01 117 saturated and equilibrated with niobium separated from the coolant by
J01 118 a solid anionic electrolyte. ^A negative voltage from the reference
J01 119 electrode would mean oxidizing conditions for niobium and positive
J01 120 voltage, non-oxidizing conditions.
J01 121 *<3. *1Practical*>
J01 122    |^*0The practical application of the above idea will involve
J01 123 considerable experimentation before it can be realised. ^The first
J01 124 requirement is for an anionic electrolyte, which can be fabricated
J01 125 into suitable shapes impervious to gases and liquid sodium and which
J01 126 is neither corroded by sodium nor by sodium monoxide. ^Possible
J01 127 materials are zirconia stabilised with lime and thoria doped with rare
J01 128 earth oxides.
J01 129    |^If such a material can be made with these properties a possible
J01 130 way in which the cell may be incorporated in a sodium circuit is
J01 131 depicted in \0Fig. 4.
J01 132    |^The electrolyte A is made in the form of a thin walled closed off
J01 133 round end tube or probe fitting vertically into the sodium coolant
J01 134 circuit B. ^The \0+ve electrode consisting of a small quantity of
J01 135 sodium saturated with sodium monoxide C is situated at the bottom of
J01 136 the tube. ^The potential acquired by this pool of sodium is
J01 137 transmitted to the voltmeter V by a nickel conductor D, nickel being
J01 138 resistant to corrosive attack by oxide saturated sodium at 500*@\0C.
J01 139 ^The \0-ve electrode which is the coolant stream, is joined to the
J01 140 voltmeter by an earthed nickel conductor attached to the bottom of a
J01 141 well E in the coolant stream. ^Provided the temperatures at C and E
J01 142 are the same, thermoelectric contributions to the voltage should be
J01 143 zero.
J01 144    |^The probe extends out of the sodium stream through a close
J01 145 fitting thin walled T-Junction F and passes into the open via a
J01 146 water-cooled O ring seal G. ^The open end of the probe is sealed with
J01 147 a vacuum coupling H which also positions the \0+ve nickel conductor
J01 148 with respect to the sodium by circlips on either side of the seal I.
J01 149 ^Evaporation of sodium from the pool C is minimised by a close fitting
J01 150 cylindrical block of electrolyte J attached to the \0+ve nickel
J01 151 conductor by nickel circlips. ^Fixing and positioning of the probe
J01 152 relative to the coolant stream is effected by tie-bars of insulating
J01 153 material K joining the vacuum coupling H to the water cooled flange G.
J01 154 ^The probe can be evacuated and filled with inert gas via the tube L
J01 155 which must of course be electrically isolated after this has been
J01 156 carried out.
J01 157 *<4. *1Discussion*>
J01 158    |^*0It is not suggested that the above proposal will be successful
J01 159 but rather that it is worth a trial in the event of the inadequacy of
J01 160 some simpler method of monitoring the oxygen in a sodium circuit. ^The
J01 161 principal difficulty encountered by the author, in determining partial
J01 162 molal free energies by solid electrolyte cells of very stable oxides
J01 163 such as \0UO*;2**;, \0MnO \0etc. was vapour phase transfer of oxygen
J01 164 by carbonaceous impurities in the blanket gas. ^This resulted in the
J01 165 oxidation of the \0-ve electrode and reduction of the \0+ve electrode
J01 166 which of course led to a loss in {0E.M.F.} from the cell. ^In the
J01 167 above design the two electrodes are completely separated from one
J01 168 another so that this major source of trouble should not be present.
J01 169 ^However, the stability of the system may be adversely affected by the
J01 170 thermal gradient up the probe and this can only be tested by
J01 171 experiment.
J01 172    |^Whether such an apparatus can be incorporated in a reactor
J01 173 circuit in a manner that will satisfy safety requirements will need
J01 174 further study. ^On the face of it however, there seems to be no reason
J01 175 why the cell should not be double-contained to prevent loss of sodium
J01 176 in the event of the ceramic tube being fractured. ^Such containment
J01 177 however, will be complicated by the necessity of providing suitable
J01 178 insulating seals through its walls.
J01 179 *<5. *1Conclusions*>
J01 180    |^*0If other monitoring methods for oxygen in sodium in the
J01 181 concentration range 1-10 {0p.p.m.} are found to be inadequate then
J01 182 this galvanic cell may be worth investigating. ^However, it will
J01 183 require development of a suitable electrolyte and even then it will
J01 184 only be useful if the activity of the dissolved oxygen varies
J01 185 sufficiently with changes in its concentration.
J01 186 *<*2A. OUTLINE OF METHOD*>
J01 187    |^*0To a measured portion of the sample, niobium and zirconium
J01 188 carriers are added together with hydrofluoric acid to ensure complete
J01 189 isotopic interchange. ^Rare earth elements are co-precipitated with
J01 190 lanthanum as fluorides. ^Niobium is precipitated with ammonia,
J01 191 partially separating it from zirconium. ^The niobium precipitate is
J01 192 dissolved in a mixture of oxalic and nitric acids, and niobic acid
J01 193 precipitated by boiling and adding potassium bromate. ^The niobic acid
J01 194 is dissolved in acid ammonium fluoride and the cycle from the ammonia
J01 195 precipitation repeated. ^The niobic acid is washed, ignited to niobium
J01 196 pentoxide, which is mounted on a tared counting tray and weighed.
J01 197    |^The {15g}-activity is measured through a lead/ aluminium
J01 198 sandwich using standard gamma scintillation equipment, which has been
J01 199 calibrated with known amounts of niobium-95.
J01 200 *<*2B. REAGENTS REQUIRED*>
J01 201    |^*0All reagents are Analytical Reagent Quality where available.
J01 202 *<1. Standard niobium carrier solution (
J01 203 **[FORMULA**])*>
J01 204    |^Fuse 20 \0g of pure niobium pentoxide with 72 \0g of potassium
J01 205 carbonate in a platinum dish. ^Cool and dissolve the solidified melt
J01 206 in about 400 \0ml of hot water. ^Transfer the solution and any
J01 207 undissolved solid to a glass beaker, stir thoroughly and add 16\0M
J01 208 nitric acid until the solution is strongly acid to litmus. ^Stand the
J01 209 beaker on a hot plate and keep the solution warm for 30 minutes to
J01 210 coagulate the precipitate. ^Transfer to four 200 \0ml polythene
J01 211 bottles, centrifuge, decant and discard each supernate. ^Wash each
J01 212 portion of the precipitate three times by stirring with 100 \0ml of 2%
J01 213 ammonium nitrate. ^Use a glass rod for stirring. ^Centrifuge and
J01 214 discard the supernates after each wash. ^Dissolve each portion of the
J01 215 precipitate in 25 \0ml of 30% ammonium fluoride and 15 \0ml of 16\0M
J01 216 nitric acid. ^Combine the solutions from each of the 200 \0ml
J01 217 polythene bottles, and dilute to 2 litres with distilled water in a
J01 218 polythene bottle. ^Standardize as follows:*-
J01 219    |^Pipette 10 \0ml of the solution into a 400 \0ml polythene beaker
J01 220 and add 100 \0ml of a saturated solution of ammonium chloride. ^Heat
J01 221 the solution nearly to boiling, by placing the polythene beaker in a
J01 222 glass beaker of water, heated on a hot plate, and add to the solution
J01 223 1 \0g of tannic acid dissolved in hot water.
J01 224 *# 2016
J02   1 **[296 TEXT J02**]
J02   2 ^*0The removal of the library and catalogues to the Bodleian destroys
J02   3 the incentive to study and add to the collection because of the
J02   4 absence of readily accessible reference works. ^Divorced from the
J02   5 specimens the catalogues become neglected, and ultimately the
J02   6 specimens are thrown away because the catalogues are not to hand. ^So
J02   7 are lost all \0Dr. Plot's figured specimens and the great collection
J02   8 of Edward Lhwyd, his assistant.
J02   9    |^It is very interesting to see the composition of a
J02  10 seventeenth-century palaeontologist's reference library. ^Plot, in
J02  11 addition to Biblical quotations and Philosophical Transaction
J02  12 references, alludes to no less than fifty-two works. ^Amongst these
J02  13 the elder Pliny's writings are prominent. ^His classification of
J02  14 fossils is essentially that of Gesner erected 111 years before. ^When
J02  15 I say that the four main groups in this classification are stones
J02  16 relating to heavenly bodies; those relating to the inferior heavens;
J02  17 those relating to the atmosphere; and those relating to the Watery
J02  18 Kingdoms, you will gather that it does not rest on any sound
J02  19 scientific footing. ^\0Dr. Plot himself has no tremendous regard for
J02  20 this method; but he says it is better than classifying the things
J02  21 alphabetically. ^I beg leave to doubt this.
J02  22    |^Then there comes out of Yorkshire the learned \0Dr. Martin Lister
J02  23 with an opinion on fossils, which, emanating as it does from the
J02  24 foremost conchologist of the day, can hardly be ignored. ^Lister has
J02  25 figured recent and fossil shells, side by side, not, as might be
J02  26 imagined, to show their essential similarity but as an illustration of
J02  27 the plagiarism of Nature. ^Lister's theory might well be christened
J02  28 (acknowledging our indebtedness to Siegfried Sassoon) the
J02  29 pseudomorphic hieroglyphic hypothesis, since whilst denying the former
J02  30 vitality of fossils he suggests that different types of self-generated
J02  31 shell-like stones might characterize different rocks. ^It might
J02  32 therefore be said that his lapse in regarding fossils as sports of
J02  33 nature is here offset by his penetration as to their possible use. ^It
J02  34 would certainly be possible to use a tool of which the true nature was
J02  35 unknown, if, empirically, it had been found to serve a useful purpose.
J02  36 ^But to credit Lister with the first formulation of the basic
J02  37 principle of stratigraphy, as has been claimed, would be to bestow
J02  38 credit falsely. ^I think Lister had in mind merely the characterizing
J02  39 of different *1types *0of rocks by distinctive fossils. ^Today this
J02  40 would be called recognizing the facies of the rocks and Lister's
J02  41 *"ingenious proposal**", as it was entitled, to make a map showing the
J02  42 surface distribution of strata was a proposal for a mineral, not a
J02  43 true geological map. ^Such a map would, for instance, colour all
J02  44 limestone outcrops under the same shade. ^Although of value in mining
J02  45 and quarrying operations it is academically barren. ^It can make no
J02  46 contribution to working out earth-history. ^The primary division of
J02  47 strata in the hierarchy of their classification is according to age
J02  48 not lithology. ^To elevate the latter is to produce a barren
J02  49 classification.
J02  50    |^Edward Lhwyd, assistant and later successor to \0Dr. Plot as
J02  51 curator of the Ashmolean Museum, had a more intimate acquaintance with
J02  52 fossils than any man in England and possibly in the world. ^This
J02  53 study, together with his scholarly researches into the Welsh and other
J02  54 Gaelic languages, formed his life's work. ^Whenever he could afford
J02  55 it, he travelled widely to collect fossils and examine Welsh, Irish,
J02  56 Cornish and Breton manuscripts. ^He wrote the first illustrated
J02  57 textbook on fossils. ^His familiarity with them showed him that their
J02  58 resemblance to living things was no mere coincidence, but the
J02  59 inference that fossiliferous beds were elevated sea-floors was too
J02  60 much for him. ^He adopted the *"stray seed**" hypothesis, but in a
J02  61 spirit of candour he wrote to John Ray, *"I am not so fond of this
J02  62 Hypothesis, as not to be sensible myself, that it lies open to a great
J02  63 many objections**". ^Still it was the best compromise he could come
J02  64 to.
J02  65    |^A poor museum curator with a salary of *+40 {6per annum} plus
J02  66 what he could get from selling fossils at a time when there was no
J02  67 great demand for them, was in no position to tilt at the thirty-nine
J02  68 articles. ^In rejecting the Flood hypothesis, he says, in effect, that
J02  69 he demurs first because it is not in accord with the Sacred Scriptures
J02  70 and, secondly, because it does not accord with the facts. ^We may note
J02  71 the order of the objections.
J02  72    |^The doubts entertained by Leonardo \da Vinci about the Flood
J02  73 theory were explained away by John Woodward. ^In 1695, he published a
J02  74 much-admired *1Essay *0on the natural history of the earth. ^This was
J02  75 intended to repair imagined omissions in the Mosaic narrative in
J02  76 general and the account of Noah's Flood in particular. ^In the Essay,
J02  77 Woodward promises to *"give myself up to be guided wholly by Matter of
J02  78 Fact; intending to steer that Course which is thus agreed of all hands
J02  79 to be the best and surest: and not to offer anything but what \1hath
J02  80 due warrant from Observations; and those both carefully made and
J02  81 faithfully related**". ^Never can a promise made so fervently have
J02  82 been so lamentably forgotten in the course of a few pages. ^Woodward
J02  83 imagined that the Flood had transformed the globe into a porridge-like
J02  84 mass and that the strata and the organic remains had subsided to
J02  85 stratify in layers according to their specific gravity. ^Fantastic as
J02  86 the theory is, it becomes more so when we learn that it was acceptable
J02  87 to Diluvialists in England and abroad for many years.
J02  88    |^With regard to the Deluge, let me say that it is its world-wide
J02  89 occurrence which makes physical difficulties. ^An extensive, though
J02  90 local, inundation can easily be explained, but where did the water
J02  91 issue from and to where did it retreat to if there was enough to cover
J02  92 the whole surface? ^I like Woodward's approach to this problem. ^*"For
J02  93 my part,**" he says, *"my Subject does not necessarily oblige me to
J02  94 look after this Water; or to point forth the place \1whereunto \1'tis
J02  95 now retreated. ^For when, from the Sea-shells and other Remains of the
J02  96 Deluge, I shall have given you undeniable Evidence that it did
J02  97 actually cover all parts of the Earth; it must needs follow that there
J02  98 was then Water enough to do it, where it may be now hid, or whether it
J02  99 be still in being or not.**" ^One is tempted to say, *"When you come
J02 100 to an insurmountable obstacle look it squarely in the face and pass
J02 101 on**", were it not that the argument is sound, granted the premises.
J02 102    |^As might have been expected, the hint of the marvellous and the
J02 103 untrammelled speculation emanating from *"fossil stones**" could not
J02 104 fail to attract the attention of that delightful character, John
J02 105 Aubrey. ^We turn to his *1Natural History of Wiltshire *0confidently
J02 106 expecting some delicious things. ^Now there is a great deal of truth
J02 107 in the notion that the geological environment is the primary factor in
J02 108 determining the character of a country; not only topographically but
J02 109 historically. ^If the course of history is channelled by economics,
J02 110 then surely natural resources lie at the foundation of a country's
J02 111 development. ^And as men are the products of their times, the national
J02 112 character contains at least an element imposed upon it by the
J02 113 inanimate environment. ^Aubrey recognizes this on a very fine scale
J02 114 indeed. ^I quote: *"according to the several sorts of earth in England
J02 115 (and so all the world over) the \1Indigenae are respectively witty or
J02 116 dull, good or bad. ^In North Wiltshire ... a dirty clayey country the
J02 117 \1Indigenae \1speake drawling; they are \1phlegmatique, skins pale and
J02 118 livid, slow and dull, heavy of spirit ... melancholy, contemplative
J02 119 and malicious; by consequence whereof come more law \1suites out of
J02 120 North \0Wilts, at least double to the southern parts**" which, bye the
J02 121 bye, are composed of Chalk.
J02 122    |^As to Aubrey's notions on fossils we simply record that he was
J02 123 much plagued with notions about earthquakes and their possible
J02 124 consequences on the earth's rotation; and if he recognized that
J02 125 fossils give *"clear evidence that the earth \1hath been all covered
J02 126 over by water**" and when he *"\1often-times wishes for a \1mappe of
J02 127 England coloured according to the colours of the earths with marks of
J02 128 the \1fossiles and minerals**", we conclude that he read his
J02 129 Philosophical Transactions and was acquainted with Hooke and Lister.
J02 130    |^As an example of the type of ingenuity provoked by a chance
J02 131 stimulus, we have the *1Theory of the Earth *0due to Whiston. ^In the
J02 132 latter years of the seventeenth century comets were *"in the air**",
J02 133 as it were. ^The comet which led Newton to predict their parabolic
J02 134 orbits was visible between December 1680 and March 1681. ^Halley's
J02 135 even more famous comet with a much less eccentric elliptical orbit,
J02 136 having a period of 75 to 76 years, was visible in 1682.
J02 137    |^Whiston conjectures that Newton's comet was the same as that
J02 138 recorded in 44 {0B.C.}, {0A.D.} 531 and {0A.D.} 1106 which suggested a
J02 139 period of 575 years or so. ^He notes that, of two postulated dates for
J02 140 Noah's flood, namely, 2349 {0B.C.} and 2926 {0B.C.}, the discrepancy
J02 141 of 577 years is near enough to the assumed period of Newton's comet;
J02 142 so that what ever **[SIC**] date for the Flood be accepted, the
J02 143 interval between it and 1681 was an integral multiple (7 or 8) of the
J02 144 postulated period of revolution of Newton's comet. ^Note, however,
J02 145 that this period was not calculated from the observed visible portion
J02 146 of the comet's orbit, but inferred from certain coincidental dates.
J02 147 ^Nevertheless, having convinced himself that a comet stood above the
J02 148 earth at the time of the Deluge he invoked one to explain the other.
J02 149 ^The earth passed through the watery vapours of the comet's tail, and
J02 150 the *"floodgates of heaven**" were opened whilst its gravitational
J02 151 attraction fractured the earth's crust whence emerged the *"waters of
J02 152 the deep**". ^The rest of Whiston's theory is according to Woodward
J02 153 with wholesale extinction of life and its stratification according to
J02 154 specific gravity in a porridgey mass which ultimately hardened into
J02 155 the stratified crust. ^The whole theory is ludicrous; but if the rules
J02 156 of the game are first to invoke only *1recorded *0catastrophes and,
J02 157 secondly, to pay due regard to contemporary scientific fashions, then,
J02 158 surely, Whiston's attempt is a gem of its kind. ^Molyneux's suggestion
J02 159 that the extinction of the Irish Elk was due to plague is perhaps a
J02 160 similar piece of opportunism. ^It is the type of explanation involved
J02 161 in explaining wet summers by atom-bomb explosions.
J02 162    |^Amidst this welter of conflicting opinion the truth was there
J02 163 waiting to be disseminated. ^Robert Hooke in England and Nicholas
J02 164 Steno in Italy had published opinions which, had they been combined,
J02 165 would have opened up the subject 150 years before it was destined to
J02 166 flower.
J02 167    |^But these were writing in advance of their times and were
J02 168 consequently ignored. ^Thus Hooke in 1688 in a *1Discourse on
J02 169 Earthquakes *0not only knew fossils for what they were but said that
J02 170 *"it would not be impossible to raise a chronology out of them**".
J02 171 ^The occurrence of fossil Turtles in the London Clay of the Isle of
J02 172 Sheppey led him to conclude that England had formerly enjoyed a warmer
J02 173 climate than today. ^This was the first suggestion for an
J02 174 investigation into palaeoclimatology, a subject which is not
J02 175 completely established today, although inferences made from fossil
J02 176 faunas lie at the heart of its present development.
J02 177    |^Nineteen years before Hooke's *1Discourse, *0the implications of
J02 178 stratification had been announced to an indifferent scientific world
J02 179 by Steno. ^As founder of the science of crystallography, Steno would
J02 180 hardly confuse crystals with true fossils. ^It is a pity that their
J02 181 chronological possibilities were not added to his insight into
J02 182 stratification. ^But both Hooke and Steno threw out their geological
J02 183 ideas incidentally to their main pursuits; and their contemporaries to
J02 184 whom Geology was their main interest were unable to appreciate their
J02 185 foresight. ^For instance, their record of fossils at either a
J02 186 particular height above sea-level or depth below the surface in mines
J02 187 and quarries shows their ignorance of the subject of stratification.
J02 188 ^Except in the rare horizontally bedded rocks these data have no
J02 189 significance chronologically.
J02 190 *# 2008
J03   1 **[297 TEXT J03**]
J03   2    |^*0\0Dr. Smithson, I think it was, mentioned the evidence to be
J03   3 obtained through the examination of stones. ^Their orientation will
J03   4 give a sense of the direction of movement and often a good deal can be
J03   5 learned from the kind of stone. ^I would make a plea here that I have
J03   6 heard \0Dr. Smithson make so often. ^A stone, if it is to be examined
J03   7 at all, deserves it only after it has been scrubbed clean in the
J03   8 laboratory, and indeed after the *1macro-*0examination efforts might
J03   9 profitably be extended to *1microscopic *0examination of a thin
J03  10 section.
J03  11    |^As to the examination of stones in a *1soil profile, *0I would
J03  12 repeat my own rather stale and weary warning. ^Stones in a soil
J03  13 profile are those things that have failed to weather to form a soil.
J03  14 ^Do not ignore them but at least pay them less attention than the fine
J03  15 fractions.
J03  16    |^Let us suppose that we have succeeded in making a full assessment
J03  17 of a parent material. ^We are still left with many other factors which
J03  18 will ultimately influence the processes of profile formation.
J03  19    |^There are (a) the *1topography of the site *0which influences
J03  20 drainage, surface run-off and the chances of erosion, (think of this
J03  21 in relation to the mass of debris left after the retreat of the ice
J03  22 sheet), (b) the *1climate within the developing profile*0*- a
J03  23 composite of temperature, rainfall, evaporation and transpiration and
J03  24 drainage. ^(a) and (b) indirectly influence (c) *1the kind of
J03  25 vegetation *0which can in turn check the processes of decay and
J03  26 leaching in some cases and in others hasten them. ^Sets of slides were
J03  27 then shown to illustrate the effect of:*-
J03  28 **[BEGIN INDENTATION**]
J03  29 *<(1) *1Altitude*>
J03  30    |^Parent Material: Silurian shale drift.
J03  31    |^*0(a) *1At 1,200*?7 *0above sea level producing peat, peaty gley
J03  32 and gley podzolic and slightly podzolic profiles.
J03  33    |^(b) At 250*?7 above sea level. ^Brown forest soil of good base
J03  34 status.
J03  35 *<(2) *1Rainfall*>
J03  36    |^*0Common parent material sandy textured drift of mainly
J03  37 Carboniferous Limestone.
J03  38 **[END INDENTATION**]
J03  39    |^\0Co. Roscommon, Ireland. ^45*?8-50*?8 mean annual rainfall *?23
J03  40 podzol.
J03  41    |^\0Co. Meath 30*?8 mean annual rainfall, high base status, Brown
J03  42 Forest Soil.
J03  43 **[BEGIN INDENTATION**]
J03  44 *<(3) *1Vegetation*>
J03  45    |^Site *0Knightwood Inclosure, New Forest, Hampshire.
J03  46    |^*1Parent Material *0Barton Sand.
J03  47    |^*1Planted 1860 *0Oak *?23 low base status, Brown Forest Soil.
J03  48    |^Scots Pine *?23 Deep humus podzol.
J03  49 *<*3SOIL DEVELOPMENT ON DRIFT DEPOSITS OF THE WELSH BORDERLAND*>
J03  50 *<*1by \0*3D. MACKNEY*>
J03  51    |^*0Since little pedological investigation has been directed to
J03  52 drift deposits of the Welsh Borderland, outside certain areas in
J03  53 Shropshire and Cheshire, this discussion of soil development is
J03  54 centred on the Cheshire-Shropshire Plain.
J03  55    |^For the most part this plain is below 300 \0ft., abutting to the
J03  56 west against the eastern uplands of Wales and in the south fringing
J03  57 the pre-Cambrian and Palaeozoic rocks of the south Shropshire uplands.
J03  58 ^This gently undulating, sometimes flat surface masks an extremely
J03  59 complex series of glacial deposits which are often very thick, so that
J03  60 only a few isolated ridges of Trias sandstone obtrude.
J03  61    |^The glacial events which have led to the formation of the Midland
J03  62 plain are controversial in detail, but some conclusions are
J03  63 universally accepted. ^The deposits which form the plain have been
J03  64 derived from the Palaeozoic rocks of Wales and the north, as well as
J03  65 from the underlying Triassic rocks. ^However it is probable that a
J03  66 good deal of the surface layers of drift have been affected by sorting
J03  67 and grading, which is presumed to have taken place during the
J03  68 withdrawal of the ice front, when melting released vast amounts of
J03  69 water. ^The evidence for this lies in the occurrence of glacial sands
J03  70 and gravels, as well as glacial clays, which are sometimes laminated.
J03  71    |^Throughout the region there are isolated basin sites which are
J03  72 thought to be remnants of old glacial lakes where water was trapped
J03  73 through the haphazard deposition of glacial debris. ^Many of these
J03  74 have since been filled by peat which presumably developed in Atlantic
J03  75 and Sub-Atlantic times.
J03  76 *<*3BROWN EARTHS IN BRITAIN*>
J03  77    |^*0For many years in Britain the brown earth group has been
J03  78 divided into high and low base status soils; the sub-division has been
J03  79 arbitrarily made, and in some cases a \0pH of 6.5 in the B horizon has
J03  80 been accepted as a line of division. ^Since soils within the brown
J03  81 earth group, apart from limed soils and those marginal in affinity to
J03  82 calcareous soils, rarely have a \0pH of 6.5 in the B horizon the
J03  83 system is not perfect. ^When examining agricultural soils great
J03  84 confusion can result, for soils which are of low base status under
J03  85 semi-natural conditions can be induced to maintain the chemistry of
J03  86 high base status soils by liming and fertilizing. ^In parts of western
J03  87 Europe and eastern United States of America, where pedologists are
J03  88 concerned with soils in similar environments to Britain, two main
J03  89 sub-divisions of soils similar to our brown earths are recognised
J03  90 (**=1) acid soils with textural B horizons, {0i.e.}, with B horizons
J03  91 at least partly formed by illuviated clay, (in western Europe {*1Sol
J03  92 brun lessive*?2} *0and {*1Sol lessive*?2}; *0in {0U.S.A.}
J03  93 *0Grey-brown podzolic soil): (**=2) strongly acid soils without
J03  94 textural B horizons, ({*1Sol brun acide}, *0western Europe and
J03  95 {0U.S.A.}). ^*0Obviously many more characteristics are required to
J03  96 define these sub-divisions, but these will be considered later.
J03  97    |^In Britain, on soil maps of our country we have used both
J03  98 grey-brown podzolic soil and {*1sol brun acide} *0as descriptive
J03  99 terms for particular areas. ^However, since in the west Midlands,
J03 100 soils with textural B horizons are less well developed than typical
J03 101 grey-brown podzolic soils, advantage has been taken of the units used
J03 102 in western Europe. ^Here well developed soils with moder humus and
J03 103 textural B horizons are called {*1sol lessive*?2} *0and less well
J03 104 developed soils with mull humus, {*1sol brun lessive*?2}; *0thus,
J03 105 the latter unit, can be properly used to describe soils in the
J03 106 Midlands.
J03 107 **[FORMULA**]
J03 108 *<*3SOIL DEVELOPMENT*>
J03 109    |^*0It is possible to extract two important groups from the variety
J03 110 of soils which occur on the drift deposits of the Cheshire-Shropshire
J03 111 plain, and these can be used to illustrate the type of soil formation
J03 112 characteristic of the region. ^The two groups of soils exemplify
J03 113 relationships within an extremely complex region.
J03 114    |^(**=1) {*1Sols bruns acides} *0and podzolised soils associated
J03 115 with glacial sands and gravels.
J03 116    |^(**=2) {*1Sols bruns lessive*?2s} *0and surface-water gley
J03 117 soils associated with glacial clays.
J03 118 *<(**=1) {*1Sols bruns acides} and podzolised soils*>
J03 119    |^*0The glacial sands are highly siliceous, base poor parent
J03 120 materials, generally with less than 10 per \0cent. clay, and most
J03 121 frequently with less than 5 per \0cent. clay. ^The acid soils which
J03 122 have developed support a semi-natural cover of heath, or of deciduous
J03 123 wood-land consisting of oak and birch with some rowan and holly, and a
J03 124 bracken or heathy type of ground flora. ^Under deciduous forest the
J03 125 humus form is moder, with F and H layers of approximately equal
J03 126 thickness, and under heath the humus form is frequently difficult to
J03 127 assess due to periodic burning. ^Beneath these humus layers several
J03 128 types of profile may be found, but frequently the solum is freely
J03 129 drained, and shows little sign of development, being uniformly brown
J03 130 in colour apart from a slight colour (B) horizon*- this typifies the
J03 131 {*1sol brun acide}. ^*0In detail it is a strongly desaturated soil
J03 132 throughout, with single grain or weak crumb structures, or in more
J03 133 loamy materials very weak fine sub-angular blocky structures. ^There
J03 134 is no texture profile; estimates for free iron do not indicate any
J03 135 iron B horizon, and clay ratios do not show any significant
J03 136 differentiation of silica and sesquioxide.
J03 137    |^The {*1sol brun acide} *0is frequently associated in the
J03 138 landscape with soils showing signs of podzolisation, {0i.e.}, with
J03 139 soils having iron and/or humus B horizons, and these may be found in
J03 140 different stages of development. ^The course of soil development
J03 141 appears to be {*1sol brun acide} *?23 *0podzolised {*1sol brun
J03 142 acide}*0 *?23 humus-iron podzol *?23 humus podzol (\0Fig. 25).
J03 143    |^A series of profiles examined at Delamere, north Cheshire, on
J03 144 glacial sands illustrates part of the development sequence (\0Fig.
J03 145 26). ^Extensive areas in Delamere were planted with oak early in the
J03 146 19th century, and more or less cleared in the early years of the first
J03 147 World War. ^Replanting consisted mainly of pine, though some open,
J03 148 degenerate, dry oak-birch woodland remains.
J03 149    |^The landscape unit drawn diagrammatically (\0Fig. 26) is common
J03 150 on the Cheshire-Shropshire plain, and illustrates the gentle rolling
J03 151 relief, with a peat-filled basin.
J03 152    |^The podzolised {*1sol brun acide} *0has the following
J03 153 characteristics:
J03 154    |^1. Thin moder, sharply separated from the mineral soil.
J03 155    |^2. Some superficial bleaching immediately below the organic
J03 156 layer.
J03 157    |^3. An A*;e**; horizon of approximately 9 \0ins. of dark yellowish
J03 158 brown (10YR3/4) sand in which there are numerous bleached sand grains.
J03 159    |^4. A B*;s**; horizon of 3/4 \0ins. indicated by the yellowish red
J03 160 (5YR5/6) colour.
J03 161    |^Hydrogen peroxide treatment of samples from the mineral horizons
J03 162 showed, when the organic matter was removed, that there is a well
J03 163 developed grey A*;e**; horizon which gradually merges into the B*;s**;
J03 164 horizon.
J03 165    |^The humus-iron podzol is considered to be a more mature profile
J03 166 for the A*;e**; horizon is grey having lost most of its organic
J03 167 matter, and this is represented in a thin black horizon (B*;h**;)
J03 168 overlying a strongly developed B*;s**; horizon (\0Figs. 25 and 26).
J03 169    |^An ashy coloured residue is left after hydrogen peroxide
J03 170 treatment of the humus B horizon and this qualitatively suggests that
J03 171 it is low in inorganic iron; however, chemical evidence from similar
J03 172 profiles indicates that a considerable amount of iron may be combined
J03 173 with organic matter in this layer, and this will be taken into
J03 174 solution by the hydrogen peroxide treatment.
J03 175    |^In the lowest position of the catena is the humus podzol (\0Figs.
J03 176 25 and 26). ^It has the following characteristics:
J03 177 **[BEGIN INDENTATION**]
J03 178    |^(**=1) The humus form is transitional between mor and moder,
J03 179 though there is a marked pine needle litter.
J03 180    |^(**=2) Strongly bleached, deep A*;e**; horizon, though it is
J03 181 traversed by a complex series of flow bands of colloidal organic
J03 182 matter.
J03 183    |^(**=3) A thick (6 \0ins.) cemented black B*;h**; horizon.
J03 184    |^(**=4) There is no orange-brown B*;s**; horizon; the sub-soil
J03 185 consists of bleached sand, though here it is apparently affected by
J03 186 gleying.
J03 187 **[END INDENTATION**]
J03 188    |^After hydrogen peroxide treatment of the horizons all are left
J03 189 completely bleached, confirming therefore, that there is no zone of
J03 190 iron accumulation within the profile.
J03 191    |^What are the factors which have operated in the differentiation
J03 192 of these soils?
J03 193    |^Since climate has had an overall influence, and all the profiles
J03 194 are developed on glacial sands and gravels, it may be assumed that
J03 195 differentiation is chiefly due to site and/or vegetation, or to
J03 196 vegetation as it is affected by man. ^It is widely believed that
J03 197 podzolisation in lowland Britain is the result of the dominant role
J03 198 which heath (*1\Calluna) *0assumes in the vegetation cover of
J03 199 deforested or abandoned land. ^From this accepted doctrine, however,
J03 200 there is a real tendency to believe that all podzols are formed under
J03 201 heath; to see a podzol is to point to the role of heath, on the site
J03 202 now, or in the past.
J03 203    |^Work in western Europe in the last decade, and some confirmatory
J03 204 investigations in Britain, show podzolisation as a progressive
J03 205 development, starting under deciduous woodland and probably reaching
J03 206 maturity at the humus-iron podzol stage under *1\Calluna, *0though in
J03 207 some cases heath may not be an essential part of the vegetation cycle.
J03 208    |^The occurrence of podzolised {*1sols bruns acides} *0and
J03 209 podzols in close proximity at Delamere and elsewhere, is difficult to
J03 210 explain in terms of past vegetation without a pollen analysis of the
J03 211 profiles concerned. ^There are so many possibilities in the thousands
J03 212 of years in which vegetation has influenced soil development.
J03 213    |^In the case of the humus podzols which are found in general
J03 214 adjoining peat or certainly in the lowest position in the catena, it
J03 215 can be convincingly argued that development has been influenced by
J03 216 ground-water. ^The presence of ground-water has prevented the
J03 217 precipitation of the illuviated iron oxides, or due perhaps to a
J03 218 change in regional or local water levels, formed iron B horizons have
J03 219 been disrupted by waterlogging and gleying; in either case the
J03 220 leaching of humus is not confined by the filtering effect of an iron B
J03 221 horizon and consequently a more deeply leached profile results.
J03 222 *# 2002
J04   1 **[298 TEXT J04**]
J04   2 ^*0Using a solution of lead-210 in equilibrium with its daughters,
J04   3 supplied by the Radiochemical Centre, Amersham, a source was prepared
J04   4 and counted through a series of aluminium absorbers of increasing
J04   5 weight. ^The curve of observed activity plotted against absorber
J04   6 thickness is shown in Figure 2. ^An aluminium absorber weighing 27
J04   7 \0mg/ \0cm*:2**: was used in the following experimental work although
J04   8 this was thicker than necessary and reduced the efficiency of the
J04   9 Geiger counter from about 15% to 11%.
J04  10    |^Reference standards were prepared by precipitating lead chromate
J04  11 from a hot dilute acetic acid solution containing a known quantity of
J04  12 lead-210 in equilibrium with its daughters. ^The calibrated solution
J04  13 of lead-210 (about 10*:-2**: {15m}c/ \0ml) was supplied by the
J04  14 Radiochemical Centre, Amersham. ^Lead chromate is accompanied by only
J04  15 about 75-85% of the bismuth-210 and therefore time must be allowed for
J04  16 radio-equilibrium to be restored. ^The presence of 75% of the activity
J04  17 of bismuth-210 is equivalent to ingrowth over two half-lives (ten
J04  18 days). ^Therefore after a further forty days, the bismuth daughter
J04  19 will be within 0.1% of its final equilibrium value. ^If reference
J04  20 sources are required for use sooner than forty or fifty days after
J04  21 preparation, the lead-210 together with added lead carrier must be
J04  22 separated from the bismuth-210 daughter by ion exchange (see
J04  23 Analytical Method, steps 4, 5) before precipitating lead chromate.
J04  24 ^Knowing the time of separation and the activity of the lead-210
J04  25 solution, the ingrowth of the bismuth-210 can be calculated.
J04  26    |^The absolute activity of the reference standards can be
J04  27 calculated from the known activity of the lead-210 solution and the
J04  28 chemical yield, but this calculation is unnecessary provided the same
J04  29 lead carrier solution is used to prepare the reference standards and
J04  30 for the analyses. ^Only the weights of the recovered lead chromate
J04  31 precipitates need be known because the concentration of the lead
J04  32 carrier solution cancels out of the algebraic equations.
J04  33    |^An effort was made to detect the presence of any radioactive
J04  34 impurities in the tracer by separating the lead-210 and the
J04  35 bismuth-210 by anion exchange. ^The {15b}-counting of the lead-210
J04  36 fraction began within a few minutes of completing the separation. ^The
J04  37 ingrowth of bismuth-210 was followed for ten days and showed no
J04  38 abnormalities. ^Any impurity in the lead fraction must have been well
J04  39 below one percent. ^Some separated lead-210 was used to make reference
J04  40 standards and as a tracer in recovery experiments. ^There was no
J04  41 significant difference between these results and those obtained using
J04  42 the original lead-210 solution supplied by the Radiochemical Centre
J04  43 which we concluded was radiochemically pure.
J04  44 *<2.2 *1The Recovery of lead-210 tracer from solution.*>
J04  45    |^*0Rosenquist (4) showed that minute quantities of lead can be
J04  46 isolated from large volumes of solution by coprecipitating the lead
J04  47 with a strontium sulphate. ^Lead and strontium form mixed crystals so
J04  48 that the more insoluble lead sulphate is almost completely recovered
J04  49 even if precipitation of the strontium sulphate is incomplete. ^Using
J04  50 ten milligrams of lead carrier and six hundred milligrams of strontium
J04  51 per liter, more than 95% of added lead tracer was recovered in each
J04  52 experiment. ^Gravimetric recoveries were less in the presence of
J04  53 ethylenediamine tetra-acetic acid (10 \0ppm), Teepol (0.2 \0ml
J04  54 commercial Teepol per liter) and Calgon (250 and 500 \0ppm), but
J04  55 always exceeded 70%. ^Radiochemical recovery of the tracer corrected
J04  56 for gravimetric recovery of the carrier averaged 97.5 *?14 0.5% in all
J04  57 cases where these additives were present. ^Excessive quantities of
J04  58 chloride also reduce the gravimetric recovery of lead. ^Up to 0.1
J04  59 \0*1N. *0chloride ion (96% recovery) the effect is negligible but
J04  60 becomes increasingly important thereafter: 0.3 {0N Cl*:-**:} (85%
J04  61 recovery), 0.5 {0*1N *0Cl*:-**:} (79% recovery), 1.0 {0*1N.
J04  62 *0Cl*:-**:} (56% recovery). ^No more than ten milligrams of lead was
J04  63 used in order to ensure good separation on the ion exchange column and
J04  64 to make it possible to keep the lead in solution in small volumes of
J04  65 dilute hydrochloric acid. ^Absorption of the beta particles is also
J04  66 kept to a minimum but the accuracy and precision of weighing the
J04  67 precipitated sources suffers. ^All precipitates were weighed on a
J04  68 semi-micro balance which had been calibrated with a set of
J04  69 certificated weights from the National Physical Laboratory.
J04  70    |^Complete chemical exchange between the radio-lead and the added
J04  71 lead carrier is necessary if the analytical results are to be correct.
J04  72 ^In the preliminary experiments, the tracer was added to a liter of
J04  73 effluent and immediately coprecipitated with strontium sulphate from
J04  74 hot solution. ^Chemical exchange was complete under these conditions;
J04  75 but when the tracer was added to alkaline effluent and allowed to
J04  76 stand for several days before the addition of lead carrier, the
J04  77 recovery of lead-210 was as much as five per cent low when corrected
J04  78 for gravimetric recovery of the carrier. ^Complete exchange was
J04  79 obtained by acidifying the effluent with five milliliters of
J04  80 concentrated nitric acid and boiling for more than half an hour before
J04  81 completing the coprecipitation. ^Boiling the effluent with more than 5
J04  82 \0ml. of acid resulted in gravimetric recoveries which were too low to
J04  83 be tolerated. ^To ensure complete chemical exchange, one hour at, or
J04  84 very near, the boiling point is recommended in the analytical method.
J04  85    |^The presence and growth of algae in the alkaline effluent does
J04  86 not prevent the recovery of radio-lead under the prescribed conditions
J04  87 although some radioactivity remains on the algae until the metathesis
J04  88 has been completed by heating the mixed sulphates with three separate
J04  89 portions of dilute (1.25 normal) sodium carbonate solution. ^The
J04  90 strength of the carbonate solution was chosen after experiments with
J04  91 lead tracer alone which indicated that less lead was lost than at
J04  92 other concentrations. ^The mixed carbonates are dissolved in 2\0*1N
J04  93 *0hydrochloric acid and fed to a column of anion exchange resin. ^The
J04  94 algae, if any was present in the effluent, is simply filtered out on
J04  95 top of the resin bed.
J04  96 *<2.3. *1Separation of lead and bismuth by anion exchange.*>
J04  97    |^*0The anion exchange resin (Amberlite *2IRA-400, *060-100 mesh,
J04  98 chloride form) is prepared by drying the commercial product and
J04  99 grinding it to pass the correct sieves. ^A small manual coffee grinder
J04 100 is useful as the resin cannot be ground with a mortar and pestle. ^The
J04 101 sieved resin is washed repeatedly with distilled water to remove fines
J04 102 and then with hydrochloric acid to convert the resin completely to the
J04 103 chloride form. ^The 60-100 mesh resin is again washed with water to
J04 104 remove the acid and finally dried in air. ^The drying may be speeded
J04 105 up by heating in a low temperature (40*@-60*@ \0C.) oven until damp
J04 106 dry. ^The final drying should be at room temperature with the resin
J04 107 protected against dust by a covering of filter paper.
J04 108    |^For each aliquot to be analysed, about 3.5 grams of air-dried
J04 109 resin is weighed out and slurried into a glass tube with 2\0*1N
J04 110 *0hydrochloric acid. ^The glass tube is 11 \0cm. long and 1 \0cm. in
J04 111 internal diameter. ^One end of the tube is drawn down to a fine tip
J04 112 and a B14 conical glass socket is fitted to the other end as shown in
J04 113 Figure 1. ^The reservoir is a 50 \0ml cylindrical separating funnel
J04 114 with a capillary tap modified by the addition of a B14 cone to fit the
J04 115 glass column.
J04 116    |^The exact volume of the eluting agents must be found by
J04 117 experiment for each batch of resin using radioactive tracer (lead-210,
J04 118 bismuth-210). ^A typical elution curve is shown in Figure 3. ^Once
J04 119 these volumes have been established, the weight of resin used is also
J04 120 fixed. ^All available evidence indicates that the fractions containing
J04 121 lead and bismuth are free of cross contamination apart from the
J04 122 natural ingrowth of the daughters arising from the decay of lead.
J04 123 ^Polonium-210 remains on the column and does not interfere. ^Strontium
J04 124 does not form a chloro-complex and therefore passes through in the
J04 125 feed solution and the first wash. ^The resin is used for a single
J04 126 separation and then thrown away.
J04 127    |^In the first stage of the analysis, only the fraction containing
J04 128 lead-210 is collected. ^The lead is precipitated as the chromate,
J04 129 washed, slurried onto an aluminium counting tray, dried under an
J04 130 infra-red lamp, weighed, and set aside for five days while the
J04 131 bismuth-210 grows in. ^At the end of five days, bismuth-210 will have
J04 132 reached one-half of its equilibrium value and can be counted through
J04 133 an aluminium absorber sufficiently thick to stop the beta particles
J04 134 from lead-210 and the alpha particles from polonium-210. ^Earlier beta
J04 135 counting is permissible but the sensitivity of the method is reduced
J04 136 (See \0Fig. 4).
J04 137    |^The presence of other lead nuclides may be demonstrated by
J04 138 observing the ingrowth of the bismuth activity and comparing the shape
J04 139 of the normalised curve with the curve in \0Fig. 4. using an arbitrary
J04 140 scale of activity proportional to the existing ordinate. ^During the
J04 141 first few hours the curve will be distorted if activity other than
J04 142 bismuth-210 is present. ^These bismuth nuclides may include:
J04 143 **[LIST**]
J04 144 together with their lead parents. ^All but lead-212 will decay
J04 145 completely within six hours. ^The decay of lead-212 will distort the
J04 146 observed activity for four and a half days if it is present.
J04 147 ^Thereafter the normalised curve should follow \0Fig. 4 exactly.
J04 148    |^If it is essential to confirm that the beta activity is indeed
J04 149 due to bismuth-210, or if much higher decontamination factors are
J04 150 required, the lead chromate is washed quantitatively with 2\0*1N
J04 151 *0hydrochloric acid into a centrifuge tube and dissolved in the
J04 152 presence of bismuth carrier. ^The solution is kept near the boiling
J04 153 point for fifteen minutes to assist chemical exchange. ^Chromate,
J04 154 which would interfere with the ion exchange separation, is reduced by
J04 155 adding a few drops of hydrogen peroxide. ^The ion exchange separation
J04 156 is repeated and the bismuth is eluted with 1\0*1N *0sulphuric acid.
J04 157 ^The bismuth fraction is diluted and phosphoric acid is added. ^The
J04 158 phosphate precipitation is repeated to remove contamination by
J04 159 sulphate or occluded sulphuric acid. ^If there is sufficient beta
J04 160 activity, the radiochemical purity of the \0Bi-210 may be checked by
J04 161 observing the decay curve.
J04 162    |^The removal of lead chromate from the aluminium counting tray
J04 163 together with the bismuth-210 prior to the second ion exchange
J04 164 separation has been checked by counting the trays. ^Not more than 0.2%
J04 165 of the bismuth-210 remains on the tray after the acid wash. ^This loss
J04 166 is acceptably small for an analytical step when no correction for
J04 167 carrier recovery is possible.
J04 168    |^The completeness of the chemical exchange between the bismuth-210
J04 169 and the added carrier was also tested. ^Two samples of precipitated
J04 170 lead chromate (lead-210, bismuth-210) were counted and dissolved in
J04 171 nitric acid in silica basins. ^The contents were evaporated to dryness
J04 172 with bismuth carrier and then taken up in 2 \0*1N *0hydrochloric acid
J04 173 and the ion exchange separation completed. ^The bismuth was recovered
J04 174 from the eluate as the phosphate. ^Results did not differ from those
J04 175 obtained by the more convenient method of heating the dissolved
J04 176 chromates in 2 \0*1N *0hydrochloric acid for fifteen minutes. ^The
J04 177 more rigorous method of securing chemical exchange was unnecessary.
J04 178 *<2.4 *1Decontamination from other nuclides.*>
J04 179    |^*0Lead-210 when present in effluent is likely to be found only at
J04 180 very low concentrations. ^With a permitted maximum concentration of
J04 181 10*:-12**: curies/ \0ml it is one of the three most stringently
J04 182 controlled {15b}-emitting nuclides at the present time. ^Therefore
J04 183 it is essential that the radiochemical procedure for the assay of
J04 184 lead-210 shall provide for a high degree of decontamination from major
J04 185 fission products and other nuclides which are likely to be present in
J04 186 amounts greatly exceeding lead-210 so that these shall not be
J04 187 mistakenly reported as lead-210.
J04 188    |^Table *=1 shows the decontamination factors obtained
J04 189 experimentally for ten radionuclides, accompanied in two instances by
J04 190 radioactive daughters. ^The decontamination factor falls below
J04 191 10*:4**: only for Ruthenium-106 and zirconium-95 with their daughters
J04 192 in the first stage, {0i.e.} the lead chromate source containing the
J04 193 bismuth-210 daughter. ^When the second stage (the bismuth phosphate
J04 194 source) is completed, the decontamination factors are exceptionally
J04 195 high.
J04 196 **[TABLE**]
J04 197 *<3. *1Results and Discussion.*>
J04 198    |^*0A known quantity (\0approx. 1 x 10*:-2**: {15m}c) of lead-210
J04 199 was added to 1-litre aliquots of different batches of typical
J04 200 low-activity effluent. ^The aliquots were allowed to stand for about
J04 201 seven days (except where noted to the contrary) before lead carrier
J04 202 was added and the analytical procedure begun.
J04 203 *# 2008
J05   1 **[299 TEXT J05**]
J05   2 ^*0When we have a scalar effective mass *1m*;e**; *0we may express
J05   3 \15*1t *0in the form
J05   4 **[FORMULA**]
J05   5    |^The index *1s *0in the equation *1\15t = AE*:-s**: *0is therefore
J05   6 1/2. ^For a non-degenerate semiconductor with *1s *0= 1/2 we have from
J05   7 *?13 10.6 equation (83),
J05   8 **[FORMULA**]
J05   9    |since *1\15G2 *0= 1 and *1\15G 5/2 *0= 3*1\15p*:1/2**:/4. ^*0Thus
J05  10 we have
J05  11 **[FORMULA**]
J05  12    |^The mobility *1{15m}*;e**; *0when we have only lattice
J05  13 scattering by the acoustical modes of vibration is therefore given by
J05  14 **[FORMULA**]
J05  15    |^This gives the well known *1T*:-3/2**: *0law for the variation of
J05  16 mobility in pure semiconductors at high temperatures; it is
J05  17 unfortunately not very well obeyed for most semiconductors since both
J05  18 anisotropy and other scattering mechanisms tend to modify the mobility
J05  19 to an appreciable extent. ^We defer the calculation of the constant
J05  20 *1a *0to *?13 13.4.4.
J05  21 *<*410.10 Low-mobility semiconductors*>
J05  22    |^*0Although the theory of electrical conductivity which we have
J05  23 given seems to be applicable to metals and to normal semiconductors
J05  24 having a high electron and hole mobility, we may readily show that it
J05  25 cannot be applied without serious modification to materials for which
J05  26 the mobility is low. ^There are many such materials which appear to
J05  27 have mobilities of about 1 \0cm*:2**:/ V \0sec. ^For such materials
J05  28 the relaxation time *1\15t *0would have a value of about 6 x
J05  29 10*:-16**: \0sec if we have *1m*;e**; = *5m *0and a smaller value
J05  30 still if *1m*;e**; < *5m. ^*0Now because of collisions the value of
J05  31 the energy cannot be precisely stated for a time much greater than
J05  32 *1\15t *0so that, if *1{15d}E *0is the uncertainty in energy, we
J05  33 must have (\0cf. *?13 1.4, equation (67))
J05  34 **[FORMULA**]
J05  35    |^Thus if *1\15t *0= 6 x 10*;-16**: \0sec, *1{15d}E *?17 *01 eV.
J05  36 ^The allocation of energy levels in a band therefore becomes
J05  37 meaningless, particularly if the energy spread of the carriers, as in
J05  38 a non-degenerate semiconductor, is only of the order of *5k*1T. ^*0For
J05  39 a semiconductor like Ge, on the other hand, *1{15d}E *?17 10*:-3**:
J05  40 *0eV so that the energy may be fairly closely specified.
J05  41    |^For low-mobility semiconductors the band theory of conduction
J05  42 must be abandoned and we must regard conduction by electrons as a form
J05  43 of field-assisted tunnelling between adjacent atoms of the crystal.
J05  44 ^This process has been discussed extensively by {0A. F.} Joffe*?2
J05  45 and has been applied by him to the study of liquid and amorphous
J05  46 semiconductors. ^The limitations of the band theory, particularly as
J05  47 applied to narrow bands with high effective mass have also been
J05  48 recently discussed by \0H. Fro"hlich and {0G. L.} Sewell. ^The
J05  49 theory of conduction by *'jumping**' from site to site has also been
J05  50 used by {0N. F.} Mott to discuss conduction by impurities in
J05  51 semiconductors at low temperatures, the so-called impurity band
J05  52 conduction. ^The full details of the theory of this type of conduction
J05  53 have not yet been worked out to anything like the same extent as for
J05  54 conduction in materials having a high electron or hole mobility.
J05  55 *<*411*>
J05  56 *<The Effective-mass Approximation*>
J05  57 *<11.1 The quasi-classical approximation*>
J05  58    |^*2WE *0have shown in Chapter 8 that, to a high degree of
J05  59 approximation, an electron moving in a perfect crystalline lattice in
J05  60 an external field of force *4F *0may be regarded as a particle moving
J05  61 classically in the field, the particle having a tensorial effective
J05  62 mass; the equations of motion were derived in *?13 8.8. ^These may be
J05  63 expressed in terms of the wave vector *4k *0or crystal momentum *4P
J05  64 *0by means of the vector equation
J05  65 **[FORMULA**]
J05  66    |^This equation may be transformed into an acceleration equation,
J05  67 giving the rate of change of the *'averaged**' velocity
J05  68 **[FORMULA**], in the form
J05  69 **[FORMULA**]
J05  70    |where 1/*4M*;*1e**; *0represents the effective-mass tensor whose
J05  71 Cartesian components 1/*1m*;rs**; *0are given by
J05  72 **[FORMULA**]
J05  73    |^When the energy *1E *0may be expressed in the quadratic form
J05  74 **[FORMULA**]
J05  75    |where the quantities *1A*;rs**; *0are constants, and *1A*;rs**; =
J05  76 A*;sr**; *0and the components of the effective-mass tensor are
J05  77 constants. ^The various simplifications of equation (2) which may be
J05  78 made when some of the quantities *1A*;rs**; *0are zero or equal have
J05  79 been discussed in *?13 8.8; in particular, when
J05  80 **[FORMULA**] so that the effective mass is a scalar *1m*;e**;, *0the
J05  81 equation of motion reduces to the simple classical form
J05  82 **[FORMULA**]
J05  83    |^We shall refer to this, and the more general form (2), as the
J05  84 quasi-classical approximation. ^It should be clearly appreciated that
J05  85 these equations are in no sense based on classical mechanics*- their
J05  86 derivation depends essentially on the quantum theory of electron waves
J05  87 in crystals as shown in *?13 8.8 ^The term quasi-classical is used to
J05  88 indicate that their form is classical. ^Once they have been derived,
J05  89 however, they may be used to describe the motions of the conduction
J05  90 electrons in the crystal by treating the electrons as classical
J05  91 particles. ^In the derivation of equation (1) we pointed out that
J05  92 there were certain restrictions under which it could be applied. ^In
J05  93 particular, the force *4F *0must be *'slowly varying**', {0i.e.} it
J05  94 must change very slightly between neighbouring cells in the crystal.
J05  95    |^We have applied equations of this form to discuss the motion of
J05  96 electrons under external electric and magnetic fields and have found
J05  97 that this description leads to results in excellent agreement with
J05  98 experiment when the fields are not too strong. ^We have also used the
J05  99 idea of effective mass in *?13 9.3.6 to discuss the motion of an
J05 100 electron in the Coulomb field of an impurity atom in a semiconductor.
J05 101 ^Here, however, we have a rather paradoxical state of affairs in that,
J05 102 while we regarded the electron as a *1particle *0of mass *1m*;e**;,
J05 103 *0we used *1wave mechanics *0to derive the energy levels of the
J05 104 impurity centre, quoting the well-known result for a hydrogen atom.
J05 105 ^Indeed we may readily see that the quasi-classical approximation only
J05 106 holds provided the wavelength *1{15l}*;e**; *0of the quasi particle
J05 107 is short compared with the distance over which the field varies
J05 108 appreciably; this is the well-known criterion for the application of
J05 109 classical mechanics to the motion of a particle in a field of force.
J05 110    |^For the motion of a free particle of mass *1m *0in a field of
J05 111 force given by a potential function *1V(*4r*0) the classical equation
J05 112 of motion
J05 113 **[FORMULA**]
J05 114    |is replaced by Schro"dinger's equation
J05 115 **[FORMULA**]
J05 116    |or more generally by the equation
J05 117 **[FORMULA**]
J05 118    |where *1H[*4p, r*0] is the classical Hamiltonian expressed in
J05 119 terms of the momentum *4p*0. ^Equations (7) or (8) determine the
J05 120 stationary-state wave function \15*1ps *0associated with the energy
J05 121 *1E. ^*0Because of the similarity of equations (5) and (6) it would
J05 122 seem not unreasonable to replace equation (5), when we are dealing
J05 123 with an *'external**' field of force in a crystal to which classical
J05 124 mechanics cannot be applied, by an equation of the form
J05 125 **[FORMULA**]
J05 126    |where *1V(*4r*0) is the potential which determines the force.
J05 127 ^This is effectively what we have done in discussing the energy levels
J05 128 of an impurity centre in a semiconductor in *?13 9.3.6. ^We shall
J05 129 devote most of the present Chapter to proving that such an equation
J05 130 can indeed be used to describe the motion. ^Some thought will have to
J05 131 be given to the interpretation of the wave function \15*1ps. ^*0It is
J05 132 clearly not the same as the wave functions used to describe the motion
J05 133 of the electron in the perfect crystal; as we shall see, it is not the
J05 134 whole wave function but may be interpreted as a slowly varying
J05 135 amplitude.
J05 136    |^The extension of equation (9) to the case when the effective mass
J05 137 is tensorial may be expected to follow in the same way as equation (8)
J05 138 is an extension of equation (7), the Hamiltonian *1H *0being the sum
J05 139 of the energy of the electron in the crystal as a function of the
J05 140 crystal momentum *4P *0(which we should expect to replace the momentum
J05 141 *4p *0of a free particle) and the potential energy *1V(*4r*0) being
J05 142 derived from the *1external *0force. ^We might reasonably therefore
J05 143 expect the equation which determines the motion of an electron in a
J05 144 crystal under an external force to be
J05 145 **[FORMULA**]
J05 146    |where *1E*;p**;(*4P*0) is the energy of an electron in the perfect
J05 147 crystal given as a function of the crystal momentum *4P. ^*0In terms
J05 148 the **[SIC**] wave vector *4k, *0equation (10) may be written in the
J05 149 form
J05 150 **[FORMULA**]
J05 151    |where *1E*;k**;(*4k*0) is the energy of electrons in the perfect
J05 152 crystal as a function of the wave vector *4k. ^*0For slowly varying
J05 153 fields it is well known that equations such as (7) and (8) give the
J05 154 same results as classical mechanics; similarly, equations (9) and (10)
J05 155 will give the same results as the quasi-classical approximation when
J05 156 this is applicable. ^Equations (10) and (10a) clearly reduce to
J05 157 equation (9) when we have a scalar effective mass *1m*;e**;; *0they
J05 158 represent a higher degree of approximation than equation (2). ^So far,
J05 159 we have only given plausible arguments for their form; we shall now
J05 160 proceed to derive them using the quantum theory of the motion of
J05 161 electrons in a crystal.
J05 162 *<*411.2 Quantum theory of the effective-mass approximation*>
J05 163    |^*0The wave equation describing the motion of electrons in a
J05 164 crystal in a perturbing field of force may be derived in a number of
J05 165 ways. ^An elegant derivation, which also shows up well the physical
J05 166 principles involved, originally given by \0G. Wannier, has been
J05 167 developed by {0J. C.} Slater, and we shall first of all follow this
J05 168 method of derivation. ^In order to use Wannier's method we shall have
J05 169 to introduce some wave functions which he used and which are generally
J05 170 known as Wannier functions; they are built up from the Bloch wave
J05 171 functions which we have already used in our discussion of the motion
J05 172 of electrons in a perfect lattice. ^These functions are particularly
J05 173 well suited to this kind of problem, whereas for many other problems
J05 174 the Bloch functions are to be preferred. ^As we shall see, the Wannier
J05 175 functions are localised, whereas, the Bloch functions are spread
J05 176 throughout the whole crystal; the latter are therefore appropriate for
J05 177 the discussion of problems in which we do not require to specify the
J05 178 *1position *0of an electron closely, while the former are useful when
J05 179 discussing problems associated with a definite point in the crystal
J05 180 such as an isolated impurity centre. ^It was indeed in order to obtain
J05 181 a localised wave function that the Wannier functions were first
J05 182 introduced.
J05 183    |^We know that the Bloch functions *1b*4*;k**;(r) *0defined by
J05 184 **[FORMULA**]
J05 185    |are solutions of the wave equation for the perfect crystal and
J05 186 hence that a wave function representing a solution of the wave
J05 187 equation may be expanded as a series of such functions. ^If we
J05 188 restrict the values of *4k *0to the first Brillouin zone there will be
J05 189 *1N *0such allowed values corresponding to each energy band, where *1N
J05 190 *0is the number of unit cells in the crystal. ^In order to obtain an
J05 191 exact expansion of the wave function we should require to use Bloch
J05 192 functions *1b*4*;k*1n**;(*4r) *0corresponding to all bands. ^However,
J05 193 when we have a substantial gap between the bands it appears that we
J05 194 may obtain, under certain conditions, a good approximation by using
J05 195 Bloch functions only from the band in which we are interested, and
J05 196 these we shall denote by *1b*4*;k**;(r). ^*0We then have for the
J05 197 expansion of the wave function \15ps
J05 198 **[FORMULA**]
J05 199 *<*411.2.1 The Wannier functions*>
J05 200    |^*0The expansion given in equation (12) is not very easily
J05 201 interpreted physically if a number of coefficients *1A*;n**;(*4k*0)
J05 202 are required to give an accurate description of the wave function
J05 203 representing the motion of an electron in the perturbing field of
J05 204 force. ^To overcome this difficulty Wannier (*1{0loc. cit.}*0)
J05 205 introduced a new set of wave functions, derived from the Bloch wave
J05 206 functions, which have the property of being localised. ^Consider the
J05 207 wave function
J05 208 **[FORMULA**]
J05 209    |where the constants *1{15a}*;n**; *0are at our disposal, the sum
J05 210 being taken over the *1N *0allowed values of *4k. ^*0In the first unit
J05 211 cell of the crystal we may choose the constants *1{15a}*;n**; *0to
J05 212 make all the functions *1b*;n**;*0(*4k*0) add. ^We shall assume that
J05 213 the Bloch functions are normalised for a volume *1V *0containing *1N
J05 214 *0unit cells, and we have already seen that they are orthogonal, so
J05 215 that we have
J05 216 **[FORMULA**]
J05 217    |^In the definition of the Bloch functions there is an arbitrary
J05 218 phase term and we use the constants *1{15a}*;n**; *0which may be
J05 219 written in the form \0exp (*1i{15b}*;n**;*0) to take out this phase
J05 220 term. ^Indeed we may assume that the Bloch functions are so *1defined
J05 221 *0that they add to give the *1maximum *0contribution in the first unit
J05 222 cell so that we may take
J05 223 **[FORMULA**] for all values of *1n.
J05 224 *# 2033
J06   1 **[300 TEXT J06**]
J06   2 ^*0All stages of *1\Calanus, *0for example, seem to migrate on some
J06   3 occasions while any stage may not on others. ^Such data cannot yet be
J06   4 rationalized. ^Where information is less extensive, however, it is
J06   5 possible to find some regularity in the observations. ^Thus in
J06   6 *1{Euphausia superba} *0from the Antarctic, the metanauplii remain
J06   7 in deep water, the later larval stages migrate diurnally, and the
J06   8 adolescents stay permanently at the surface. ^The migrating stages all
J06   9 come from 100-250 meters, and the time of their arrival at the surface
J06  10 is directly related to their swimming capacity: 3rd (oldest)
J06  11 calyptopis from 1800-2200 \0hr; 2nd, from 2200-0200 \0hr; and 1st,
J06  12 from 0200-0600 \0hr. ^Similar ontogenetic differences are apparent in
J06  13 *1{Bosmina coregoni} *0whose adults remain at the surface while the
J06  14 young migrate to and from a depth of 50 meters. ^Such permanent
J06  15 occurrence at the surface could of course be considered the extreme of
J06  16 a variable day depth. ^The effect of day depths upon the surfacing of
J06  17 various animals has been reviewed elsewhere.
J06  18    |^c. *1Anomalies. ^*0In spite of the variability of migrational
J06  19 behavior, some kinds of anomalies may be recognized. ^Vertical
J06  20 movement occurs in some forms apparently in the reverse manner to that
J06  21 commonly met. ^Such reversed migrations are known for *1{Acartia
J06  22 clausi, \0A. longiremis, Nyctiphanes couchii, Evadne *0\0sp.,
J06  23 *1Oithona nana, Daphnia lumholzi}, *0Stages *=4, *=5, and adult of
J06  24 *1{Calanus finmarchicus, Diaptomus banforanus}, *0and *1{Cyclops
J06  25 bicuspidatus}. ^*0An echo-producing layer, which the authors think
J06  26 probably consists of euphausiids, has also been described as, in part,
J06  27 regularly moving in a reverse manner. ^Most of these records are well
J06  28 substantiated and involve whole populations rather than aberrant
J06  29 individuals. ^But normal movements have been reported also for the
J06  30 same species in the case of five of these examples and for other
J06  31 species in the same genera for the remaining *1{Evadne, Daphnia},
J06  32 *0and *1\Diaptomus.
J06  33    |^*0Many forms sometimes migrate and on other occasions do not, but
J06  34 a few appear to remain permanently at one level. ^Considering the
J06  35 widespread incidence of migration in the groups concerned, these may
J06  36 be considered as anomalous. ^The most clearly substantiated case is
J06  37 that of the copepod *1{Anomalocera patersoni}, *0which remains
J06  38 permanently at the surface. ^Among other copepods *1{Rhincalanus
J06  39 gigas, Calanoides acutus, Microcalanus pygmaeus, Oithona frigida},
J06  40 *0and *1{Centropages typicus} *0are all reported as showing no
J06  41 migration. ^The predaceous cladoceran *1{Bythotrephes longimanus}
J06  42 *0also remains at one level, about 10 meters down.
J06  43    |^In view of its well-known normal migration, the occurrence of
J06  44 *1{Calanus finmarchicus} *0in the summer at the surface in bright
J06  45 sunlight may justly be considered anomalous. ^This phenomenon has
J06  46 nevertheless been recorded many times, and such surface *1\Calanus
J06  47 *0may be present in enormous numbers, breaking the surface into small
J06  48 circular ripples like raindrops. ^Observed underwater, two zones of
J06  49 differing behavior were recognized: an upper one about 30 \0cm in
J06  50 depth, in which the *1\Calanus *0swam up and down repeatedly,
J06  51 frequently bumping on the undersurface of the water, and a lower one
J06  52 of indeterminate depth in which animals swam directly up or down. ^It
J06  53 seems likely that a continuous interchange was taking place between
J06  54 the population at the surface and that in deeper water.
J06  55    |^A second group whose normal vertical migration is sufficiently
J06  56 well known to make daytime occurrence at the surface rank as anomalous
J06  57 is the Euphausiacea. ^There are numerous records of euphausiids
J06  58 swimming at the surface in bright sunshine, with particular mention of
J06  59 their shoaling behavior under these circumstances.
J06  60    |^2. *1Mechanisms. ^*0The majority of vertical migrations
J06  61 undoubtedly result from active swimming although passive movement
J06  62 through the water has been suggested on various grounds. ^For example,
J06  63 transport in vertical currents resulting from temperature differences
J06  64 has been proposed; differences in water viscosity after temperature
J06  65 changes have also been suggested as a cause of movement, and passive
J06  66 movement could possibly result from changes in the specific gravity of
J06  67 the animals as a result of feeding. ^Any or all of these mechanisms
J06  68 might apply under particular circumstances, but the evidence in favor
J06  69 of active swimming is overwhelming. ^Indeed, deep-living *1\Calanus
J06  70 *0may even keep its level during the arctic night by active migration
J06  71 against such vertical water movements as do occur. ^The rapidity of
J06  72 some vertical movements has led to the supposition that the animals
J06  73 must have had passive assistance, but measurements of swimming speeds
J06  74 prove that even the most extensive and rapid vertical movement is
J06  75 within the capabilities of the animals performing it (Table 2).
J06  76    |^Evidence has been presented for a supposed randomness in the
J06  77 movement of plankton animals. ^If valid, this implies that migrations
J06  78 involve kineses rather than taxes (Chapter 10). ^However, the data
J06  79 cited in support of this idea comprise without exception observations
J06  80 made in the laboratory. ^A kinesis resulting in an upward movement by
J06  81 *1\Daphnia *0has also been demonstrated in the laboratory at
J06  82 particularly low light intensities, but otherwise swimming in these
J06  83 experiments was directional in relation to the light source. ^Such
J06  84 observations as have been made in the sea indicate that the
J06  85 predominant movement of copepods is directional. ^Although a random
J06  86 movement may occur close to the surface, this results from the
J06  87 restriction imposed by the boundary itself. ^The speeds of ascent
J06  88 calculated for some forms in the sea make it further improbable that
J06  89 the mechanism of ascent is a kinesis; a directional taxis would seem
J06  90 more probable. ^Downward movement may in some forms start as a passive
J06  91 sinking, especially when it occurs before dawn; but this must almost
J06  92 certainly be replaced by the headfirst downward swimming observed in
J06  93 the field.
J06  94 **[TABLE**]
J06  95    |^3. *1Initiating, controlling, and orienting factors. ^*0The
J06  96 primary dependence of diurnal migrations upon changes in light
J06  97 intensity is beyond doubt. ^Yet in spite of a great amount of work,
J06  98 the detailed causal relationship remains one of confused complexity.
J06  99 ^Loeb first suggested the importance of light as the governing factor
J06 100 but combined its influence with that of gravity. ^Later authors, in
J06 101 particular Rose, have proposed that light alone can provide an
J06 102 adequate mechanism if the animals have, and select by exploration, a
J06 103 zone of optimum light intensity. ^This view has been enlarged with a
J06 104 suggestion that both phototaxes and geotaxes may play a part in
J06 105 keeping animals near their optimum.
J06 106    |^Experimental work largely performed on *1\Calanus, *0however, has
J06 107 failed to make clear the relative importance of light and gravity in
J06 108 this context. ^A plankton population held in glass tubes at a
J06 109 particular depth in the sea resolves itself into two components, one
J06 110 swimming up and the other down. ^The proportion swimming up increases
J06 111 with increasing depth. ^Experiments using light reflected up against
J06 112 gravity showed that here the reaction to light predominates. ^Yet
J06 113 other experiments in the dark showed that the population still
J06 114 segregated into one group swimming up and another swimming down.
J06 115 ^Hardy and Bainbridge have been able to remove the confusing
J06 116 experimental factor of a limited vertical range with their plankton
J06 117 wheel. ^Their tentative conclusion is that upward migration is
J06 118 generally a positive movement toward a source of low light
J06 119 intensities. ^Little upward movement can be obtained by blacking out
J06 120 during the day, except with *1\Daphnia. ^*0Their results leave little
J06 121 doubt that downward migration is not sinking as the result of an
J06 122 inhibition of movement but is a strong, rapid, and direct downward
J06 123 swimming away from light. ^The complete absence of light does not
J06 124 generally result in a downward sinking but rather in station-keeping
J06 125 maintained by a characteristic hop-and-sink behavior comprising
J06 126 alternate phases of upward swimming and downward sinking. ^In
J06 127 *1\Daphnia, *0migratory behavior results from the interaction of both
J06 128 phototactic and geotactic responses. ^Furthermore, the direction of
J06 129 phototactic movement is dependent upon the postural angle of the
J06 130 antenna and not the orientation of the body. ^A reversible
J06 131 photochemical system has been proposed to account for the photic
J06 132 responses, and this requires a minimal rate of change in light
J06 133 intensity to induce response; but the rates of change in the sea may
J06 134 be too low for this.
J06 135    |^An important experimental advance has been made by Harris and
J06 136 Wolfe, who studied the behavior of *1{Daphnia magna} *0in a tank
J06 137 filled with India ink suspension and illuminated by an overhead light
J06 138 of variable intensity. ^This technique has allowed for the first time
J06 139 sufficient change in intensity over limited distances for dependent
J06 140 behavioral changes to be seen in the laboratory. ^Despite a compressed
J06 141 time scale these authors have obtained an extraordinarily close
J06 142 simulation of migratory behavior in nature. ^A complete cycle of
J06 143 vertical migration can be demonstrated in a vessel 30 \0cm high. ^As
J06 144 well as strong naturally-characteristic individual variations, this
J06 145 includes a midnight sinking and a dawn rise. ^At high light
J06 146 intensities the animals keep station at their optimum by a vertical
J06 147 hop-and-sink behavior and this confirms earlier observations on
J06 148 station-keeping in *1{Balanus *0nauplii}. ^At low light intensities
J06 149 this is replaced by a kinetic response independent of the light
J06 150 direction. ^The dawn rise is a manifestation of this. ^In complete
J06 151 darkness all movement is inhibited and a sinking results. ^Harris and
J06 152 Wolfe stress the importance of a sensory adaptation in the
J06 153 photoreceptor system when interpreting their results and suggest that
J06 154 animals in the sea could follow prolonged slight changes without being
J06 155 affected by rapid large changes.
J06 156    |^In imposing directionality upon the movement of vertically
J06 157 migrating animals, gravity must be second only to light.
J06 158 ^Preoccupation with the idea of kinetic movement and an overemphasis
J06 159 of the incidence of midnight sinking have led some authors to dismiss
J06 160 gravity as of no consequence. ^Yet it must in fact be of the utmost
J06 161 importance in many cases. ^Parker first proposed *"geotropism**" as
J06 162 one of the factors in vertical migration, and his ideas have since
J06 163 been enlarged by many authors. ^The continued ascent of crustaceans in
J06 164 total darkness, which seems substantiated in a good many instances,
J06 165 and the experimental evidence showing *1\Calanus *0keeping station in
J06 166 the dark and *1\Daphnia *0ascending, strongly imply an orientation
J06 167 dependent upon gravity.
J06 168    |^Pressure has been suggested as having some influence upon
J06 169 migration, especially of *1\Calanus. ^*0But experiments expressly
J06 170 designed to test this have not revealed any change in the behavior of
J06 171 this species under pressures up to the equivalent of 20 meters depth.
J06 172 ^Striking results were obtained, however, with zoea and megalopa
J06 173 stages of *1\Portunus *0and *1\Carcinus. ^*0A high proportion of these
J06 174 swam up for periods of up to 3 \0hr when subjected to pressures
J06 175 equivalent to 5, 10, 15, and 20 meters depth. ^These findings have
J06 176 since been confirmed in studies of *1\Acartia *0and *1\Centropages,
J06 177 *0the megalopas of *1{Carcinus maenas} *0and *1\Galathea *0as well
J06 178 as adults of the copepod *1{Caligus rapax}, *0still without any
J06 179 success in eliciting a response from *1\Calanus. ^*0There is as yet no
J06 180 morphological evidence for a pressure-sensitive organ in any of these
J06 181 forms, and the mechanism of perception is quite uncertain. ^The
J06 182 unequivocal demonstration of a sensitivity to pressure in some of the
J06 183 deep-migrating copepods or decapods would be a valuable contribution
J06 184 to the whole problem of vertical migration. ^But at the moment, light
J06 185 must remain the chief factor by which most forms may gauge depth.
J06 186    |^There is evidence that phytoplankton may have some effect on the
J06 187 vertical migration of crustacean zooplankton. ^Hardy first laid real
J06 188 emphasis on this possibility. ^Observations on the inverse
J06 189 distribution of plants and animals in the sea suggested that many
J06 190 forms must be prevented from coming up or must come up for only a
J06 191 short time in the presence of high concentrations of phytoplankton.
J06 192 ^There is some evidence possibly supporting this idea although this
J06 193 relates only to horizontal movement; on this basis the concept of
J06 194 external metabolites as affecting animal-plant relationships in the
J06 195 sea has been developed by Lucas. ^But later laboratory experiments
J06 196 indicate that greater numbers of *1\Calanus *0swim up in the presence
J06 197 of a variety of pure and mixed phytoplankton cultures than in
J06 198 unenriched water, only one culture, of *1\Chlorella, *0depressing the
J06 199 number swimming up.
J06 200    |^The mechanism underlying this increase in upward migration has
J06 201 not been investigated, but probably reduction in light intensity by
J06 202 the plant cells is not the intermediate factor. ^In other instances
J06 203 this might however be effective: for example, blue-green algae in Lake
J06 204 Windermere may reduce the light intensity at 4.3 meters by more than
J06 205 50%. ^This must surely affect the responses of animals.
J06 206 *# 2006
J07   1 **[301 TEXT J07**]
J07   2 ^*0This resulted in units of much lighter weight than could be
J07   3 obtained with tubular constructions. ^The growth of the aircraft
J07   4 industry brought even greater emphasis to the need for lightweight
J07   5 compact heat exchangers.
J07   6    |^During the 1930's, the secondary surface plate-and-corrugation
J07   7 construction became established for aero-engine radiators, using
J07   8 dip-soldered copper. ^The air and engine-coolant passages were
J07   9 separated by flat plates. ^The air passages were packed with
J07  10 corrugated foil bonded to the primary plates to provide the necessary
J07  11 surface area for heat transfer. ^The narrower coolant passages were
J07  12 also packed with foil, chiefly to provide sufficient support for the
J07  13 flat plates to withstand the coolant pressure loadings.
J07  14    |^The introduction of the aluminium alloy dip-brazing process in
J07  15 the early 1940's was quickly taken up for aircraft heat exchangers and
J07  16 led to substantial weight reductions as compared with copper
J07  17 construction. ^This development coincided with the introduction of
J07  18 pressurized aircraft cabins and the demand for air-to-air cabin
J07  19 coolers. ^Although in this case the heat transfer coefficients on the
J07  20 two sides of the heat exchanger were of comparable magnitude, the use
J07  21 of secondary surface was still attractive, since the greater part of
J07  22 the surface area could be made up of fins only 0.006 \0in. (0.15
J07  23 \0mm.) thick. ^Furthermore, developments in the detail form of the
J07  24 fins made possible a reduction in the total surface area required as
J07  25 compared with the use of smooth continuous passages for the same
J07  26 thermal duty and pressure losses.
J07  27    |^The properties of compact form, low weight, and design
J07  28 flexibility thus developed found ready application on a much larger
J07  29 scale with the introduction of tonnage scale air separation plants.
J07  30 *<2.1 *4Methods of Construction*>
J07  31    |^*0The basic method of construction is both simple and extremely
J07  32 flexible. ^Figure 3 illustrates the arrangement of a single passage.
J07  33 ^This can be extended in length and width up to the limit of
J07  34 manufacturing equipment available. ^The corrugation is machine-formed,
J07  35 thus ensuring a high standard of uniformity in height and fin pitch.
J07  36 ^A number of such passages may be combined to give either a cross or a
J07  37 countercurrent flow formation, as shown in Figures 4 and 5. ^The size
J07  38 and type of corrugation may be varied for each stream to suit the
J07  39 operating requirements and to provide a reasonable layout with minimum
J07  40 block volume and weight. ^Typical corrugations are shown in Figure 6.
J07  41 ^The flow patterns may be further developed to provide multi-pass or
J07  42 multi-stream arrangements by the inclusion of suitable internal seals
J07  43 and distributors and the fitting of external header tanks, as
J07  44 indicated in Figures 7-10. ^With the simple cross-flow layout in
J07  45 Figure 7, the corrugations extend throughout the full length of each
J07  46 set of passages, and no internal distributors are required. ^This
J07  47 construction is appropriate when the temperature range in each stream
J07  48 does not exceed about one-half of the difference between the warm and
J07  49 cold inlet stream temperatures or, more generally, when the effective
J07  50 mean temperature difference in cross-flow is not significantly below
J07  51 the logarithmic mean temperature difference for countercurrent flow.
J07  52 ^On low temperature plants, this construction is sometimes useful for
J07  53 liquefiers, where the temperature changes little on the condensing
J07  54 side, and where a large throughput of low pressure gas as the warming
J07  55 stream calls for a large cross-section and short passage length.
J07  56    |^For higher duties, with temperature ranges in both streams up to
J07  57 80 per cent or 90 per cent of the inlet temperature difference it is
J07  58 sometimes advantageous to use a multi-pass cross-countercurrent
J07  59 arrangement as shown in Figure 8.
J07  60 **[ILLUSTRATION**]
J07  61 ^Stream A flows straight through, while stream B is guided by means of
J07  62 internal seals and external tanks to make the required number of
J07  63 passes. ^The unit may thus be considered as comprising several
J07  64 cross-flow sections, assembled in counter-formation, such that the
J07  65 effective mean temperature difference approaches much more closely to
J07  66 countercurrent than to cross-flow conditions. ^This type of
J07  67 construction is used for gas-gas and gas-liquid applications.
J07  68 **[ILLUSTRATION**]
J07  69    |^When very high thermal efficiencies of, say, 95-98 per cent are
J07  70 required, a pure countercurrent formation is invariably adopted.
J07  71 ^Typical layouts are shown in Figures 9 and 10. ^The choice of
J07  72 headering is governed by several considerations, such as the operating
J07  73 pressures, the number of separate streams involved, and whether or not
J07  74 reversing duty is included. ^Figure 9 shows an arrangement suitable
J07  75 for two-stream steady duty, in which stream A is at comparatively low
J07  76 pressure. ^A more general solution is shown in Figure 10. ^This is
J07  77 used if streams A and B are reversed periodically, the geometry of
J07  78 these streams being symmetrical to maintain constant flow
J07  79 characteristics. ^Additional steady streams may be included as C, D,
J07  80 or E to suit requirements. ^This type of arrangement is also used when
J07  81 dealing with high pressure streams in all channels.
J07  82 **[ILLUSTRATION**]
J07  83 ^In all countercurrent flow units, suitable distributors must be
J07  84 provided in the end regions, such that the flow of each stream is
J07  85 spread uniformly across the whole width of each layer throughout the
J07  86 length of the main zone. ^This problem is of great importance not only
J07  87 to the proper performance of the heat exchanger but also on
J07  88 manufacturing and mechanical strength considerations. ^Further details
J07  89 are given in later sections of this review.
J07  90    |^The possibility of varying the geometry and type of corrugation
J07  91 in different layers has already been mentioned. ^For industrial
J07  92 applications, the height of corrugation normally lies in the range
J07  93 0.15-0.47 \0in. (3.8-12 \0mm \0approx.), the thickness varies from
J07  94 0.008 to 0.015 \0in. (0.2 to 0.38 \0mm. \0approx.), and the fin
J07  95 pitching varies from 10 to 15 or 18 fins per inch (3.9 to 5.9 or 7.1
J07  96 fins per centimetre) depending upon the type of corrugation.
J07  97 **[ILLUSTRATION**]
J07  98 ^The resulting total surface areas lie from about 300 to 450 square
J07  99 feet per cubic foot of block volume (1,000 to 1,500 square metres per
J07 100 cubic metre). ^The free cross-sectional area ratios lie between 0.70
J07 101 and 0.80. ^Both the surface area and the free cross-sectional area
J07 102 must be suitably divided between the various streams. ^For instance,
J07 103 in a two-stream gas-gas heat exchanger, each stream may have a surface
J07 104 area of about 200 square feet per cubic foot of total block volume,
J07 105 with a free cross-section ratio of about 0.4, while in a gas-liquid
J07 106 heat exchanger, the gas stream would have a surface area of about 300
J07 107 square feet per cubic foot of total block volume, with a free
J07 108 cross-section ratio of about 0.6. ^In general, the taller corrugations
J07 109 are used for gas streams, while those at 0.15 \0in. to 0.25 \0in. high
J07 110 are used for liquid streams and in condenser-reboilers. ^The use of
J07 111 plain continuous corrugations is chiefly limited to condenser-reboiler
J07 112 use, or to cases where the free passage of contaminating solids is
J07 113 desired. ^For most other applications, a reduction in the total
J07 114 surface area and block volume required can be achieved by the use of
J07 115 more complex types of corrugation such as the herringbone and
J07 116 multi-entry patterns shown in Figure 6. ^These are discussed in more
J07 117 detail in later sections.
J07 118    |^The manufacture of the heat exchangers involves several distinct
J07 119 stages, beginning with the assembly and dip-brazing of individual
J07 120 blocks, {0i.e.} tube plates, corrugations, and edge-seals only.
J07 121 ^Each block is thoroughly cleaned after brazing and subjected to
J07 122 preliminary leak tests before the fitting of header tanks by argon-arc
J07 123 welding. ^The block is then tested hydraulically to its full design
J07 124 test pressure on each stream separately. ^In the case of multiple
J07 125 assemblies, each block may also be submitted to flow tests on each
J07 126 stream prior to selective assembly to ensure uniformly balanced flow
J07 127 distribution throughout the whole assembly. ^Figure 11 shows a typical
J07 128 two-stream countercurrent block during manufacture, with header tanks
J07 129 fitted to one stream only. On completion, this type of block would be
J07 130 suitable for either steady or reversing operation. ^With existing
J07 131 brazing equipment, individual blocks are made up to 9 \0ft (2.75 \0m)
J07 132 long with an overall cross-section of 17 \0in. x 21 \0in. (0.43 \0m x
J07 133 0.53 \0m) to give a total block volume of about 22 \0ft*:3**: (0.62
J07 134 \0m*:3**:). ^By means of appropriate manifolding, a number of such
J07 135 blocks may be assembled together either in series or in parallel, or a
J07 136 combination of both, according to requirements. ^Two blocks are shown
J07 137 as a series arrangement in Figure 12 and sixteen blocks in parallel in
J07 138 Figure 13. ^A more complex arrangement is shown in Figure 14. ^This
J07 139 assembly contains three separate heat exchangers through which one
J07 140 stream is common on the low pressure side, while two of the high
J07 141 pressure streams are in parallel and the third high pressure stream in
J07 142 series. ^This complete assembly is welded up to form a single unit
J07 143 with flanged main connections and vents only. ^For multiple arrays it
J07 144 is generally preferred to assemble together a number of blocks and to
J07 145 weld up all the interconnecting pipework and manifolding, so as to
J07 146 limit the number of flanged joints on the plant. ^If aluminium
J07 147 pipework is used the flanged joints may be eliminated completely and
J07 148 the heat exchangers attached to the main pipework by site-welding.
J07 149 ^For very large assemblies, it may be necessary to split the design
J07 150 into several separate sub-assemblies suitable for transport and
J07 151 installation, and to connect these together at the erection stage
J07 152 either by site-welding or by flanged joints.
J07 153 *<*42.2. Mechanical Design*>
J07 154    |^*0Mechanical design aspects must always be considered from the
J07 155 outset, since these may well influence the general layout and internal
J07 156 construction and so affect the basis for performance assessment. ^For
J07 157 the operating pressures and conditions required, two major factors are
J07 158 the internal pressure loading on the corrugations and associated
J07 159 brazed joints, and those on the header tanks, together with any
J07 160 external pipework loadings. ^For low-to-medium steady operating
J07 161 pressures in the range 0-100 \0lb/ \0in*:2**: (gauge) (1-8 \0kg/
J07 162 \0cm*:2**: (\0abs)), the mechanical design does not generally present
J07 163 any serious problems. ^For higher pressures and for reversing duty the
J07 164 mechanical design requirements become of increasing importance,
J07 165 particularly in relation to the size and arrangement of header tanks.
J07 166 ^The internal plate and corrugation construction is adequate for
J07 167 static test pressures at room temperature of 600-1,000 \0lb/
J07 168 \0in*:2**: (gauge) (42-70 \0kg/ \0cm*:2**: (\0abs)), depending upon
J07 169 the type and thickness of corrugation. ^For low temperature
J07 170 applications the corresponding rated maximum operating pressures would
J07 171 be 250-450 \0lb/ \0in*:2**: (gauge) for steady conditions, or 125-225
J07 172 \0lb/ \0in*:2**: (gauge) for reversing applications. ^For such
J07 173 pressures, however, it is necessary to limit the span of the header
J07 174 tanks in order to avoid excessive peripheral loadings in the plane of
J07 175 attachment to the block. ^This means either that the block
J07 176 cross-section must be kept small, or that small tanks, such as those
J07 177 shown in Figure 10, must be fitted. ^The latter alternative is
J07 178 particularly suitable for reversing applications and for large scale
J07 179 steady operation. ^Internal distributors are necessary to spread the
J07 180 flow across the whole width of each passage, and these must be
J07 181 adequate to withstand the internal pressure loadings.
J07 182    |^When considering the installation of a heat exchanger assembly
J07 183 for low temperature service, due consideration must be given to
J07 184 thermal contractions both in normal service and under any abnormal
J07 185 circumstances which might arise. ^The method of mounting and the
J07 186 external pipework must be sufficiently flexible to allow for such
J07 187 movements without imposing excessive loads on to the assembly. ^This
J07 188 precaution is, of course, common to all low temperature installations.
J07 189 ^In normal operation relative movements within the assembly should not
J07 190 generally provide any serious problem since the balancing of flows
J07 191 which is so important on performance considerations ensures that the
J07 192 temperature patterns, and hence the contraction effects, are also
J07 193 uniform across any section of the assembly.
J07 194    |^Nevertheless, an adequate measure of flexibility is maintained
J07 195 between parallel assemblies to allow for any residual unbalance
J07 196 effects and for temporary effects which might arise during transient
J07 197 or abnormal operating conditions.
J07 198 *<*42.3 Performance*>
J07 199    |^*0Performance design calculations for any type of heat exchanger
J07 200 depend upon the process requirements, {0i.e.} flow rates,
J07 201 temperatures, and pressures of each stream, and upon the relevant heat
J07 202 transfer and friction factors for the type and arrangement of surface
J07 203 considered. ^The latter must generally be determined experimentally in
J07 204 the first instance. ^The broad subjects of heat transfer and heat
J07 205 exchanger design are well covered by McAdams and Jakob, while Kays and
J07 206 London give the results of extensive researches and experiments
J07 207 particularly related to compact forms of heat exchanger including
J07 208 various types of secondary surface construction.
J07 209 *# 2038
J08   1 **[302 TEXT J08**]
J08   2    |^*0The erratic behaviour of thin metal films is well known and is
J08   3 the subject of an extensive literature, but as shown by the foregoing,
J08   4 a better understanding of film properties is beginning. ^Summarizing
J08   5 the Introduction, it can be stated that the anomalous electrical
J08   6 properties of films are principally due to their structural
J08   7 imperfections and to the thermodynamic instability produced when metal
J08   8 vapour is abruptly condensed to the solid phase. ^The changes of
J08   9 resistivity and temperature coefficient of resistance, which occur
J08  10 upon heating or ageing a film, arise from the re-ordering of the
J08  11 structure, the relief of high internal stresses and the further
J08  12 oxidation or gas absorption of the film. ^These changes are parallel
J08  13 to those occurring in fine resistance wires upon annealing after
J08  14 cold-working. ^However, the gas absorption and higher degree of
J08  15 lattice imperfection in vacuum-deposited films cause much greater
J08  16 variation of properties. ^There is an increasing amount of evidence
J08  17 that high stability resistance films can be obtained by correct
J08  18 annealing treatment and suitable protection. ^It is the purpose of
J08  19 this paper to describe a method of making reasonably stable resistance
J08  20 elements by the vacuum deposition of nickel-chromium alloy on glass
J08  21 and to discuss their properties in terms of the processing conditions.
J08  22 *<*42. Practical requirements*>
J08  23 *<*1Substrate*>
J08  24    |^*0The surface of the supporting substrate should be smooth and
J08  25 uniform, and both chemically and mechanically stable at temperatures
J08  26 up to about 350*@ \0C in atmosphere and vacuum. ^Any variation of
J08  27 surface smoothness gives a corresponding variation of film resistance
J08  28 value, because the film is thin enough to be greatly affected by the
J08  29 state of the surface. ^For example, a film of resistance as low as 10
J08  30 {15O}/ square on a polished glass surface may be discontinuous when
J08  31 deposited under identical conditions on a finely ground glass surface.
J08  32    |^It is a characteristic of a film deposited from the vapour that
J08  33 the grains tend to grow on surface prominences, which trap the atoms
J08  34 first arriving there and act as centres for nucleation. ^Films as
J08  35 thick as 1000 \0A*?15 may be discontinuous when deposited on a coarse
J08  36 surface because large grains are formed which do not touch, and the
J08  37 thickness must be increased before conductivity is observed. ^Such
J08  38 films tend to be unstable because their conductivity depends upon
J08  39 contacts between large grains.
J08  40    |^The most suitable substrate materials are found amongst glasses
J08  41 and ceramics. ^Good results have already been obtained using glasses
J08  42 of high silica content such as Pyrex or Vycor. ^These are two of the
J08  43 few glasses unaffected by water vapour. ^Many other glasses, including
J08  44 some borosilicates, devitrify in contact with water, and their
J08  45 surfaces become powdery because small crystals of metal silicates are
J08  46 formed. ^Soda-lime glasses are not used because their surfaces are
J08  47 also chemically unstable. ^During flame polishing, when the glass is
J08  48 bombarded by thermally produced gas ions or ionic bombardment in a
J08  49 glow discharge, free sodium ions are active at the surface of the
J08  50 glass. ^They combine with water vapour from the gas atmosphere to form
J08  51 sodium hydroxide and deliquescent sodium silicate by reaction with
J08  52 silica in the glass. ^Some further reaction with the deposited film
J08  53 must be expected.
J08  54    |^Ceramics possessing good chemical and mechanical properties are
J08  55 available; however, their surface smoothness is often variable because
J08  56 of the sintering process used in their manufacture. ^Glazing is not
J08  57 always a satisfactory solution to this problem because standard glazes
J08  58 are often based upon some of the unsuitable glasses already described.
J08  59 ^Very careful examination of surface smoothness is needed when
J08  60 choosing a ceramic material for the support of vacuum-deposited films.
J08  61    |^The temperature coefficient of linear expansion of metals is
J08  62 usually an order higher than that of glass or ceramics, and this
J08  63 factor partly contributes to the high internal stresses which have
J08  64 been observed in thin films. ^However, once the films have been
J08  65 annealed, the effect of the expansion of the base on the resistance of
J08  66 the film is very small, compared with the average temperature
J08  67 coefficient of resistance of films, and is insignificant when compared
J08  68 with that of bulk metals.
J08  69 *<*1The resistance alloy*>
J08  70    |^*0In the early stages of deposition of a metal film, aggregates
J08  71 of metal atoms (nuclei) are formed on the substrate. ^The number of
J08  72 nuclei is dependent upon the physical and chemical properties of the
J08  73 metal and substrate, and upon the rate of deposition. ^As the nuclei
J08  74 increase in size they grow together, eventually to form a continuous
J08  75 film. ^The second stage of growth is marked by the onset of electrical
J08  76 conductivity, and the rate of change of resistance with film thickness
J08  77 is very high. ^Unfortunately, the most useful resistance values
J08  78 coincide with this unstable region of thickness for many metallic
J08  79 conductors.
J08  80    |^The most successful high-resistance films have been made by
J08  81 depositing chromium and alloys of chromium with nickel, silicon,
J08  82 titanium, \0etc. ^For example, nickel-chromium alloys have a high bulk
J08  83 resistivity (80-130 \15mO \0cm) and therefore films of this alloy are
J08  84 much thicker than films of the pure metals for the same resistance
J08  85 value. ^Films of resistance 400 {15O}/ square are at least 80 \0A*?15
J08  86 thick, more or less continuous and are outside the very unstable
J08  87 region of thickness. ^Nickel-chromium alloys also have a low
J08  88 temperature coefficient of resistance in bulk, and are very resistant
J08  89 to chemical attack because of the compact protective oxide layer which
J08  90 forms in contact with an oxidizing atmosphere. ^The formation of
J08  91 double oxides having a spinel structure has been shown on
J08  92 nickel-chromium alloys under examination by electron diffraction, and
J08  93 this reason has been given to account for their high chemical
J08  94 stability.
J08  95 *<*1Evaporation conditions*>
J08  96    |^*0The lowest values of temperature coefficient of resistance and
J08  97 the best stability are achieved in films deposited under conditions
J08  98 favouring oxidation. ^During deposition the substrate is heated to
J08  99 relieve the internal stress in the film, but this treatment can also
J08 100 increase the rate of oxidation. ^The residual gas atmosphere in the
J08 101 chamber of a kinetic vacuum system is highly oxidizing due to the high
J08 102 proportion of water vapour at the normal working pressure (10*:-4**:
J08 103 \0mm \0Hg). ^Assuming that the partial pressure of water vapour is
J08 104 only 10*:-5**: \0mm \0Hg, then it is calculated approximately that 5 x
J08 105 10*:15**: molecules \0cm*:-2**: s*:-1**: strike the substrate surface.
J08 106 ^If the rate of deposition of chromium metal is about 3 \0A*?15
J08 107 s*:-1**:, then ten water vapour molecules strike the surface for every
J08 108 chromium incident atom. ^Thus there is sufficient oxygen (in the form
J08 109 of water vapour) available at the source for the film to be highly
J08 110 oxidized at normal rates of deposition. ^Oxidation also occurs after
J08 111 the chromium atoms have left the vapour source, giving rise to the
J08 112 familiar gettering effect. ^The fall in pressure can readily be
J08 113 observed on the vacuum gauge.
J08 114    |^Thus the first few atomic layers deposited during the gettering
J08 115 period are highly oxidized, and when the chamber has been *'cleaned
J08 116 up**' the deposit is more metallic. ^After evaporation ceases, the
J08 117 deposited film remains open to oxidation. ^Thus the deposited film is
J08 118 inhomogeneous and approximates to a sandwich layer of oxide/ metal/
J08 119 oxide, in which the two outer layers are more highly oxidized than the
J08 120 inner layer.
J08 121    |^The exact state of oxidation of the deposited film is unknown and
J08 122 a further effect of oxidation can be observed upon baking in air. ^The
J08 123 final resistance change upon annealing may then be positive or
J08 124 negative, because the decrease attributed by Vand to lattice
J08 125 transformation may be greater or less than the increase due to further
J08 126 oxidation.
J08 127 *<*1Heat treatment and protection*>
J08 128    |^*0Heat treatment carried out during or after deposition serves
J08 129 three purposes:
J08 130    |(**=1) high internal stresses in the film are relieved;
J08 131    |(**=2) some defects in the crystal lattice are removed, thus
J08 132 improving the heat-stability;
J08 133    |(**=3) a protective oxide layer is completed, making the film less
J08 134 subject to external atmospheric attack.
J08 135    |^In practice, it has been found advisable to heat the substrate in
J08 136 vacuum before deposition to a temperature of at least 300*@ \0C. ^A
J08 137 further heating period in air for 30 \0min at 300*@ \0C completes the
J08 138 annealing of the film.
J08 139    |^The electrical properties of resistance tapes and wires are
J08 140 stabilized by annealing and by cyclic baking in air or hydrogen. ^This
J08 141 treatment reduces the strains and dislocations set up during the
J08 142 drawing of the wire. ^Thus the treatment required by a
J08 143 vacuum-deposited film is similar. ^Baking during and after deposition
J08 144 re-orders the crystal lattice, and improves the resistance stability
J08 145 with time, also forming a compact oxide surface layer. ^Several fast
J08 146 baking cycles carried out in air hasten the changes of resistance up
J08 147 to 300*@ \0C, which become smaller with each successive cycle.
J08 148 *<*43. Experimental work*>
J08 149 *<*1Evaporation technique*>
J08 150    |^*0The preparation of nickel-chromium resistance films was carried
J08 151 out in a vacuum deposition plant having a 12 \0in. diameter chamber
J08 152 equipped with pumps capable of reducing the residual gas pressure in
J08 153 the vacuum chamber below 10*:-4**: \0mm \0Hg in 5 minutes. ^Provision
J08 154 was made for two {0h.t.} lead-through electrodes (for cleaning by
J08 155 positive ion bombardment), three electrodes for the evaporation source
J08 156 and several smaller electrodes for connecting the radiant heater,
J08 157 thermocouple, and resistance monitor.
J08 158    |^The evaporation source was heated by electron bombardment (\0Fig.
J08 159 1). ^This source consisted of a stainless steel supporting block
J08 160 (forming the anode) on which was mounted a 1/4 \0in. diameter special
J08 161 ceramic hearth 1/4 \0in. high. ^Nickel-chromium wire (22 {0s.w.g.})
J08 162 was fed through a stainless steel guide tube to the centre of the
J08 163 hearth. ^The feed mechanism was mounted at the side of the hearth, and
J08 164 allowed the wire to be fed either continuously or to be intermittently
J08 165 operated by a handwheel outside the vacuum chamber. ^The
J08 166 nickel-chromium wire was bombarded by electrons emitted from a small
J08 167 hot filament of 0.020 \0in. diameter tungsten wire (forming the
J08 168 cathode), supported 1/8 \0in. above the top of the hearth.
J08 169 **[ILLUSTRATION**]
J08 170 ^The cathode heater supply was obtained from a 8 \0v, 100 \0A
J08 171 transformer with secondary winding insulated from earth and primary
J08 172 for 15 \0kv. ^The anode and cathode were connected across a suitable
J08 173 {0h.t.} supply, having a maximum power of 1.5 \0kw at 3 \0kv; the
J08 174 anode was held at earth potential and the cathode at negative 3 \0kv.
J08 175 ^The top of the hearth was hollowed to enable the wire to melt and
J08 176 form a bead from which evaporation could take place.
J08 177 *<*1Substrates and workholders*>
J08 178    |^*0Special jigs were made to hold flat specimen plates of Pyrex,
J08 179 soda glass and ceramic. ^During each evaporation, the resistance of
J08 180 one plate was monitored by connecting the end terminals to an external
J08 181 circuit for resistance measurement. ^A simple ohmmeter was used for
J08 182 monitoring the resistance value during evaporation. ^The accuracy of
J08 183 the measurements was only of the order *?14 2%, but the results were
J08 184 used only to indicate the approximate value of the resistance during
J08 185 evaporation. ^A bridge method of measurement was used to determine
J08 186 accurately the resistances of the slides, and is described more fully
J08 187 later.
J08 188    |^The workholder consisted of a simple jig constructed so that only
J08 189 1/8 \0in. at each end of the slides was masked by the clamp, and these
J08 190 were placed next to the monitor plate. ^The workholder was supported 4
J08 191 \0in. above the evaporation source by means of a tripod. ^A radiant
J08 192 heater, dissipating 750 \0w at 110 \0v, was mounted above the
J08 193 workholder to raise the temperature of the substrate to 300*@ \0C
J08 194 before evaporation. ^The temperature of the substrate was measured by
J08 195 means of a chromel-alumel thermocouple placed inside the vacuum
J08 196 chamber with its junction resting on the top face of the workholder.
J08 197 ^The thermocouple was connected to an external meter calibrated to
J08 198 read degrees Centigrade, covering a temperature range from 0 to 500 in
J08 199 divisions of 10 degrees.
J08 200    |^A special chamber assembly was constructed for deposition of
J08 201 films on cylindrical formers and, for monitoring their resistance, a
J08 202 static flat glass slide was used. ^By experiment a simple relationship
J08 203 between the resistance of the static plate and the resistance of the
J08 204 cylindrical formers was obtained, thus enabling the evaporation to be
J08 205 roughly monitored.
J08 206 *<*1Contacts*>
J08 207    |^*0The method of making contact to the deposited film influenced
J08 208 both the accuracy with which the film could be measured and the
J08 209 ultimate stability.
J08 210 *# 2001
J09   1 **[303 TEXT J09**]
J09   2 *4
J09   3 *<Rutherford in Manchester*>
J09   4 *<*0by *2{0J. E.} GEAKE*>
J09   5 *<*0Manchester College of Science and Technology*>
J09   6    |^It is now 50 years since Rutherford, working in Manchester,
J09   7 conceived the idea that the atom had a small concentrated nucleus, and
J09   8 from this idea sprang the whole of our present-day knowledge of atomic
J09   9 structure and our exploitation of its consequences. ^This great
J09  10 landmark in physics was celebrated by holding the Rutherford
J09  11 International Jubilee Conference early in September. ^It was
J09  12 appropriate that the Conference should be held at Manchester
J09  13 University because, although Rutherford did valuable work at Cambridge
J09  14 and at McGill, it was his Manchester period which produced the most
J09  15 important results, and the discoveries with which his name is mainly
J09  16 associated. ^It was also appropriate that there were two parts to the
J09  17 Conference*- a commemorative session in which some of the surviving
J09  18 members of Rutherford's Manchester team took us back by their
J09  19 reminiscences to those great days of the past, and also a full-scale
J09  20 conference setting out the present state of our knowledge of the
J09  21 nucleus. ^To keep up with a rapidly-changing subject such as this, one
J09  22 must not spend too long looking backwards.
J09  23    |^Of those closely associated with Rutherford in Manchester,
J09  24 Marsden, Darwin, Chadwick, Andrade and Niels Bohr were all present,
J09  25 and it was greatly regretted that William Kay, Rutherford's laboratory
J09  26 steward and personal assistant, to whom he acknowledged a great debt,
J09  27 did not live to be present at these celebrations; he died in
J09  28 Manchester only a few months ago.
J09  29    |^The main commemorative session of the conference consisted of the
J09  30 reminiscences of Sir \0E. Marsden, Sir Charles Darwin and Professor
J09  31 Andrade, and this was followed by a ceremony at which honorary degrees
J09  32 were bestowed. ^During the week, delegates saw something of the local
J09  33 Derbyshire scenery, visited Jodrell Bank and {0*2A.E.I.} *0at
J09  34 Trafford Park, were received by the Lord Mayor at a lavish reception
J09  35 in Manchester's impressive Victorian Gothic Town Hall, and rounded off
J09  36 the week at a special concert given by Sir John Barbirolli and the
J09  37 Halle*?2 Orchestra*- the source of another of Manchester's claims to
J09  38 renown.
J09  39    |^Concurrently with the Conference an exhibition of things
J09  40 associated with Rutherford was held*- photographs, letters, models
J09  41 and, most interesting of all, some of his actual apparatus, including
J09  42 the piece said to have been his *'pet**'*- the superb piece of
J09  43 glass-blowing by Baumbach which made possible the spectral
J09  44 identification of {15a}-particles as helium. ^The letters on view
J09  45 gave some interesting glimpses into the organization and economics
J09  46 behind the scene. ^There was Schuster's letter offering to hand his
J09  47 chair over to Rutherford (then at McGill), Rutherford's answer making
J09  48 careful enquiries about the financial arrangements for research, and
J09  49 Schuster's detailed reply saying how he spent his annual grant for
J09  50 teaching and research (all *+450 of it!) and by how much it was safe
J09  51 to overspend without getting into trouble. ^Rutherford was satisfied,
J09  52 and came in 1907, and thus began the work in *'Tom Tiddler's field**',
J09  53 which was how Rutherford referred to one of the most celebrated
J09  54 research groups in the history of physics. ^Rutherford owed a
J09  55 considerable debt to Schuster for handing over to him a well organized
J09  56 and relatively well equipped laboratory and teaching department.
J09  57 ^While the glory of discovering the nucleus falls to Rutherford, it
J09  58 was entirely owing to Schuster that the work was done in Manchester.
J09  59    |^As early as 1906 Rutherford, then at McGill, had realized, from
J09  60 the observation that an {15a}-particle beam was spread out slightly
J09  61 by passing through a mica sheet, that there must be surprisingly large
J09  62 electric fields within atoms, but it was not until 1911 that the idea
J09  63 of the nucleus was finally conceived. ^A trivial defect in an
J09  64 {15a}-beam tube, which was cured empirically by inserting brass
J09  65 washers to confine the beam, suggested that {15a}-particles were
J09  66 reflected by metals. ^Rutherford suggested to Marsden, a second-year
J09  67 student (in those days undergraduates were given small research
J09  68 projects as part of their training), that he should follow this up.
J09  69 ^After some initial difficulties, because the available
J09  70 {15a}-particle sources were too weak, Marsden eventually obtained a
J09  71 stronger source and did the experiment which is seen in retrospect to
J09  72 be one of the most profitable ever carried out. ^He directed a beam of
J09  73 {15a}-particles at metal foils, and observed the range of angles at
J09  74 which they came off. ^The result was staggering; although most of the
J09  75 particles were only deflected slightly, a few were turned through
J09  76 large angles, and a very few came almost back along their tracks. ^As
J09  77 Rutherford said later, it was as if one fired 15 \0in. shells at
J09  78 tissue paper, and found that occasionally they bounced back! ^Marsden
J09  79 told Rutherford what he had observed, Rutherford questioned him about
J09  80 the experiment to convince himself that it was all right, and that was
J09  81 all for several weeks, until a Sunday evening in the Autumn of 1911.
J09  82 ^Rutherford had invited several of his research workers to supper in
J09  83 his house at Withington, as he often did, and while they were chatting
J09  84 after supper Rutherford suddenly came out with his first ideas about
J09  85 the atomic nucleus; before they went home he asked one of them,
J09  86 Darwin, to check his hasty derivation of the scattering law to be
J09  87 expected when {15a}-particles were deflected by point nuclei. ^They
J09  88 even discussed, on that first evening, the idea that, if the nucleus
J09  89 were not quite a point, departures from the law at close approach
J09  90 could yield information about nuclear structure. ^Although Rutherford
J09  91 did not live to see powerful enough scattering experiments performed,
J09  92 this is now the basis of modern methods of investigating the structure
J09  93 of nuclei and nucleons.
J09  94    |^In the months that followed Geiger and Marsden carried out more
J09  95 sophisticated scattering experiments than the one which had revealed
J09  96 the effect, and actually measured the angular distribution of the
J09  97 scattered {15a}-particles. ^The results confirmed Rutherford's
J09  98 scattering law and therefore the validity of the assumptions he had
J09  99 made in deriving it, and led in 1913 to a group of three papers which
J09 100 laid the foundations of nuclear physics.
J09 101    |^The commemorative session of the conference produced
J09 102 reminiscences about several of Rutherford's group in Manchester; of
J09 103 Moseley whom Sir Charles Darwin (who worked with him) described as the
J09 104 hardest-working person he had ever known, and who was an expert in
J09 105 finding a meal in Manchester at 3 {0a.m.}; of Niels Bohr who was a
J09 106 very comforting theoretician with great skill in bridging the gap
J09 107 between startlingly new theoretical concepts and classical ideas; of
J09 108 Robinson, a keen music-hall addict*- and indeed of the music-hall
J09 109 origin of the correct intonation to Rutherford's nickname of
J09 110 *'Papa**'.
J09 111    |^While these reminiscences of the physics of 50 years ago were
J09 112 appropriate and entertaining, it was right that most of the time at
J09 113 the conference should be concerned with the physics of the present.
J09 114 ^There were nearly 200 contributed papers, and for those who want a
J09 115 detailed picture of the present state of nuclear physics these papers
J09 116 will shortly be published as a 750-page volume. ^The conference
J09 117 sessions, however, consisted of the presentation of invited papers,
J09 118 each intended to summarize a different aspect of the subject.
J09 119    |^Thirty years ago Rutherford said, ^*"It is my personal conviction
J09 120 that if we knew more about the nucleus, we should find it much simpler
J09 121 than we suppose. ^I am always a believer in simplicity being a simple
J09 122 fellow myself.**" ^The subject at present seems a long way from this
J09 123 simplicity; parts of the conference seemed to be in a foreign
J09 124 language, and at one point there were so many rival theories that they
J09 125 were referred to by reference numbers. ^Perhaps we need another
J09 126 Rutherford.
J09 127    |^The main topics reviewed included nuclear forces, nuclear
J09 128 structure, and the interactions with outside particles from which most
J09 129 of the evidence for nuclear properties is obtained. ^There was also a
J09 130 paper on the limitations and possibilities of the instruments for
J09 131 nuclear investigation, and another, rather off the main line, on
J09 132 cosmological dating by nuclear methods.
J09 133    |^It has long been understood that the attractive forces between
J09 134 nucleons (the neutrons and protons which comprise nuclei) were somehow
J09 135 concerned with the interchange of a particle (the {15p}-meson or
J09 136 pion) between them. ^There has also been evidence that sometimes two
J09 137 pions are in transit between the interacting nucleons at the same
J09 138 time, and the possibility of this occurrence modifies the force to be
J09 139 expected; although the theory of this process is still an unsolved
J09 140 problem, models describing the resulting behaviour have been proposed.
J09 141 ^What has only recently been confirmed*- in fact it was announced at
J09 142 this conference*- is that occasionally three pions at a time are
J09 143 involved. ^These three pions may actually be joined together
J09 144 transiently as a compound particle during the interchange process;
J09 145 indeed, theoreticians have been invoking a compound particle of this
J09 146 type for some time. ^There now seems to be evidence for its existence.
J09 147    |^A nuclear model which has been surprisingly long-lived and
J09 148 successful is the shell model, which was first proposed 25 years ago.
J09 149 ^This assumes nucleons to occupy energy levels, obey quantum-number
J09 150 selection rules, and group themselves into closed shells in a manner
J09 151 analogous to the electrons outside the nucleus. ^This theory was given
J09 152 a new lease of life by adding the concept of nucleon spin, which
J09 153 undergoes coupling with the nucleon *'orbital**' motion. ^The presence
J09 154 of any nucleons in addition to the numbers which comprise closed
J09 155 shells will tend to distort the otherwise spherical shape, but these
J09 156 distortions were ignored in the approximate treatment of the problem.
J09 157 ^If there are only a few nucleons more (or less) than complete shells
J09 158 the mean distortion is indeed small, but the theory has been extended
J09 159 to include vibrations about this mean shape. ^With larger numbers of
J09 160 extra nucleons, mid-way between the numbers comprising complete
J09 161 shells, the nucleus is much more distorted, and rotational modes
J09 162 become important. ^With these larger numbers of extra nucleons it is
J09 163 no longer practicable to treat them singly and only their collective
J09 164 behaviour is considered.
J09 165    |^The way nucleons are arranged in a nucleus, and especially in the
J09 166 surface regions of heavy nuclei, is another topic of current interest.
J09 167 ^Some workers consider that nucleons tend to be found singly or in
J09 168 pairs in the nuclear surface, while others believe that there is more
J09 169 than a random chance of their being found in groups of four, although
J09 170 the grouping may be of a very transitory nature, the particles perhaps
J09 171 remaining associated for 10*:-22**: of a second or so. ^Indeed, it is
J09 172 known that if a single particle, say a neutron, hits a nucleus it may
J09 173 result in the ejection of an {15a}-particle (an assembly of 2
J09 174 protons and 2 neutrons). ^However there was a vigorous argument at one
J09 175 session of the conference as to whether this {15a}-particle existed
J09 176 in the nuclear surface and was knocked out by the neutron, or whether
J09 177 the incident neutron simply collected three more particles and itself
J09 178 became part of the resulting {15a}-particle. ^The evidence seems to
J09 179 be in favour of the former idea*- that the four particles were already
J09 180 associated before ejection.
J09 181    |^Soon after Rutherford came to Manchester he and Geiger, using
J09 182 Geiger's new {15a}-particle counting techniques, were able to make
J09 183 the first measurements of the half-lives of radioactive elements.
J09 184 ^Nearly 20 years later, when Aston measured the relative abundances of
J09 185 the isotopes in lead (the end-points of radioactive decay series) from
J09 186 a lead-uranium ore, Rutherford realized that this, combined with his
J09 187 half-life measurements, could yield estimates both of the age of the
J09 188 earth ({0i.e.} the time since solidification) and of the time since
J09 189 the actual formation of the heavy elements. ^Rutherford's results
J09 190 increased the estimated time-scale for the Earth's development by a
J09 191 factor of more than 10 over the currently accepted estimates due to
J09 192 Kelvin, and this advance produced the newspaper headline *'Doomsday
J09 193 Postponed**'. ^Apart from Rutherford's assumption that the amount of
J09 194 *:235**:U initially formed was at the most equal to that of *:238**:U,
J09 195 modern cosmochronologists would agree with him. ^It is now believed
J09 196 that *:235**:U was produced initially in greater abundance than
J09 197 *:238**:U, and this, plus minor changes in the accepted values of
J09 198 other constants, pushes the estimated time since the formation of the
J09 199 heavy elements (loosely called the age of the galaxy) up from
J09 200 Rutherford's estimate of 3.4 x 10*:9**: years to about 20 x 10*:9**:
J09 201 years.
J09 202 *# 2034
J10   1 **[304 TEXT J10**]
J10   2    |^*0Statistically the three-parameter 1,000 \0mb forecasts for
J10   3 these 20 cases are much better than the two-parameter forecasts and
J10   4 are about the same as the {0C.F.O.} forecasts. ^The 1,000-500 \0mb
J10   5 thicknesses and the 500 \0mb heights are much better forecast by the
J10   6 three-parameter model than by either {0C.F.O.} or the two-parameter
J10   7 model. ^The thermal winds are also forecast better with the
J10   8 three-parameter model than with the two-parameter model. ^There is
J10   9 little to choose between the {0C.F.O.} and three-parameter model
J10  10 forecasts of the 500-200 \0mb thicknesses and thermal winds, but the
J10  11 {0C.F.O.} 200 \0mb forecast is rather better than that produced by
J10  12 the three parameter-model.
J10  13    |^The forecasts of the 200 \0mb contours and 500-200 \0mb thickness
J10  14 produced by extrapolation from the two-parameter model were, not
J10  15 unexpectedly, worse than those produced by the other two methods. ^It
J10  16 should be noted that {0C.F.O.} do not produce forecast charts of the
J10  17 500-200 \0mb thickness, and that the values attributed to them have
J10  18 been obtained by subtracting their 500 \0mb forecasts from their 200
J10  19 \0mb forecasts.
J10  20 **[TABLE**]
J10  21 *<*1b*0) *1Examples of forecasts*>
J10  22    |^*0The numerical forecasts using the three-parameter model based
J10  23 on data for 00 \0*2GMT *026 February 1959 and 5 May 1959 are shown in
J10  24 \0Figs. 1-8. ^These two situations were chosen because the former
J10  25 forecast produced a large {0r.m.s.} error at 500 and 200 \0mb and
J10  26 was not one of the better forecasts, whereas the latter was typical of
J10  27 one of the good forecasts.
J10  28    |^A depression centred \0*2ESE *0of Newfoundland at 00 \0*2GMT *026
J10  29 February 1959 (\0Fig. 1 (a)) moved rapidly \0*2NE *0and deepened 12
J10  30 \0mb in the following 24 \0hr (\0Fig. 1 (b)). ^The axis of the
J10  31 **[FIGURES**]
J10  32 high-pressure ridge in mid-Atlantic also moved rapidly \0*2NE *0and
J10  33 was lying from Iceland to the northern North Sea at 00 \0*2GMT *026
J10  34 February 1959. ^The smaller depression originally west of Ireland
J10  35 filled and its associated trough was orientated \0N-S over Eastern
J10  36 Norway. ^The numerical forecast dealt quite well with the main
J10  37 depression although the movement and deepening were not quite
J10  38 sufficient. ^The trough associated with the warm front and the
J10  39 preceding ridge were over-intensified and were not moved sufficiently
J10  40 north-eastwards. ^The weak trough over Norway was quite adequately
J10  41 forecast. ^Pressure was forecast to be about 8 \0mb too high in and to
J10  42 the west of the Bay of Biscay, the result of spurious
J10  43 anticyclogenesis.
J10  44    |^An inspection of the 1,000-500 \0mb thickness charts indicates
J10  45 that the numerical forecast distorted the thermal pattern in the
J10  46 region of the depression much more than actually occurred, and this
J10  47 was one of the worse thickness forecasts of the series. ^This is a
J10  48 typical error of this model since the geostrophic wind used for
J10  49 advection of the thickness lines is much greater than the actual wind
J10  50 in regions of cyclonic curvature, and the advection is overdone.
J10  51 **[FIGURES**]
J10  52    |^\0Fig. 2 shows that the rapid movement of the 500 \0mb trough
J10  53 from east of Newfoundland to mid-Atlantic with the formation of a
J10  54 closed circulation was quite well forecast, although the trough was
J10  55 moved too rapidly in the south. ^Pressure was forecast to be too high
J10  56 between 10*@ and 20*@\0W, a result of spurious anticyclogenesis.
J10  57    |^\0Fig. 3 indicates that the 200 \0mb forecast gave much too high
J10  58 pressure in mid-Atlantic. ^The movement of the western Atlantic trough
J10  59 was quite reasonably forecast in middle latitudes but was moved too
J10  60 rapidly in the south. ^This rapid movement in the south was almost
J10  61 certainly associated with the strong gradients produced by the
J10  62 spurious anticyclogenesis.
J10  63    |^The vertical motion charts are shown in \0Fig. 4 and are quite
J10  64 consistent with the forecast positions of the synoptic features. ^The
J10  65 pattern for the 600-200 \0mb layer is similar to that for the
J10  66 1,000-600 \0mb layer, but the magnitudes of the vertical velocities
J10  67 measured in \0mb \0hr*:-1**: are less in the 600-200 \0mb layer than
J10  68 in the bottom layer. ^If the vertical velocities had been computed in
J10  69 \0cm \0sec*:-1**: the magnitudes in the two layers would have been
J10  70 more similar.
J10  71    |^The numerical forecast based on the 00 \0*2GMT *0data for 5 May
J10  72 1959 was one of the better numerical forecasts. ^An anticyclone moved
J10  73 eastwards from mid-Atlantic to the British Isles, and two shallow
J10  74 depressions in the vicinity of Newfoundland amalgamated and moved into
J10  75 the entrance to the Denmark Straits. ^These features were quite well
J10  76 forecast (see \0Fig. 5), although the central pressure of the
J10  77 depression was not quite right. ^The eastward movement of the Atlantic
J10  78 thermal ridge was forecast to be a little less than actually occurred,
J10  79 and a cold trough forecast about 50*@\0N 20*@\0W did not materialize.
J10  80    |^\0Fig. 6 indicates that the movement and development of the
J10  81 troughs and ridges at 500 \0mb were forecast very well. ^The 200 \0mb
J10  82 forecast (\0Fig. 7) was also successful, especially near Portugal and
J10  83 in the vicinity of the British Isles. ^However, the forecast position
J10  84 of the 200 \0mb trough near Greenland was not correct. ^The vertical
J10  85 motion patterns in \0Fig. 8 are consistent with the synoptic features
J10  86 forecast in \0Figs. 5 to 7.
J10  87 *<7. *2CONCLUSIONS*>
J10  88    |^*0The forecasts based on the three-parameter model are
J10  89 significantly better than those based on the Sawyer-Bushby
J10  90 two-parameter model for the 20 situations investigated. ^The extra
J10  91 degree of freedom allowed in the new model does not give rise to such
J10  92 vigorous over-development as in the two-parameter model, and although
J10  93 spurious anticyclogenesis still occurs it is not usually so intense as
J10  94 previously. ^Knighting and Hinds (1960) showed that the incorporation
J10  95 of a stream function into the two-parameter model gave a significant
J10  96 improvement in the results, and it is quite likely that the
J10  97 introduction of a stream function into the present model would produce
J10  98 a further improvement.
J10  99    |^The three-parameter forecasts of the 500 \0mb contours and the
J10 100 1,000-500 \0mb thicknesses are statistically better than those
J10 101 produced by {0C.F.O.}, but there is little to choose between the
J10 102 corresponding forecasts for the 1,000 \0mb contours and the 500-200
J10 103 \0mb thicknesses. ^At 200 \0mb the {0C.F.O.} forecasts are slightly
J10 104 better than the three-parameter model, probably because no allowance
J10 105 is made in the numerical forecasts for the presence of a portion of
J10 106 the stratosphere below 200 \0mb. ^The accuracy of the 200 \0mb
J10 107 numerical forecasts seemed worse on days of a low tropopause over a
J10 108 significant part of the area than on days when the tropopause was
J10 109 nearer 200 \0mb.
J10 110 *<*2ACKNOWLEDGMENTS*>
J10 111    |^*0The authors wish to thank the Director-General of the
J10 112 Meteorological Office for permission to publish this paper.
J10 113 **[LIST**]
J10 114 *<A graphical method of objective forecasting derived by statistical
J10 115 techniques*>
J10 116 *<By {0*2M. H.} FREEMAN*>
J10 117 *<*1Meteorological Office, Dunstable*>
J10 118 *<*0Manuscript received 18 January 1961)*>
J10 119 *<*2SUMMARY*>
J10 120    |^*0The objective forecasting technique described consists of a
J10 121 composite diagram from which the forecast value of the predictand can
J10 122 be read directly, given the values of the predictors. ^Each section of
J10 123 the diagram combines a new predictor with an estimate of the
J10 124 predictand obtained from the previous sections. ^The isopleths in the
J10 125 diagrams are obtained by fitting a curved surface (involving powers
J10 126 and cross-product terms of up to the fifth order) to the basic data by
J10 127 a *'least squares**' procedure. ^Only terms which are significant at
J10 128 the 5 per cent level are retained in the regression formulae so
J10 129 produced. ^At each stage the predictor to be selected is that which
J10 130 contributes most to the combination so far chosen.
J10 131    |^The method was used to forecast visibility (as one of 32 code
J10 132 figures) at London Airport three and six hours ahead. ^When it was
J10 133 tested on two winters' independent data, correlation coefficients of
J10 134 0.89 and 0.83 were obtained for the 3-\0hr and 6-\0hr forecasts,
J10 135 respectively. ^During the same period the figures for the normal
J10 136 subjective forecasts made at London Airport were 0.87 and 0.74.
J10 137 *<1. *2INTRODUCTION*>
J10 138    |^*0An objective method of forecasting may be described as one
J10 139 which calls for no judgment on the part of the forecaster. ^Given the
J10 140 same initial data any person using the method will produce the same
J10 141 forecast. ^Numerous objective techniques have been described by
J10 142 workers in the {0U.S.A.}, but objective forecasting has received
J10 143 much less attention in Great Britain. ^Swinbank (1949), Craddock and
J10 144 Pritchard (1951), and Saunders (1952) all produced methods of
J10 145 forecasting fog which were partly objective, but some of the
J10 146 predictors used had to be forecast subjectively.
J10 147    |^Most objective techniques depend on the production of either
J10 148 formulae or diagrams, and both methods have been subject to various
J10 149 weaknesses which the system to be described attempts to overcome.
J10 150 ^Many of the earlier systems produced forecasts in terms of only a few
J10 151 categories, {0e.g.}, fog, fog in patches, or no fog; for aviation
J10 152 forecasting a forecast of visibility in yards or miles is required.
J10 153 ^Formulae may be deduced from physical principles, but more often they
J10 154 are devised by statistical processes to produce regression equations.
J10 155 ^These have almost always contained only linear terms whereas more
J10 156 complicated relations may be required. ^In the graphical methods the
J10 157 lines on the diagrams often had to be drawn subjectively and it was
J10 158 not easy to tell whether the best lines had been drawn or not. ^In
J10 159 many systems the choice of predictors to be used had to be made
J10 160 subjectively. ^Rigorous statistical methods were used in developing
J10 161 the present method, the computations being made on a Ferranti Mercury
J10 162 Computer at Meteorological Office, Dunstable.
J10 163    |^The problem chosen for investigation during the development of
J10 164 the objective forecasting technique was the important one of
J10 165 forecasting visibility at London Airport. ^The system which was
J10 166 devised consists of a composite diagram such as that illustrated at
J10 167 \0Fig. 1. ^The pecked line on the diagram indicates its method of use.
J10 168 ^The top left-hand section is entered with the appropriate value of
J10 169 the first predictor and successive turns are made at the appropriate
J10 170 isopleths of each of the other predictors, the forecast being read
J10 171 from the scale on exit.
J10 172 **[FIGURE**]
J10 173 *<2. *2VISIBILITY PREDICTION DIAGRAMS FOR LONDON AIRPORT*>
J10 174    |^*0The particular problem specified was to forecast visibility at
J10 175 London Airport for 0900 and 1200 \0*2GMT *0using 0600 \0*2GMT *0data
J10 176 and for 1800 and 2100 \0*2GMT *0using 1500 \0*2GMT *0data ({0i.e.},
J10 177 a 3-\0hr and a 6-\0hr forecast morning and evening). ^The winter
J10 178 period, November to January, was selected and forecasts were to be
J10 179 given to the nearest 100 yards up to 1,000 \0yd and at 200-\0yd
J10 180 intervals up to 2,000 \0yd. ^This requirement and the desirability of
J10 181 having an approximately logarithmic scale of visibility led to the use
J10 182 of the visibility code shown in Table 1.
J10 183 **[TABLE**]
J10 184    |^The selection of the parameters to be tried as predictors was one
J10 185 of the most important parts of the investigation. ^Anything which
J10 186 physical principles suggested might be relevant was included, and the
J10 187 advice of experienced forecasters at London Airport was sought. ^Most
J10 188 of the parameters tested are listed in Table 2. ^Many were extracted
J10 189 directly from the London Airport registers but some had to be
J10 190 specially computed. ^The geostrophic winds over London Airport were
J10 191 measured from surface charts at the Central Forecasting Office,
J10 192 Dunstable. ^The wind shear was defined as the ratio of the surface
J10 193 wind speed to the geostrophic wind speed. ^Computed pressure gradient
J10 194 was a complicated parameter obtained from pressures and pressure
J10 195 tendencies at four neighbouring stations. ^The lapse rates were
J10 196 obtained as the difference between the surface temperature at London
J10 197 and the temperature 50 \0mb (or 25 \0mb) above the surface at Crawley
J10 198 (or Larkhill for the early years). ^The hydrolapses were similarly
J10 199 defined using dewpoints instead of temperatures. ^Data for the eleven
J10 200 winters November 1946 to January 1957 (1,012 days in all), were
J10 201 recorded on specially printed Paramount edge-punched cards and were
J10 202 used in the development of the objective forecasting technique. ^Data
J10 203 for the three following winters were used to obtain an independent
J10 204 check on the efficacy of the system.
J10 205    |^To assist in selecting the more promising predictors each
J10 206 parameter *1x *0was correlated in turn with the visibility to be
J10 207 forecast *1z. ^*0A polynomial of the form *1z = a *0+ *1bx *0+
J10 208 *1cx*:2**: *0+... was fitted to the data by the method of *'least
J10 209 squares,**' successively higher order polynomials being tried until
J10 210 further terms gave no further reduction in the {0r.m.s.} error
J10 211 (\0*3SE*0). ^The correlation coefficient *1r *0was calculated from the
J10 212 formula *1r*:2**: = *01 - (\0*3SE/ \0SD)*:2**: *0where \0*3SD *0was
J10 213 the standard deviation of the visibility to be forecast.
J10 214 *# 2018
J11   1 **[305 TEXT J11**]
J11   2    |^*0Generally the highest Jurassic rocks are only exposed near the
J11   3 eastern end of the Vale, as the Aptian and Albian transgress westwards
J11   4 on to older Jurassic strata. ^Thus at Dinton, basal Wealden is
J11   5 preserved beneath the local Aptian, but by Tisbury Gault rests on
J11   6 Portland Beds, on Kimmeridge Clay around Shaftesbury and East Knoyle
J11   7 and by Penselwood Hill, five miles west of Mere, Albian rests on
J11   8 Oxford Clay.
J11   9 *<*4(b) Brief History of Previous Work*>
J11  10    |^*0The great variety of formations exposed within the Vale of
J11  11 Wardour has attracted geologists since early in the nineteenth century
J11  12 and there are many descriptions by many writers.
J11  13    |^Lady Bennett provided Sowerby (1818) with some of the earliest
J11  14 ammonites described from the Portland Beds of Chicksgrove (south)
J11  15 quarry, and also referred to the Tisbury Star Coral (*1{Isastraea
J11  16 oblonga}*0). ^The first comprehensive account was that of Fitton
J11  17 (1836). ^He noted the sandy nature of the Chilmark building stones,
J11  18 found Purbeck dirt beds and discovered a cycad trunk near Tisbury. ^He
J11  19 observed the Hastings Sands (Wealden) above the Purbeck Beds near
J11  20 Dinton and separated a sandy bed below the Gault which was later
J11  21 assigned to the Lower Greensand. ^Fitton also realised that the
J11  22 Wardour fold was asymmetric, with steeper northern dips, and included
J11  23 a section diagram with his account. ^In 1856 there appeared the first
J11  24 one-inch Geological Survey maps of the area which had been surveyed by
J11  25 Bristow.
J11  26    |^In 1877 Blake & Hudleston gave the first comprehensive account of
J11  27 the Corallian outcrop in north Dorset and were able to link up the
J11  28 north Dorset succession with that of the type locality at Weymouth.
J11  29 ^They described the apparent northward thinning of the Upper
J11  30 Corallian. ^They also noted the increasing number of rolled corals in
J11  31 the upper beds in the same direction, and commented on the
J11  32 false-bedded Todber Freestones. ^Three years later this was followed
J11  33 by a study of the Portland Beds within the Vale of Wardour. ^In this
J11  34 paper they established, among other facts, that the Upper Freestone
J11  35 Building Stones fifteen feet thick in the Chilmark Ravine are reduced
J11  36 to a two-foot band, crammed with *1{Camptochlamys lamellosus} *0at
J11  37 Chicksgrove and Oakley, within only one and a half miles. ^The nature
J11  38 of the junction with the overlying Purbeck has been much discussed
J11  39 since then, and is still not settled. ^In 1881 {0W. H.} Hudleston
J11  40 led the first Geologists' Association excursion to the Vale of Wardour
J11  41 and in the same year the Reverend {0W. R.} Andrews (1881), then
J11  42 resident at Teffont, published the first account of the presence of
J11  43 the Middle Purbeck marine Cinder Bed in the Vale of Wardour. ^In 1894
J11  44 this was followed up by a comprehensive description of the whole
J11  45 Purbeck sequence (Andrews & Jukes-Browne, 1894), based on the Dorset
J11  46 ostracod divisions, but this was disregarded by Woodward (1895) when
J11  47 writing his Survey Memoir.
J11  48    |^By 1900 the Geological Survey completed the six-inch mapping for
J11  49 the New Series one-inch map, Sheet 298, which includes that portion of
J11  50 the Vale of Wardour east of Tisbury. ^In the accompanying memoir
J11  51 (Reid, 1903) he firmly established the presence of both Wealden and
J11  52 Lower Greensand between the Gault and Jurassic beds. ^He also records
J11  53 seeing the Tisbury Star Coral *1{Isastraea oblonga}, *0already
J11  54 recorded by earlier writers, but in position of growth. ^This was
J11  55 observed in what must have been a temporary section, where a lane
J11  56 forks off the road from Tisbury to Fonthill, three-quarters of a mile
J11  57 north-west of Tisbury Square. ^On the other hand, Reid adhered to
J11  58 Woodward's interpretation of the Purbeck succession and discounted the
J11  59 unconformable Wealden boundary suggested by Andrews & Jukes-Browne.
J11  60 ^The latter writer (Jukes-Browne, 1903) added further material on the
J11  61 Purbeck-Wealden boundary and it appears that Reid's mapping followed
J11  62 Woodward's Purbeck divisions, and needs some revision to fit in with
J11  63 the palaeontological divisions now used. ^In the same year (1903) as
J11  64 the memoir appeared, there was a second Geologists' Association
J11  65 excursion to the Vale of Wardour (Blackmore & Andrews, 1903), and by
J11  66 1904 Jukes-Browne had completed his survey of the Cretaceous rocks
J11  67 (1900-4), which includes descriptions of sections west of the area
J11  68 dealt with in the sheet memoir, some of which do not appear to have
J11  69 received any attention since. ^Jukes-Browne included a quarter-inch
J11  70 map, in his *1Cretaceous Rocks, *0Part *=1 (1900), showing the Mere
J11  71 Fault, but no detailed mapping had been done.
J11  72    |^In the fifty years since 1904 there have been only a few further
J11  73 references to this interesting area. ^In 1933 \0Dr. Arkell gave an
J11  74 admirable summary of the Jurassic rocks; he followed up the earlier
J11  75 observations on the dissimilarities between the Chilmark-Tisbury
J11  76 building stones and the Dorset counterparts, and attempted to
J11  77 disentangle the confused ammonite nomenclature of the Portland Beds.
J11  78 ^He placed, tentatively, but almost certainly rightly, the main
J11  79 Tisbury and Lower Chilmark building stones in the upper part of the
J11  80 Portland Sands of the Dorset coast, only retaining the oolitic upper
J11  81 Chilmark building stones within the Dorset Portland Stone. ^This will
J11  82 entail the remapping of the Wardour Portlandian to fit into the new
J11  83 classification. ^(See also Arkell, 1935, for correlation table.)
J11  84 ^(House, 1958.) ^In 1938 {0F. H.} Edmunds added a contribution to
J11  85 the physiographical evolution of this area which accompanied the
J11  86 fourth Geologists' Association's Field Meeting to the area. ^The next
J11  87 year, {0J. F.} Kirkaldy (1939) refers to the thin Lower Greensand
J11  88 below the Gault that crops out round the Vale, and also south of
J11  89 Shaftesbury, but he was unable to determine the zonal position of
J11  90 either outcrop.
J11  91    |^Outside the Vale of Wardour proper, the Warminster Greensand beds
J11  92 at the base of the Chalk Marl have received attention from
J11  93 Jukes-Browne in 1896, 1900-4 and 1901, and from Scanes, jointly with
J11  94 Jukes-Browne, in 1901, and with Pope-Bartlett in 1916 when, in the
J11  95 latter year, both authors led the third Geologists' Association
J11  96 excursion. ^All the earlier Warminster Greensand accounts have been
J11  97 fully summarised by Edmunds (1938) for the fourth Field Meeting in the
J11  98 area of the Geologists' Association in 1937. ^It now seems clear that
J11  99 the fossils from the Warminster Greensand are Cenomanian in age and
J11 100 the majority did not come from Warminster itself but from Maiden
J11 101 Bradley and Mere. ^Nevertheless, the Warminster name has been adopted
J11 102 for these beds, whereas today the best available section is at Dead
J11 103 Maid Quarry, Mere. ^Also included in Edmunds' account (1938) is the
J11 104 first contribution on the Mere Fault which was the present author's
J11 105 starting point for detailed mapping. ^Edmunds estimated the Mere Fault
J11 106 to have a northerly downthrow of about 600 feet near Charnage Quarry.
J11 107 ^He shows the fault to be reversed, passing just to the south of Mere,
J11 108 and downthrowing Lower and Middle Chalk against Kimmeridge Clay.
J11 109    |^Wooldridge & Linton (1955) have given the whole area prominent
J11 110 attention in their comprehensive survey of the *1Structure, Surface
J11 111 and Drainage of South-East England. ^*0They regard the three east-west
J11 112 lines of downland ridges comprising (a) The Great Ridge-Mere White
J11 113 Sheet Hill ridge, and (b) The Barford Down-Berwick \0St. John White
J11 114 Sheet Hill ridge, and (c) the Melbury Beacon, Win Green-Coombe Bissett
J11 115 Down ridge as type examples of the remnants of the Mid-late Tertiary
J11 116 Peneplains. ^Also they regard the Wardour drainage as now adjusted to
J11 117 structure through two cycles of erosion and that the bulk of this area
J11 118 lay outside the furthest advances of the Pliocene Sea.
J11 119    |^At Whitsun in 1954 this writer led the fifth Geologists'
J11 120 Association Field Meeting over the Vale of Wardour and the Mere Fault
J11 121 country from Shaftesbury. ^The Field Meeting report (Mottram {6*1et
J11 122 \0al.}, *01957) included some of the more interesting localities
J11 123 visited from which the palaeontological records were obtained by
J11 124 various people, as well as brief references to the Mere Fault at West
J11 125 Knoyle, Charnage, Mere, Wolverton and Penselwood Hill, visited by the
J11 126 Association during the excursion.
J11 127 *<*4(c) Tectonic Summary of the Wardour Anticline*>
J11 128    |^*0The tectonics of the Wardour fold have not been described in
J11 129 detail previously, but much is self-evident from the New Series
J11 130 one-inch map, Sheet 298, which shows the Vale of Wardour as far west
J11 131 as Tisbury and Ridge. ^The Wardour Anticline has an amplitude of about
J11 132 1200 feet so that around Tisbury the Cenomanian base must have risen
J11 133 to about 1000 feet above present {0O.D.} ^The fold has steeper
J11 134 northerly dips than those on the southern limb, which are everywhere
J11 135 from 3-5*@ south (see \0Fig. 3, Section 1). ^The northerly dips
J11 136 gradually steepen westwards and west of the Fonthills a 10-15*@
J11 137 {0NNW.} dip can be seen in *1\planus *0Zone chalk on the roadside
J11 138 from Tisbury to Hindon. ^The accompanying map to this paper (\0Fig. 3)
J11 139 shows how the northern limb continues to steepen westwards past East
J11 140 Knoyle to where the Mere Fault begins at West Knoyle. ^North-west of
J11 141 East Knoyle, around Windmill Hill, the Green and Upton, there is quite
J11 142 clearly a local roll displayed by the Upper Greensand outcrops. ^These
J11 143 double back eastwards from Windmill Hill to Milton before resuming
J11 144 their north-west trend along Haddon Hill. ^Also the Gault base rises
J11 145 above the 600-foot contour west of Upton, so in this small and
J11 146 interesting upland area north-west of Clouds House there is a
J11 147 periclinal fold, pitching east, riding on the main northern limb of
J11 148 the Wardour fold (see \0Fig. 3, Section 2)
J11 149    |^In general the Jurassic rocks are nearly conformable to the
J11 150 overlying Cretaceous, but these are local variations in addition to
J11 151 the steady westward Cretaceous overstep. ^The Jurassic rocks within
J11 152 the Vale of Wardour are affected by a series of gentle rolls, trending
J11 153 north-west to south-east, which disappear under the transgressive
J11 154 Lower Greensand and Gault without affecting them. ^The Portland Beds,
J11 155 exposed in the Chilmark Ravine, are brought up by a shallow anticline
J11 156 and this is flanked to the south-west by a shallow syncline which
J11 157 brings the Wealden down to river level again near Sutton Mandeville.
J11 158 ^The next undoubted flexure affects the Portland Beds south-east of
J11 159 Knoyle Corner, but is only partly preserved beneath the transgressive
J11 160 Gault above, and appears on the map (\0Fig. 2).
J11 161    |^Around Tisbury itself the numerous Portlandian quarries show a
J11 162 variety of dips. ^Some apparently can be ascribed to false bedding.
J11 163 ^This was seen in 1940 and 1941 in the temporary opening of a shallow
J11 164 quarry between road and railway 500 yards north-east of Hazeldon Farm
J11 165 (936381). ^False bedding was also seen in 1949 in a new track section
J11 166 south of Court Street. ^However, in other pits, the dips appear to
J11 167 point towards the valleys. ^Some of these exposures show considerable
J11 168 gulling, like those that can be seen in Tisbury West Quarry on the
J11 169 Newtown Road, and still being worked. ^This gulling recalls the
J11 170 cambered structures described in the Midland Ironstone field and in
J11 171 the Oxford region by Hollingworth, Taylor & Kellaway (1944) and Arkell
J11 172 (1947a) respectively.
J11 173 **[FIGURE**]
J11 174    |^It appears from notes on Reid's 1900 six-inch maps in the
J11 175 Geological Survey Library, that much, presumably Lower, Greensand
J11 176 debris still remains on the Purbeck outcrop around Lady Down and on
J11 177 the Portland outcrop north-west of Tisbury. ^This writer was able to
J11 178 map two definite outliers of Lower Greensand on Lady Down and around
J11 179 Vicarage Barn, as shown on \0Fig. 1.
J11 180    |^The Lower Greensand, forming these two outliers, is thin, as the
J11 181 silage pit, four feet deep, reached the base of ferruginous sands,
J11 182 which also contained occasional small quartz pebbles. ^Lumps of a very
J11 183 dark and hard ferruginous sandstone, recalling a tropical laterite,
J11 184 can also be found with ironstained Purbeck slabs in the surrounding
J11 185 arable fields. ^This thin veneer-like Lower Greensand outcrop
J11 186 north-east of Tisbury suggests that the present Wardour Jurassic
J11 187 surface round Tisbury may be, in part, an exhumed pre-Lower Greensand
J11 188 erosion surface. ^This is supported by finding further quartz pebbles
J11 189 and chert debris in arable fields on the Portland outcrop north-east
J11 190 of the cross-roads (at 924293) on the Tisbury to Newtown road. ^This
J11 191 is south of where Reid mapped the Lower Greensand being overstepped
J11 192 westwards by Gault near the *'Beckford Arms**'. ^It is possible
J11 193 therefore that the existing post-Jurassic material on the Portland
J11 194 Beds is the ultimate remains of the combined residue of Lower
J11 195 Greensand and basal Gault hereabouts. ^Across the Nadder Valley over
J11 196 the ground north-east of Wardour Castle the Portland dip slope
J11 197 disappears under rounded swells of Lower Greensand and Gault above,
J11 198 before the land rises up towards the Upper Greensand escarpment
J11 199 behind.
J11 200 *# 2029
J12   1 **[306 TEXT J12**]
J12   2 ^*0These results are perhaps rather unexpected in view of the obvious
J12   3 difference in shape between these two structures. ^Measurements showed
J12   4 that the surface/ volume ratio of the connectives was about 3.5 times
J12   5 greater than that of the relatively massive terminal abdominal
J12   6 ganglion.
J12   7 **[FIGURES**]
J12   8 **[TABLES**]
J12   9    |^The point of contrast between the effluxes from the terminal
J12  10 ganglion and from the whole nerve cord used in the previous
J12  11 investigation was the apparent absence, in the case of the isolated
J12  12 ganglion, of a final slow phase of sodium loss in a region of low
J12  13 radioactivity. ^In the previous study (Treherne, 1961*1b*0) this phase
J12  14 was tentatively identified with the breakdown of the normal sodium
J12  15 extrusion mechanism in the isolated nerve cord when separated from its
J12  16 tracheal supply. ^Thus according to this hypothesis it could be
J12  17 postulated that in the present experiments the isolation of the
J12  18 ganglion resulted in a less serious interference with the normal
J12  19 metabolism so that the breakdown of sodium extrusion did not occur
J12  20 until later at a very low level of activity beyond the limits of this
J12  21 technique.
J12  22    |^The present results have shown that, as in the whole abdominal
J12  23 nerve cord (Treherne, 1961*1b*0), the rate of loss of sodium was
J12  24 apparently an active process which was slowed down by the presence of
J12  25 2:4-dinitrophenol at relatively low concentration. ^Similarly the
J12  26 extrusion of sodium in the terminal ganglion was reduced in the
J12  27 potassium-free solution, demonstrating a linkage of potassium influx
J12  28 with sodium efflux.
J12  29    |^The rate of efflux of sodium ions from the terminal abdominal
J12  30 ganglion was not significantly affected by the removal of about 50% of
J12  31 the connective tissue and cellular sheath. ^On the basis of these
J12  32 results it must be concluded, therefore, that the rate-limiting
J12  33 process in the efflux of sodium measured by this technique was not the
J12  34 transfer of ions across the cellular perineurium. ^In addition it
J12  35 follows from this that the diffusion of sodium ions through the
J12  36 connective tissue sheath must also have occurred relatively rapidly, a
J12  37 result which had been previously predicted (Treherne, 1961*1a*0;
J12  38 Wigglesworth, 1960). ^The rate-limiting process measured in these
J12  39 experiments must, therefore, be associated with some components of the
J12  40 central nervous system lying at a deeper level than the perineurium.
J12  41 ^Perhaps the most obvious possibility is that the efflux of
J12  42 *:24**:\0Na measured in these experiments was, in fact, the result of
J12  43 the transfer of sodium ions across the cell membranes of the
J12  44 underlying tissues. ^In this case the similarity of the *1t*0*;0.5**;
J12  45 between the connectives and the terminal ganglion becomes explicable,
J12  46 for under these circumstances the efflux might be expected to be
J12  47 independent of the surface/ volume ratio of the whole organ.
J12  48    |^The results described above do not, of course, give any definite
J12  49 information about the nature of the processes involved in the passage
J12  50 of ions across the perineurium. ^However, the fact that the presence
J12  51 of dinitrophenol and potassium-free solution appeared to have slightly
J12  52 less effect on sodium efflux in the desheathed preparations might
J12  53 suggest that this layer of cells perhaps plays more than a passive
J12  54 role in the ionic regulation of the central nervous system of this
J12  55 insect.
J12  56    |^The addition of poison to, or the omission of potassium ions
J12  57 from, the external solution has been shown to produce a fairly rapid
J12  58 slowing down of sodium extrusion from the abdominal nerve cord. ^The
J12  59 fact that the rate-limiting process is not, apparently, the
J12  60 penetration of the superficial perilemma implies that these changes in
J12  61 the chemical composition of the bathing solution are quickly
J12  62 transmitted to the deeper layers of the central nervous system. ^This
J12  63 conclusion is perhaps rather unexpected in view of the appreciable
J12  64 delay in the breakdown of normal electrical activity obtained when the
J12  65 insect nervous system was exposed to solutions of high potassium
J12  66 concentration (Hoyle, 1953; Twarog & Roeder, 1956).
J12  67    |^In some previously published accounts on the entry of *:42**:\0K
J12  68 and *:24**:\0Na into the intact abdominal nerve cord of *1\Periplaneta
J12  69 *0(Treherne, 1961*1a, c*0) an attempt was made to calculate the fluxes
J12  70 of these ions between the haemolymph and the central nervous system.
J12  71 ^These ionic movements were calculated with the conventional equations
J12  72 used to describe fluxes in cells and tissues. ^This procedure involved
J12  73 the assumption that the rate-limiting process was the transfer across
J12  74 the superficial boundary and that the movements within the underlying
J12  75 layers occurred rapidly so that the labelled ions were effectively
J12  76 well mixed. ^The present results have shown that these assumptions
J12  77 represented an oversimplification and consequently the calculated
J12  78 values have little significance. ^It is hoped that in a future
J12  79 investigation the fluxes taking place between the central nervous
J12  80 system and the haemolymph can be calculated for this more complex
J12  81 system.
J12  82 *<*2SUMMARY*>
J12  83    |^*01. The rate of loss of *:24**:\0Na from the terminal abdominal
J12  84 ganglion of {*1Periplaneta americana} \0*0L. has been studied by
J12  85 measuring the decline in radioactivity associated with an isolated
J12  86 preparation maintained in flowing physiological solution.
J12  87    |^2. The rate of sodium efflux was substantially reduced in the
J12  88 presence of 0.2 \0mM./ \0l. dinitrophenol and in potassium-free
J12  89 solution.
J12  90    |^3. The extrusion of *:24**:\0Na was not significantly affected by
J12  91 the removal of the fibrous and cellular sheath surrounding the
J12  92 ganglion. ^The rate-limiting process in the efflux of sodium measured
J12  93 in the experiments was not, therefore, the transfer of ions across the
J12  94 nerve sheath, but an extrusion from tissues lying at a deeper level in
J12  95 the central nervous system.
J12  96 *<*2THE KINETICS OF SODIUM TRANSFER IN THE CENTRAL NERVOUS SYSTEM OF
J12  97 THE COCKROACH, {*3PERIPLANETA AMERICANA} \0*2L.*>
J12  98 *<*2BY {0J. E.} TREHERNE*>
J12  99 *<{0*3A.R.C.} *1Unit of Insect Physiology, Department of Zoology,
J12 100 University of Cambridge*>
J12 101 *<(Received *015 *1June *01961)*>
J12 102 *<*2INTRODUCTION*>
J12 103    |^*0Some previous investigations have shown that the exchanges of
J12 104 sodium and potassium ions between the haemolymph and the cockroach
J12 105 central nervous system occurred relatively rapidly (Treherne,
J12 106 1961*1a*0) and appeared to be effected by a mechanism involving an
J12 107 active extrusion of sodium ions (Treherne, 1961*1b*0). ^More recently
J12 108 it has also been shown that the measured efflux of sodium ions was not
J12 109 significantly affected by the removal of substantial portions of the
J12 110 cellular and fibrous nerve sheath (Treherne, 1961*1c*0). ^It was
J12 111 concluded from this that the rate-limiting factor measured in these
J12 112 experiments was not the transfer of ions across the perilemma but the
J12 113 extrusion of sodium from the underlying tissues of the central nervous
J12 114 system. ^Thus any rate-limiting movements of ions across the perilemma
J12 115 occurred too rapidly to be measured by the techniques used in the
J12 116 previous investigations. ^In the present experiments, therefore, an
J12 117 attempt has been made to measure the rapid component of *:24**:\0Na
J12 118 exchange by determining the rate of loss of radioactivity obtained on
J12 119 washing isolated nerve cords and single connectives and ganglia for
J12 120 relatively short periods in successive volumes of physiological
J12 121 solution.
J12 122 *<*2METHODS*>
J12 123    |^*0The experiments described in this paper were carried out using
J12 124 the abdominal nerve cords of adult male {*1Periplaneta americana}
J12 125 *0\0L. ^In these experiments the nerve cords were made radioactive by
J12 126 soaking them for varying periods in a solution containing *:24**:\0Na
J12 127 (0.1-0.5 \0mc./ \0ml.). ^With short loading periods (20 \0sec.-5.0
J12 128 \0min.) the isolated ligatured nerve cords were soaked in the
J12 129 oxygenated physiological solution; for longer loading periods (5-20
J12 130 \0min.) the nerve cords of decapitated individuals were perfused with
J12 131 the radioactive solution as described in a previous paper (Treherne,
J12 132 1961*1c*0). ^The ligatures were tied with threads pulled from 15
J12 133 denier nylon stockings. ^The composition of the radioactive solution
J12 134 used was that given by Treherne (1961*1a*0). ^On removal from the
J12 135 radioactive solution the ligatured nerve cords were carefully blotted
J12 136 and then washed for varying periods in successive 0.2 \0ml. amounts of
J12 137 inactive solution of the same composition. ^The amount of *:24**:\0Na
J12 138 remaining in the nerve cord at varying times was determined from the
J12 139 measured radioactivity of the washings. ^The radioactivity
J12 140 measurements were made with a Mullard \0MX 123 {0G.M.} tube linked
J12 141 to a 100 \0c. Panax scaler.
J12 142    |^Some preliminary measurements were made to estimate the extent of
J12 143 any *'inulin space**' in the central nervous system. ^This was done by
J12 144 soaking ligatured isolated nerve cords for 1 \0hr. in a 3.0% solution
J12 145 of *:14**:C-labelled inulin (3.0 \0mc./ \0g.) made up in physiological
J12 146 solution. ^The nerve cords were then washed for 25 \0sec. and the
J12 147 *:14**:C-inulin was extracted by soaking them for 24 \0hr. in the
J12 148 physiological solution. ^The washing time of 25 \0sec. used was found
J12 149 to be the minimum period necessary to remove 97% of the radioactivity
J12 150 from the surface of a nerve cord exposed to *:14**:C-inulin for 1
J12 151 \0sec. ^These values are thus likely to be minimum estimates of the
J12 152 *'inulin space**' of this organ for some radioactivity must have
J12 153 leaked from within the nerve cord during the washing procedure. ^In a
J12 154 limited number of cases the rate of loss of *:14**:C-labelled inulin
J12 155 was determined by washing the ligatured isolated nerve cords in
J12 156 successive volumes of the physiological solution as for the
J12 157 *:24**:\0Na efflux experiments.
J12 158 **[DIAGRAM**]
J12 159 *<*2RESULTS*>
J12 160    |^*0The results illustrated in \0Fig. 1 show the decline in
J12 161 radioactivity of some isolated abdominal nerve cords, previously
J12 162 soaked in the solution containing *:24**:\0Na, when maintained in an
J12 163 inactive solution of the same composition. ^In all cases
J12 164 semi-logarithmic plots of the results for varying loading times
J12 165 appeared to follow a complex course initially, eventually assuming an
J12 166 exponential form after a period of between 160-200 \0sec.
J12 167    |^It was found possible to separate a fast component from the
J12 168 curves for the loss of *:24**:\0Na from the nerve cords by subtraction
J12 169 from the initial values lying above the line extrapolated to zero
J12 170 time. ^The separation of an efflux curve into fast and slow components
J12 171 with data plotted semi-logarithmically with respect to time is shown
J12 172 in \0Fig. 2. ^The fast component illustrated in \0Fig. 2 was complex
J12 173 initially, but assumed after a few seconds a simple exponential form
J12 174 with a half-time (*1t*0*;0.5**;) of approximately 33.0 \0sec. ^The
J12 175 half-time for the slow component was, in this case, 260 \0sec.
J12 176 **[DIAGRAM**]
J12 177    |^The escape of *:24**:\0Na from the isolated abdominal nerve cords
J12 178 was also measured in the presence of 0.5 \0mM./ \0l.
J12 179 2:4-dinitrophenol. ^The poison was added to the physiological solution
J12 180 during the initial loading period with the *:24**:\0Na and was present
J12 181 at the same concentration in the inactive solution during the
J12 182 subsequent efflux experiments. ^Previous results (Treherne, 1961
J12 183 *1b*0) have shown that there was a slight delay period of a few
J12 184 minutes before the poison affected the rate of extrusion of sodium
J12 185 from the nerve cords. ^In the present experiments, therefore, the
J12 186 nerve cords which were loaded with *:24**:\0Na for only short periods
J12 187 (less than 5 \0min.) were pretreated with 0.5 \0mM./ \0l.
J12 188 dinitrophenol to maintain a constant exposure to the poison of 5
J12 189 \0min. before the efflux experiments were commenced. ^\0Fig. 3 shows
J12 190 the escape of *:24**:\0Na from a poisoned preparation loaded with
J12 191 *:24**:\0Na for 10 \0min. ^In this experiment the fast component was
J12 192 not abolished by the presence of the poison, in fact *1t*0*;0.5**; in
J12 193 this case was 33.0 \0sec., which was the same as that for the normal
J12 194 preparation illustrated in \0Fig. 2. ^In this particular experiment
J12 195 the slow component for *:24**:\0Na efflux was, however, much reduced
J12 196 as compared with the normal preparation. ^The effects of 0.5 \0mM./
J12 197 \0l. 2:4-dinitrophenol on the escape of *:24**:\0Na from the isolated
J12 198 nerve cords are summarized in Table 1. ^The results clearly indicate
J12 199 that the presence of the poison affected the slow phase of sodium loss
J12 200 but not the initial fast component.
J12 201    |^The total activity of the *:24**:\0Na in the slowly exchanging
J12 202 fraction was estimated by extrapolation of the slow component to zero
J12 203 time. ^\0Fig. 4 illustrates the estimated
J12 204 **[DIAGRAM**]
J12 205 **[TABLE**]
J12 206 radioactivity of the slowly escaping fraction at varying times after
J12 207 exposure to the solution containing *:24**:\0Na. ^These data would
J12 208 appear to show that the poison had little effect on the rate of
J12 209 accumulation of the radioactive ions in the slowly exchanging
J12 210 fraction. ^The results are, however, too few to judge the equilibrium
J12 211 level of radioactivity as between the normal and poisoned
J12 212 preparations.
J12 213 **[TABLE**]
J12 214    |^The escape of *:24**:\0Na from isolated ligatured fragments of
J12 215 the central nervous system was studied in some experiments. ^The loss
J12 216 of radio-sodium from the terminal abdominal ganglion and from the
J12 217 connective between the fourth and fifth abdominal ganglia was found to
J12 218 occur as a two-stage process as for the whole abdominal nerve cord.
J12 219 *# 2008
J13   1 **[307 TEXT J13**]
J13   2 ^*0A control serum known to contain a weak anti-D antibody is included
J13   3 in each batch of tests; only if this gives a macroscopic positive with
J13   4 the D positive and a clear negative with the D negative cells should
J13   5 the rest of the test be read.
J13   6    |^*1Comment. ^*0This is a very sensitive and useful technique which
J13   7 is unlikely to fail to detect any \0Rh antibodies. ^It is recommended
J13   8 that it should always be used as a routine antibody detection method.
J13   9 ^Occasionally sera are encountered which give pan-agglutination with
J13  10 trypsinised red cells. ^The antibody responsible for the
J13  11 pan-agglutination can usually be quite easily removed by incubating
J13  12 the serum with an equal volume of the patient's own trypsinised red
J13  13 cells. ^The absorbed serum can then be re-examined for the presence of
J13  14 specific antibodies with the standard trypsinised cells.
J13  15 *<\0*4No. 16. Lo"w's papain technique for antibody detection*>
J13  16    |^*0Equal volumes of the serum to be tested, papain and a 2 per
J13  17 cent suspension of red cells are placed in a precipitin tube, taking
J13  18 care to adhere strictly to the order: (*1a*0) serum, (*1b*0) papain,
J13  19 (*1c) *0red cells. ^It is also important that the serum/ papain
J13  20 mixture should not be allowed to stand on the bench for more than
J13  21 about 5 minutes before the red cells are added. ^It has been noted
J13  22 that the best results are obtained if the red cells are allowed to
J13  23 sink through the fluid during the incubation period. ^Therefore the
J13  24 contents of the tubes should not be mixed up at the initial stage.
J13  25 ^The test is read after precisely one hour's incubation, controls of
J13  26 known D positive and D negative cells with a weak incomplete anti-D
J13  27 being included with each batch of tests.
J13  28    |^*1Comment. ^*0This is a good and efficient technique and is
J13  29 excellent for the detection of \0Rh antibodies. ^In fact anti-D
J13  30 antibodies may be detectable when they are not apparent by any other
J13  31 technique, even the Indirect Coombs. ^It does, however, give positives
J13  32 when certain other antibodies are present so that care must be taken
J13  33 in the establishment of the specificity of any antibody detected by
J13  34 this method.
J13  35 *<*4Titration of \0Rh Antibodies*>
J13  36    |^Technique \0No. 17. Saline. ^*0Serial dilutions of the serum are
J13  37 made in saline as in technique \0No. 6 (or if desired techniques
J13  38 \0Nos. 7 or 8) and incubated at 37*@\0C for 2 hours with standard
J13  39 D-positive red cells (2 per cent suspension) in saline. ^The tests are
J13  40 read taking the usual precautions against breaking down the
J13  41 agglutinates. ^The results are recorded as for *2ABO *0titres. ^(*1See
J13  42 *0Plates 6 and 7.)
J13  43    |^*4Technique \0No. 18. Albumin. ^*0The serial dilutions of the
J13  44 serum are made in AB serum and the standard cells are suspended in 30
J13  45 per cent bovine albumin. ^In all other respects the method is
J13  46 identical with technique \0No. 17.
J13  47    |^*4Technique \0No. 19. Albumin Addition. ^*0Serial dilutions are
J13  48 made in AB serum. ^After 1 1/2 hours' incubation an equal volume of
J13  49 bovine albumin is added without disturbing the cells. ^After a further
J13  50 30 minutes' incubation the tests are read in the usual manner.
J13  51    |^*4Technique \0No. 20. Indirect Coombs Technique. ^*0Serial
J13  52 dilutions of the serum are made in saline using double unit volumes
J13  53 (0.06 \0ml.) in the cell-suspension tubes. ^Four volumes of a 5 per
J13  54 cent suspension packed washed D-positive red cells are added to each
J13  55 tube. ^From this point the procedure is exactly as in technique \0No.
J13  56 14(*1a*0).
J13  57    |^*4Technique \0No. 21. Trypsin. ^*0The serial dilutions of serum
J13  58 are made in AB serum and warmed to 37*@\0C before the addition to each
J13  59 tube of an equal volume of trypsinised D-positive red cells. ^The
J13  60 tests are incubated for 1 hour and read by tapping the tubes and
J13  61 examining the contents macroscopically and if necessary
J13  62 microscopically for agglutination.
J13  63    |^*4Technique \0No. 22. Papain. ^*0The serial dilutions are made as
J13  64 for technique \0No. 18, after which one volume of Lo"w's papain is
J13  65 added to each tube. ^This is followed immediately by an equal volume
J13  66 of a 2 per cent suspension in saline of D positive red cells. ^The
J13  67 tubes are incubated for exactly one hour and then read, first tapping
J13  68 the tube twice gently before examining the contents macroscopically
J13  69 and if negative, microscopically.
J13  70 *<*4Interpretation of Results*>
J13  71    |^*0Sera are usually tested by at least two techniques. ^In the
J13  72 testing of \0Rh negative women antenatally, for instance, it is
J13  73 recommended that the saline (technique 12) albumin (technique 13) and
J13  74 trypsin (technique 15) or papain (technique 16) techniques are used in
J13  75 parallel. ^Any reaction obtained, however weak, indicates that further
J13  76 tests are necessary to confirm the presence of an antibody and to
J13  77 establish its identity. ^If the serum of a D negative individual
J13  78 agglutinates the D positive but not the D negative control cells,
J13  79 there is a high probability that the serum contains anti-D, but the
J13  80 specificity should be confirmed by testing against several more
J13  81 examples of D-positive and D-negative red cells. ^If a pattern of
J13  82 reaction is obtained other than that expected for anti-D, the serum
J13  83 requires a more detailed investigation (Table 14); this is usually
J13  84 undertaken by a specialist serological laboratory. ^Moreover it must
J13  85 be realised that a serum behaving like anti-D in the above tests may
J13  86 in fact be a mixture of \0Rh antibodies. ^Rather less than half the
J13  87 \0Rh antibodies found in \0Rh negative persons are mixtures of anti-D
J13  88 and anti-C, a much smaller number are anti-D plus anti-E and a very
J13  89 few are mixtures of all three antibodies. ^A knowledge of whether or
J13  90 not a particular anti-D is mixed with anti-C or anti-E is usually
J13  91 unimportant clinically, but if the serum is required for \0Rh typing
J13  92 purposes its exact content must be known. ^It is dangerous to use for
J13  93 typing purposes a serum containing anti-C or anti-E in addition to the
J13  94 anti-D, for by this means certain individuals who are in fact D
J13  95 negative may be falsely classed as D positive. ^R*?7r (Cde.cde) cells
J13  96 which contain C without D will show the presence of anti-C in an
J13  97 anti-C plus anti-D mixture while R*?8r (cdE.cde) which contain E
J13  98 without D cells will detect anti-E in an anti-E plus anti-D mixture.
J13  99 ^Therefore, while the testing of a suspected anti-D against about 3 D
J13 100 positive and 2 D negative red cell samples followed by titration is
J13 101 adequate for normal purposes, a far more detailed investigation of the
J13 102 serum must be made (probably by a specialist laboratory) if it is
J13 103 required for \0Rh typing.
J13 104 **[TABLE**]
J13 105    |^It is, of course, possible as in example 4 (Table 14) that the
J13 106 antibody belongs to one of the other blood group systems such as Kell,
J13 107 Duffy, Kidd, Lutheran, \0etc. ^For a description of these another
J13 108 textbook, such as *1An Introduction to Blood Group Serology, *0must be
J13 109 consulted. ^Antibodies related to these systems can only be identified
J13 110 by a laboratory possessing a panel of red cells extensively
J13 111 *"genotyped**" to cover them.
J13 112 **[BIBLIOGRAPHY**]
J13 113 *<*2CHAPTER 8*>
J13 114 *<THE CHOICE OF BLOOD FOR TRANSFUSION AND DIRECT MATCHING METHODS*>
J13 115    |^BLOOD *0transfusion has developed so rapidly in the last twenty
J13 116 years that it comes as something of a shock to realise that its
J13 117 history goes back into the remote past. ^In ancient thinking the words
J13 118 *"blood**" and *"life**" were almost interchangeable and many
J13 119 endeavours were made to transfer the healthy life blood of a young man
J13 120 to the aged and infirm. ^In most cases this was done by the recipient
J13 121 drinking the blood; the results were of course, rather disappointing!
J13 122    |^As early as the sixteenth century it was realised that the
J13 123 transference should be from blood vessel to blood vessel, but it is
J13 124 not known whether such an exchange was in fact performed. ^Harvey's
J13 125 discovery of the circulation of the blood in the early seventeenth
J13 126 century gave a new impetus to the interest in transfusion and Lower
J13 127 actually kept alive dogs, which had been exsanguinated, with blood
J13 128 from other dogs, transferred by connecting the carotid artery of the
J13 129 one to the jugular vein of the other by means of quills. ^The success
J13 130 of this venture led to attempts to transfuse Man. ^Animals (sheep and
J13 131 lambs) were used as donors, but the experiments were discontinued when
J13 132 the fourth recipient died. ^It is interesting to note that this
J13 133 patient had three transfusions in all, the first symptomless, the
J13 134 second showing typical symptoms of a haemolytic transfusion reaction
J13 135 and the third resulting in the patient's death.
J13 136    |^During the latter half of the nineteenth century experiments
J13 137 started again, sometimes using animal blood, sometimes human, but the
J13 138 results were so often serious or even fatal that transfusion was
J13 139 abandoned. ^Then in 1901 Landsteiner discovered the *2ABO *0blood
J13 140 group system and realised immediately the importance of his discovery.
J13 141 ^It was not until some fifteen years later, however, that it was
J13 142 universally accepted that blood grouping and direct compatibility
J13 143 tests were a necessary prelude to transfusion. ^It was then realised
J13 144 that if the recipient had agglutinins active at 37*@\0C in his serum
J13 145 and the transfused blood had the corresponding agglutinogen, the blood
J13 146 would be destroyed {6*1in vivo} *0and a haemolytic transfusion
J13 147 reaction would result.
J13 148    |^The possibility of the destruction of the recipient's red cells
J13 149 by transfused antibody was not considered to be a real danger because
J13 150 of the dilution factor. ^For this reason, up to about 1940, group O
J13 151 blood was considered safe for transfusion to all groups and was called
J13 152 Universal Donor Blood. ^Nowadays it is realised that transfusion with
J13 153 homologous blood, {0*1i.e.} *0blood of the same type as the
J13 154 recipient, is to be preferred, not only because the transfusion of
J13 155 antibodies may be dangerous, but also because the number of potential
J13 156 donors is doubled; an important point when the demand for blood is
J13 157 steadily increasing. ^The titre of anti-A and anti-B antibodies in
J13 158 most donor blood is not dangerous so that in emergency, one pint of
J13 159 group O can be given with little risk, but in massive transfusions of
J13 160 group O blood to patients of other groups the quantity of antibody
J13 161 transfused becomes considerable and may even result in the destruction
J13 162 of almost all the recipient's own red cells. ^In particular, it has
J13 163 been shown that exchange transfusion of infants suffering from
J13 164 haemolytic disease should be performed with blood of the infant's own
J13 165 *2ABO *0group.
J13 166    |^The discovery of the *2ABO *0blood groups was, however, merely
J13 167 the beginning. ^Today many blood group systems are known, by means of
J13 168 which some hundreds of types of blood can be differentiated. ^Should
J13 169 they all be taken into consideration in choosing blood for
J13 170 transfusion? ^It is obvious that they cannot be and except in special
J13 171 cases only two systems are in fact considered, *2ABO *0and \0Rh.
J13 172    |^When blood is transfused there are many dangers present, of which
J13 173 two are directly concerned with the antigen content of the transfused
J13 174 blood, the first being that of sensitisation, the second that of
J13 175 incompatibility.
J13 176    |^In the first case the recipient does not possess the antigen
J13 177 found in the transfused blood nor the corresponding antibody, but the
J13 178 transfusion acts as a sensitising dose so that antibodies are produced
J13 179 in response to the transfusion or to a subsequent stimulus by the same
J13 180 antigen. ^Blood for transfusion cannot be chosen so as to exclude
J13 181 every possibility of sensitisation but fortunately most of the blood
J13 182 group systems are not strongly antigenic in Man and can usually be
J13 183 disregarded. ^The main exception is the \0Rh system, and here the
J13 184 problems of sensitisation must be faced. ^In the *2ABO *0system (where
J13 185 antibodies occur naturally) and in other systems whenever atypical
J13 186 antibodies active at 37*@\0C have been formed the problem is not that
J13 187 of sensitisation but of incompatibility.
J13 188    |^A consideration of the two systems, *2ABO *0and \0Rh, gives an
J13 189 idea of the factors involved and how best to arrive at the objective,
J13 190 the safe transfusion of blood.
J13 191    |^The *2ABO *0blood group system is still the most dangerous. ^This
J13 192 is because the antibodies are naturally occurring and over 95 per cent
J13 193 of all recipients will have anti-A and/or anti-B in their serum. ^On
J13 194 the other hand *2ABO *0blood grouping is a straightforward procedure
J13 195 and the simplest of direct matching techniques will detect any
J13 196 incompatibility. ^Most of the mistakes which occur are clerical rather
J13 197 than technical.
J13 198 *# 2005
J14   1 **[308 TEXT J14**]
J14   2 *<*0*=3*>
J14   3 *<*2RESULTS*>
J14   4 *<*1Classification of the Population*>
J14   5    |^*4E*2VERY *0person living in the village who was over the age of
J14   6 five years had been asked to supply a specimen of urine, and to answer
J14   7 a questionnaire (Table 2). ^The very young children were not tested
J14   8 because apart from any practical difficulties, the florid
J14   9 manifestations of diabetes at this age seem to make it unnecessary,
J14  10 though in any subsequent survey we should like to include this age
J14  11 group. ^2,071 males and 2,034 females were tested which makes an 81%
J14  12 response of the population over the age of five years. ^Details of
J14  13 thirty-three previously diagnosed cases of diabetes were collected
J14  14 from the general practitioners' and clinic records, one of these was a
J14  15 boy under the age of five so that the total examined is therefore
J14  16 4,105+1. ^As far as can be determined the 19% of non-cooperators were
J14  17 not different in age or other environmental factor from the rest, and
J14  18 in calculating rates, it has been assumed that they are a random
J14  19 sample of the whole population. ^However, in testing the significance
J14  20 of possible aetiological factors, further consideration has been given
J14  21 to this and any affect **[SIC**] of selection has been excluded as
J14  22 rigorously as possible. ^The normal portion of the population, in whom
J14  23 no glycosuria was found at the time of examination has been used as a
J14  24 control group. ^Only those discovered to have glycosuria were asked to
J14  25 undergo a glucose tolerance test as the known diabetics had been
J14  26 previously verified and were already under treatment.
J14  27    |^It is found that the blood sugar curves we obtained show a
J14  28 gradual rise in continuous sequence from the normal to the diabetic,
J14  29 and three arbitrary divisions have been made, and, because a true
J14  30 glucose method of blood sugar estimation was used, the levels
J14  31 considered important are 160 \0mgm% at 1 hour, 140 \0mgm% at 1 1/2
J14  32 hours, and 120 \0mgm% at 2 hours (Conn 1958). ^These levels were taken
J14  33 to divide the intermediate and lower blood sugar curves, and it is of
J14  34 interest that this level separates the cases of transient or
J14  35 intermittent from those of constant glycosuria. ^As there is no
J14  36 universal agreement about the actual lower levels of blood sugar in
J14  37 diabetes the appearance of the whole curve was noted, and particular
J14  38 attention was paid where it had not returned to the fasting level at
J14  39 two hours. ^Thus our grouping of the examined population is classified
J14  40 as follows:*-
J14  41    |A. The unaffected population or control group of 3,916 persons.
J14  42    |B. Known diabetics, 33.
J14  43    |C. Glycosurics, 167.
J14  44    |^The glycosurics in turn are subdivided according to their blood
J14  45 sugar curves (Diagrams 1 and 2).
J14  46    |^a. Latent diabetics, with high type of curve, 25.
J14  47    |^b. Intermediate. ^In 42 cases the blood sugar levels rose to, or
J14  48 only just above 160 \0mgm% at 1 hour, 140 \0mgm% at 1 1/2 hours, 120
J14  49 \0mgm% at 2 hours.
J14  50    |^c. Transient or intermittent glycosurics with low or normal blood
J14  51 sugar levels, 75.
J14  52    |^d. A group of 25 glycosurics on whom no test was performed.
J14  53    |^It is estimated that the total percentage of known diabetics in
J14  54 Ibstock is between 1.3% and 1.4%. ^If we can take Ibstock to be a
J14  55 random sample of the general population of Britain, the 95% confidence
J14  56 limits for the average incidence in Britain are 1.0% and 1.6%, but, in
J14  57 fact, it is possible that it is not exactly comparable and the limits
J14  58 should be wider. ^It is interesting to note that this range includes
J14  59 the results found in other similarly conducted surveys of whole
J14  60 population groups (Table 4).
J14  61 *<*1Discussion of the Abnormal Groups*>
J14  62 *<The Known Diabetics *0(*1Diagram *04*1a*0)*>
J14  63    |^The thirty-three previously diagnosed diabetics form a somewhat
J14  64 artificial group owing to the duration of their disease and its
J14  65 treatment, and because they knew they were diabetic when they answered
J14  66 the questions. ^Wherever this could bias a result in testing the
J14  67 significance of any factor, this group has been excluded. ^On the
J14  68 other hand, the others did not know the result of the tests at the
J14  69 time of answering the questionnaire, and this makes these results of
J14  70 particular statistical interest. ^In considering the known cases
J14  71 diagnosed and under treatment at the time of the survey, twenty-nine
J14  72 were already on the general practitioners' lists, but during the year,
J14  73 they found three more men and the boy under five years old, all of
J14  74 whom had indisputable symptoms and signs, thus a total of nine males
J14  75 and twenty-four females are put to their credit. ^These cases have all
J14  76 been examined at the diabetic clinic of the Leicester Royal Infirmary
J14  77 although they were not all traced until the end of the survey. ^We
J14  78 think it is most improbable that any previously diagnosed diabetic is
J14  79 now unrecorded so that the percentage figure for known cases, when
J14  80 estimated on the whole population of 5,406, = 0.61%.
J14  81    |^In diagram 3 an attempt has been made to indicate the extent of
J14  82 the assumed diabetic problem in this small community before any search
J14  83 had been made for the latent cases. ^It shows the distribution of the
J14  84 known diabetics according to their age and year of diagnosis.
J14  85 ^Superimposed are the diabetics known to have died in Ibstock since
J14  86 1940, which has been taken as a base line because it was the year in
J14  87 which the living case of longest duration was diagnosed. ^It will be
J14  88 noticed that there are now no diabetics living in Ibstock who were
J14  89 diagnosed after the first two cases for another four years. ^Some may
J14  90 have left the village; there are three deaths recorded during this
J14  91 time, but the possibility is that, as these were war years and food
J14  92 rationing was in force, the elderly, mild and obese diabetics might
J14  93 have been sufficiently controlled by increased activity and less food
J14  94 to have remained latent and symptom free, and even free of glycosuria.
J14  95 ^Since 1951 the average number of new diabetics diagnosed has been
J14  96 four {6per annum} and these have all presented with symptoms.
J14  97 *<*1The Latent Diabetics *0(*1Diagram *04*1b*0)*>
J14  98    |^Out of the newly discovered glycosurics, 25 persons*- 11 men and
J14  99 14 women*- show the frankly diabetic type of glucose tolerance curve
J14 100 (Diagrams 1 and 2). ^Estimated on the examined population of 4,105,
J14 101 this gives the percentage for latent diabetes in Ibstock as 0.67%. ^No
J14 102 history of thirst, polyuria nor loss in weight was given and these
J14 103 people were unsuspected by themselves or their doctors. ^No physical
J14 104 examination of the complete group has been achieved owing to the
J14 105 reluctance on the part of the individuals to attend the diabetic
J14 106 clinic for the purpose, but the general practitioners have marked
J14 107 their record cards with coloured indicators so as to keep them under
J14 108 their particular scrutiny. ^They have also allowed the health visitor
J14 109 for diabetics in the County of Leicestershire to call and give any
J14 110 necessary dietetic instruction and to institute a regular follow up
J14 111 service of urine testing and weighing. ^This group of latent diabetics
J14 112 were all over forty years of age, most were considerably over weight;
J14 113 none have yet required regular insulin treatment.
J14 114 *<*1Intermediate Group of possible Pre-diabetics *0(*1Diagram
J14 115 *04*1c*0)*>
J14 116    |^Abnormal glucose tolerance curves were obtained in forty-two of
J14 117 the glycosurics examined, and although not reaching the characteristic
J14 118 levels used for diagnosing diabetes, they correspond to the criteria
J14 119 put forward by Conn (1958). ^The lower limits of the group were
J14 120 defined by the blood sugar levels of 160, 140, 120 \0mgm% at 1, 1 1/2,
J14 121 and 2 hours respectively, and with the exception of three cases this
J14 122 level separated the constant from the transient glycosurics. ^The
J14 123 upper levels naturally merge into the lower diabetic curves. ^It will
J14 124 be shown later in the analysis of certain factors that this seems to
J14 125 be an important group of probable pre-diabetics. ^The younger people
J14 126 show this change as well as the older and there was a considerable
J14 127 excess of young men, 30\0m : 12\0f. ^Although it was a practical
J14 128 impossibility to perform cortisone glucose tolerance tests (Conn
J14 129 1958), (Fajans and Conn 1959), in this group of people at the time of
J14 130 the survey, it is an investigation which might be of great value, as
J14 131 it would also be to perform serial glucose tolerance tests at for
J14 132 example, one or two year intervals. ^The general practitioners have
J14 133 again tagged the medical record cards of these people with a different
J14 134 coloured indicator so that at any attendance at the surgery the
J14 135 possibility of diabetes is remembered and any significant data noted.
J14 136 ^It should be of interest to see if this amount of clinical
J14 137 supervision will alter the natural effect of time and have a
J14 138 preventive action.
J14 139 *<*1Transient or Intermittent Glycosuria *0(*1Diagram *05*1a*0)*>
J14 140    |^In the group of glycosurics with normal glucose tolerance tests,
J14 141 the age range was 5 to 81 (Table 3). ^There were 48 males and 27
J14 142 females. ^There were only three cases of constant glycosuria which
J14 143 satisfy the stricter definition of renal glycosuria, {0i.e.}, the
J14 144 constant passage of glucose in the urine at normal or sub-normal blood
J14 145 sugar levels. ^Transient glycosuria with normoglycaemia may indicate
J14 146 transient lowering of renal threshold as is commonly found in
J14 147 pregnancy, and it may be that as with pregnancy there is an increased
J14 148 liability to the development of diabetes. ^It seems wise to keep an
J14 149 open mind and to follow up these cases with urine and possibly blood
J14 150 sugar estimations at a later date to measure the true significance of
J14 151 this finding. ^It should also be recalled that the faintest change in
J14 152 colour of the *1Clinistix *0was taken as positive.
J14 153 *<*1Glycosurics on whom no Glucose Tolerance Tests were performed
J14 154 *0(*1Diagram *05*1b*0)*>
J14 155    |^Twenty-five glycosurics, for one reason or another, were not
J14 156 subjected to blood sugar examination. ^It is probable that three were
J14 157 diabetic; one of whom, a woman, died of coronary artery occlusion
J14 158 before the test could be arranged.
J14 159    |^Case 205 \0f. ^Her husband was found to be diabetic in the survey
J14 160 and a clinical impression suggested that this was a case of conjugal
J14 161 diabetes.
J14 162    |^Case 1082 \0f. ^Short and stout, utterly refused further tests.
J14 163    |^Case 1568 \0f. ^Minimal glycosuria, pregnant and left Ibstock.
J14 164    |^Case 2081 \0f. ^Recently discharged from mental hospital.
J14 165    |^Case 3112 \0f. ^Glycosuria found during an attack of influenza.
J14 166 ^On re-testing she was sugar free.
J14 167    |^Case 3352 \0f. ^On re-testing no glycosuria was found.
J14 168    |^Case 3458 \0f. ^Urine only faintly positive. ^Her doctor reported
J14 169 that she was *"a hermit type**" and unlikely to co-operate.
J14 170    |^Case 3429 \0f. ^Aged 82 and too old and feeble to be troubled.
J14 171    |^Case 118 \0m. ^Paranoid schizophrenic, difficult and dangerous.
J14 172    |^Case 133 \0m. ^Aged 81. ^Too old and frail. ^A second specimen of
J14 173 urine was negative.
J14 174    |^Case 1088 \0m. ^Refused to lose time from work.
J14 175    |^Case 1286 \0m. ^Improvident and careless; wife is a severe
J14 176 diabetic.
J14 177    |^Case 1666 \0m. ^Mother diabetic, but he did not wish to be off
J14 178 work for the morning.
J14 179    |^Case 1672 \0m. ^He and three sons gave a history of investigation
J14 180 for *"renal glycosuria**" 25 years ago.
J14 181    |^It is probable that the remaining men were not prepared to give
J14 182 up time from work to come for the test.
J14 183 *<*1Changes since the Survey*>
J14 184    |^*0Since the field work finished, two diabetics have returned to
J14 185 live again in Ibstock where they were originally diagnosed, both in
J14 186 1951. ^A boy who was 2 1/2 years old at onset had been staying at a
J14 187 residential home for diabetic children in the south of England as his
J14 188 home environment was not good. ^The other is a woman who was diagnosed
J14 189 at the age of 51. ^Her mother was diabetic and she is short and stout
J14 190 and does not require insulin.
J14 191    |^Three new diabetics were diagnosed by their doctors in 1959, two
J14 192 of whom had been tested in the survey. ^A man of 25 developed diabetes
J14 193 in the acute form and requires insulin. ^A woman of 54 who was
J14 194 negative in the survey but now requires to be dieted strictly. ^The
J14 195 third, an obese woman, had previously refused to be tested or she
J14 196 might well have come under treatment sooner. ^These changes have been
J14 197 mentioned to show the continuity of the pattern of the condition we
J14 198 are examining but have not, of course, been taken into account in the
J14 199 statistical sections as they would introduce bias.
J14 200 *# 2020
J15   1 **[309 TEXT J15**]
J15   2 *<*2SECTION 2*>
J15   3 *<X RAYS: HALF-VALUE THICKNESS RANGE *01.0-4.0\0mm of \0Cu*>
J15   4 *<(200-400 \0kV)*>
J15   5 *<*3CLOSED-ENDED APPLICATORS*>
J15   6 *<*1Compiled by*>
J15   7 *<{0*0R. G.} Wood, {0M.Sc., F.Inst.P., A.M.I.E.E.}, and {0W. H.}
J15   8 Sutherland, {0B.Sc.}*>
J15   9 *<The Royal Infirmary, Cardiff*>
J15  10 *<and \0M. Cohen, {0Ph.D., A.R.C.S., A.Inst.P.}, The London
J15  11 Hospital, London, \0E.1*>
J15  12    |^The tables published in the corresponding section in Supplement
J15  13 \0No. 5 were compiled by Clarkson from measurements made by a number
J15  14 of hospital physicists in Great Britain. ^In common with other tables
J15  15 derived from a number of sources, they suffered from the disadvantage
J15  16 that several of the conditions ({0*1e.g.} *0thickness of applicator
J15  17 end-plate) to which the data referred were not closely defined.
J15  18 ^Furthermore, if smoothing of survey data is based on values
J15  19 calculated by an empirical formula to fit the figures available, some
J15  20 inconsistency will inevitably remain since no formulae have been found
J15  21 which ensure smoothness in each of the three ways in which depth-dose
J15  22 data can be plotted (see below). ^It was therefore decided to replace
J15  23 the survey data with tables derived from a single centre, thus
J15  24 bringing this section into line with the two other sections of this
J15  25 Supplement concerned with low and medium energy radiation. ^The new
J15  26 tables have, however, been compared with data made available from a
J15  27 number of other centres, and with the tables for diaphragm-limited
J15  28 fields in Section 3.
J15  29 *<*2SOURCE OF DATA*>
J15  30    |^*0The present tables are based on water-phantom measurements made
J15  31 in Cardiff by Wood and Sutherland using an ionization chamber of
J15  32 external diameter 3 \0mm so arranged that its centre could approach to
J15  33 1.5 \0mm from the applicator end-plate with no intervening tank wall.
J15  34 ^As an independent check an experimental comparison of this technique
J15  35 with that of The London Hospital (Oliver and Kemp, 1949) was carried
J15  36 out in 1955 in conjunction with Cohen. ^Measurements were made on the
J15  37 same X-ray set using alternately a Kemp ionization current comparator
J15  38 with a chamber of external diameter 6 \0mm (Kemp, 1945; Kemp and
J15  39 Banfield, 1957), and the apparatus of Wood and Sutherland. ^This
J15  40 comparison showed that when allowance was made for small differences
J15  41 near the surface, no significant disagreement existed between the
J15  42 results obtained by the two techniques.
J15  43    |^The final measurements of percentage depth dose from which the
J15  44 tables were derived were made on a Westinghouse Quadrocondex machine
J15  45 under the following conditions:
J15  46 **[TABLE**]
J15  47 ^The measurements were made with a series of square *"Fulfield**"
J15  48 applicators of 50 \0cm {0F.S.D.}, the ends being closed with flat
J15  49 Perspex of thickness 1/8 inch (approximately 3 \0mm). ^Strictly, the
J15  50 data refer only to these applicators, but for clinical purposes the
J15  51 tables may be used for any applicator of similar design provided the
J15  52 thickness of the end-plate is the same and it is made of similar
J15  53 material. ^The effect on the data of using applicators of different
J15  54 design or end-plate thickness will be considered further in a separate
J15  55 publication. ^No measurements were made for zero area, but this
J15  56 information is provided in Section 3.
J15  57 *<*2SMOOTHING AND EXTRAPOLATION OF DATA*>
J15  58    |^*0Smoothing of the experimental data, for square fields, was
J15  59 carried out graphically by plotting (**=1) individual depth-dose
J15  60 curves on \0log/ linear paper, (**=2) percentage depth dose \6*1versus
J15  61 *0square root of area on linear paper for individual depths, and
J15  62 (**=3) percentage depth dose \6*1versus *0half-value thickness on
J15  63 linear paper for individual depths. ^Values for depths from 16 to 20
J15  64 \0cm were obtained by extrapolation. ^This is justified since the
J15  65 logarithmic plots of depth dose are straight lines from 10 \0cm
J15  66 downwards.
J15  67    |^The whole table for 2.5 \0mm of {0Cu H.V.T.} was obtained by
J15  68 interpolation, while that for 4.0 \0mm of {0Cu H.V.T.} was obtained
J15  69 by extrapolation. ^For the latter purpose guidance was provided by
J15  70 some additional experimental data from the Royal Victoria Infirmary,
J15  71 Newcastle upon Tyne, but owing to the uncertainties of extrapolation
J15  72 this table must be regarded as somewhat less reliable than the others.
J15  73 *<*2DATA FOR RECTANGULAR FIELDS*>
J15  74    |^*0Johns and his colleagues have used the data for square fields
J15  75 to calculate tables for a series of rectangular areas, using
J15  76 Clarkson's (1941) method, with the help of the digital computer of the
J15  77 University of Toronto. ^Depth doses for the primary radiation were
J15  78 assumed to be the same as those given in Section 3. ^The computed
J15  79 values of percentage depth dose were smoothed graphically, by methods
J15  80 (**=1) and (**=3) above, prior to tabulation.
J15  81    |^Some of the rectangular fields included in these tables are
J15  82 different from those given in Section 3, since it is intended that the
J15  83 data in this section shall correspond to the applicators most commonly
J15  84 used in Great Britain. ^Data for circular fields and for other
J15  85 rectangles may readily be computed by the equivalent field method (see
J15  86 Appendix A).
J15  87 *<*2COMPARISON WITH PREVIOUS TABLES (SUPPLEMENT *0\0No. 5)*>
J15  88    |^*0In this context deviations of the new tables from the old are
J15  89 expressed as percentages of the local dose.
J15  90    |^(**=1) In the range 1.5-3.0 \0mm of {0Cu H.V.T.}, for areas of
J15  91 100 \0cm*:2**: and above, the new tables agree with the old to within
J15  92 3 per cent on average, with occasional divergencies up to 6 per cent.
J15  93 ^On the whole the new values are lower than the old, except when both
J15  94 area and depth are large.
J15  95    |^(**=2) In the range 1.5-3.0 \0mm of {0Cu H.V.T.}, for areas
J15  96 less than 100 \0cm*:2**:, the new values are significantly lower than
J15  97 the old, confirming the findings of Cohen (1955). ^The average
J15  98 differences amount to 5 to 7 per cent, but at some depths reach 10 to
J15  99 12 per cent.
J15 100    |^(**=3) At 1.0 \0mm of {0Cu H.V.T.} the new values are lower
J15 101 than the old for all areas, the average difference being 4 to 5 per
J15 102 cent.
J15 103 *<*2COMPARISON WITH DATA FROM OTHER CENTRES*>
J15 104    |^*0In addition to the data from Cardiff covering the range of
J15 105 qualities from 1.0 to 3.0 \0mm of {0Cu H.V.T.} presented in the
J15 106 tables, recent measurements at some qualities have been made at the
J15 107 Royal Infirmary (Bradford), Western General Hospital (Edinburgh),
J15 108 Lambeth Hospital (London), Christie Hospital (Manchester) and War
J15 109 Memorial Hospital (Scunthorpe). ^These measurements have been
J15 110 intercompared, revealing close agreement between the various centres,
J15 111 provided allowance is made for differences occurring in the first 2 or
J15 112 3 \0cm by matching at some arbitrary depth, say 5 \0cm. ^These
J15 113 differences are partly real, arising from the use of applicators of
J15 114 different design, but mainly only apparent, arising from variations in
J15 115 the methods of assessing the surface dose. ^In view of the very small
J15 116 diameter of the chamber used and its close approach to the surface it
J15 117 is thought that the values tabulated represent a very close
J15 118 approximation to the variation in dose near the surface.
J15 119 *<*2COMPARISON WITH DATA IN SECTION 3*>
J15 120    |^*0The depth-dose data in this range of qualities measured by
J15 121 Johns and his colleagues in Saskatchewan are presented in Section 3.
J15 122 ^The Canadian measurements were made with open applicators of special
J15 123 design (see Introduction to Section 3) and differ from the British
J15 124 data in that there is no scatter component from the walls or end of
J15 125 the applicator. ^The two sets of data have been compared after
J15 126 applying the method of transformation suggested by Johns, Fedoruk,
J15 127 Kornelsen, Epp and Darby (1952), making use of data for the range of
J15 128 depths 0 to 1 \0cm kindly supplied privately by Miss Fedoruk.
J15 129 ^Agreement is obtained within experimental error provided an
J15 130 appropriate equivalent water thickness, which allows approximately for
J15 131 the effects of both the end-plate and the applicator walls, is used in
J15 132 place of the nominal thickness of the applicator end-plate. ^The
J15 133 equivalent water thickness (for Fulfield applicators, 1/8 inch flat
J15 134 Perspex end-plates) is independent of area, but varies with
J15 135 {0H.V.T.} as follows:
J15 136 **[TABLE**]
J15 137    |^Since the equivalent water thickness of the end-plate alone is
J15 138 approximately 3.8 \0mm, it is seen that the allowance which must be
J15 139 made for the scatter contribution from the applicator walls is
J15 140 substantial. ^Thus the simple correction factors for the end-plate
J15 141 only, measured by Johns, Hunt and Fedoruk (1954), are insufficient for
J15 142 applicators of the type considered in this section.
J15 143 *<*2SURFACE BACK-SCATTER FACTORS*>
J15 144    |^*0These are taken from the survey values published by Greening
J15 145 (1954), which were based on measurements made at 11 centres with seven
J15 146 different types of X-ray generator.
J15 147 *<*2SECTION 4*>
J15 148 *<GAMMA RAYS: CAESIUM 137 TELETHERAPY UNITS*>
J15 149 *<*1Reviewed by*>
J15 150 *<*0{0J. E.} Burns, {0M.Sc., A.Inst.P.}, Westminster Hospital,
J15 151 London, {0S.W.}1*>
J15 152 **[TABLE**]
J15 153 *<*2SOURCES OF DATA*>
J15 154    |^*0At the time the work on this section had been completed, there
J15 155 were to the knowledge of the reviewer, seven caesium units which were
J15 156 in clinical use, four in England and three in North America. ^Data
J15 157 were obtained from six of these centres: Addenbrooke's Hospital
J15 158 (Cambridge), Royal Marsden Hospital (London), Royal South \0Hants
J15 159 Hospital (Southampton), Westminster Hospital (London), Ontario Cancer
J15 160 Institute (Canada), and Alice Lloyd Radiation Therapy Centre
J15 161 (Michigan, {0U.S.A.}).
J15 162 *<*2ENERGY OF RADIATION*>
J15 163    |^*0The caesium source at Michigan was manufactured at Oak Ridge
J15 164 National Laboratory; all the other sources were manufactured by the
J15 165 United Kingdom Atomic Energy Authority. ^It is well known that one of
J15 166 the main difficulties in the preparation of caesium 137 is to obtain
J15 167 freedom from contamination by other radioactive materials. ^Thus
J15 168 sources may differ in their degree of contamination, and the effective
J15 169 quality of their radiation may be different. ^It is of importance,
J15 170 therefore, to know whether the data given here, being mainly from
J15 171 British sources, applies also to sources manufactured elsewhere, in
J15 172 particular to American sources. ^Comparing the data received from the
J15 173 caesium unit at Michigan, it appears that it probably does apply.
J15 174    |^The half-value thicknesses from the five British sources were
J15 175 reasonably consistent, varying from 5.3 \0mm to 5.7 \0mm (mean 5.4
J15 176 \0mm) in lead, from 10.6 \0mm to 11.0 \0mm (mean 10.8 \0mm) in copper,
J15 177 and from 7.8 to 8.0 \0cm (mean 7.9 \0cm) in water. ^Comparing the
J15 178 American source, the percentage depth doses differ from the average
J15 179 (see later) by no more than *?141 1/2 per cent of the local dose, the
J15 180 half-value thickness in lead is in good agreement, 5.35 \0mm, but the
J15 181 half-value thicknesses in copper and water are rather higher, 11.25
J15 182 \0mm and 8.35 \0cm respectively.
J15 183    |^Using the calculated attenuation coefficients of White Grodstein
J15 184 (1957), the average half-value thicknesses of the British sources have
J15 185 been used to calculate the effective photon energy of the radiation.
J15 186 ^These are as follows:
J15 187 **[TABLE**]
J15 188 and can be compared with the accepted value of 0.66 \0MeV for caesium
J15 189 137 \15g rays.
J15 190 *<*2BACK-SCATTER FACTORS*>
J15 191    |^*0Data were received from four centres, and a smoothed average of
J15 192 values was taken. ^Individual values of back-scatter factors differed
J15 193 from the average by not more than 1 per cent.
J15 194    |^In estimating the dose-rate at the maximum level from the
J15 195 dose-rate in air, it should be remembered that variations of air dose
J15 196 with area are at least as great as (and are additional to) the
J15 197 variation of back-scatter with area. ^The values will of course depend
J15 198 very much on the collimator system of the unit. ^For the only unit for
J15 199 which information is available, the dose-rate in air at the normal
J15 200 working {0S.S.D.} increases by 15 per cent from a 4 x 4 \0cm field
J15 201 to a 16 x 16 \0cm field; as the back-scatter factor varies by 4 1/2
J15 202 per cent over the same range, the skin dose will vary by a total of 20
J15 203 per cent.
J15 204 *<*2PERCENTAGE DEPTH DOSES*>
J15 205    |^*0Owing to the fact that caesium sources are usually several
J15 206 centimetres long it is necessary to define the term *1source-skin
J15 207 distance *0({0S.S.D.}) for these units. ^The definition of
J15 208 {0S.S.D.} adopted for this section is the distance of the skin from
J15 209 the front of the source container. ^Four of the six centres had
J15 210 already chosen this definition for their own units. ^The other two
J15 211 centres were using different definitions but when their values for
J15 212 {0S.S.D.} were converted to the more common definition their
J15 213 percentage depth doses showed improved agreement with those from the
J15 214 first four centres. ^On the basis of the general definition, the
J15 215 {0S.S.D.}s at which measurements were taken were as follows:
J15 216 **[TABLE**]
J15 217    |^For the purpose of comparison, all percentage depth doses were
J15 218 converted to 40 \0cm {0S.S.D.} using the method described by Johns,
J15 219 Bruce and Reid (1958) and Burns (1958) (see Appendix B); 40 \0cm was
J15 220 chosen as being midway between the extremes, so as to minimise any
J15 221 errors that the method of conversion may introduce.
J15 222 *# 2020
J16   1 **[310 TEXT J16**]
J16   2    |^*0Asphyxia as the most important cause for death in drowning was
J16   3 still widely accepted until World War *=2, when research in the United
J16   4 States was initiated to see what could be done to save the lives of
J16   5 pilots who had been forced to land in the sea. ^Swann (1951) was
J16   6 chosen to conduct a large series of investigations and it is mainly
J16   7 due to his work and those who have followed that the modern view of
J16   8 drowning has emerged. ^He was able to show important differences in
J16   9 the mechanism of drowning in fresh and salt water, using dogs. ^In
J16  10 fresh water drowning large amounts of water entered the lungs and were
J16  11 absorbed with great rapidity into the circulation, giving rise within
J16  12 a very few minutes to rapidly fatal heart failure in ventricular
J16  13 fibrillation, this the result of the grossly diluted blood entering
J16  14 the heart muscle. ^The gross and rapid dilution of the blood in
J16  15 freshwater drowning was clearly demonstrated by Swann and at only 3
J16  16 minutes after submersion the blood was found to be diluted with an
J16  17 equal volume of inhaled water; it is therefore not surprising that
J16  18 death occurs rapidly in these circumstances.
J16  19    |^In sea water drowning Swann showed that water was rapidly
J16  20 withdrawn from the blood into the lungs by the inhaled sea water,
J16  21 concentrating the blood and giving rise to a more gradual heart
J16  22 failure without the ventricular fibrillation that occurred in fresh
J16  23 water drowning. ^The gross and rapid concentration of the blood in sea
J16  24 water drowning was well demonstrated in that after only 3 minutes'
J16  25 submersion the blood had lost some 40% of its water. ^In addition,
J16  26 large amounts of the salts in sea water passed in the reverse
J16  27 direction into the blood to cause further disorganization of the blood
J16  28 chemicals; it is again not surprising that death occurs rapidly in
J16  29 these circumstances.
J16  30    |^Swann also showed the **[SIC**] resuscitation was usually
J16  31 successful with drowned dogs when heart failure had not occurred: once
J16  32 heart failure and falling blood pressure had occurred survival was
J16  33 most unlikely, even though irregular heart beats and respirations
J16  34 might occur for some minutes afterwards. ^He was also able to show
J16  35 that this lethal heart failure often occurred as early as 2 minutes
J16  36 after complete submersion, particularly in fresh water, explaining the
J16  37 higher mortality in this type of drowning.
J16  38 *<*2THE MODERN VIEW*>
J16  39    |^*0The experiments on animals suggest that the mechanism of
J16  40 drowning in humans would depend on whether it occurs in fresh or salt
J16  41 water. ^In fresh water drowning in humans we would expect a rapid
J16  42 death within a very few minutes, partly due to asphyxia, but mainly
J16  43 due to sudden heart failure brought about by the explosive absorption
J16  44 of large amounts of water into the circulation. ^In salt water
J16  45 drowning in humans we would also expect a rapid death, partly due to
J16  46 asphyxia and partly due to rapid concentration of the blood. ^In
J16  47 drowning in other waters the mechanism would probably depend on
J16  48 whether the saline concentration in the water was greater or less than
J16  49 in the body. ^It should, however, be emphasized that death often
J16  50 occurs within 6 minutes and almost invariably with **[SIC**] 10
J16  51 minutes of becoming totally immersed, and that many of the cases
J16  52 removed from the water whilst still alive are doomed to die within a
J16  53 few minutes from the devastating changes which have already taken
J16  54 place, no matter whether the water was fresh or salt. ^This knowledge
J16  55 explains the very high mortality rate in drowning.
J16  56    |^There are, however, a small number of cases which are rescued
J16  57 from water before large amounts of water have apparently been inhaled,
J16  58 due to very rapid rescue, shock, reflex inhibition of the heart or
J16  59 persistent spasm of the air passages, preventing or restricting
J16  60 inhalation of water. ^It is in these cases that artificial respiration
J16  61 would offer the greatest chance of recovery. ^These are presumably
J16  62 cases in which there has not been time for the gross disturbance of
J16  63 body fluid which has such grave effects in most cases of drowning.
J16  64 ^But in the vast majority of cases, drowning is not a simple asphyxia
J16  65 due to obstruction of the air passages and lungs by water but is a
J16  66 complicated process in which violent disturbances of the body fluids
J16  67 and chemicals make the situation so much worse for the individual
J16  68 concerned. ^This is the modern view of drowning and, although much is
J16  69 still not understood, it is now worth considering other important
J16  70 aspects, particularly the signs and symptoms, prognosis, resuscitation
J16  71 and prevention of drowning, as well as forensic problems relevant to
J16  72 dead bodies removed from water.
J16  73 *<*2SIGNS AND SYMPTOMS*>
J16  74    |^*0Drowning is rarely witnessed but the ordinary course of events
J16  75 is apparently as follows. ^The swimmer remains on the surface until he
J16  76 is exhausted and then the course in swimmers and non-swimmers is
J16  77 similar. ^The drowning person sinks and rises a number of times in the
J16  78 water and inhales a little water into the air passages, but this is
J16  79 prevented from entering his lungs by coughing and glottic spasm.
J16  80 ^(Rarely he may die at this stage from shock, reflex inhibition of the
J16  81 heart, from pre-existing heart disease or from almost pure asphyxia
J16  82 due to unrelenting glottic spasm). ^He continues to rise and sink in
J16  83 the water, shouts for help, coughs and chokes, but does not inhale
J16  84 much water into his lungs. ^With increasing asphyxia due to glottic
J16  85 spasm he loses consciousness and cough reflex, sinks and inhales large
J16  86 amounts of water. ^It is in this stage that the lethal exchanges of
J16  87 water occur. ^Oxygen reserves become severely depleted within 6
J16  88 minutes and within 10 minutes heart and respiration almost invariably
J16  89 cease. ^Death occurs, the body sinks and remains submerged until
J16  90 putrefaction and gas formation bring it to the surface some days
J16  91 later.
J16  92    |^The symptoms of drowning vary from one case to another, from
J16  93 sensations of tranquillity to utmost distress. ^The following two
J16  94 cases are quoted by Polson (1955). ^In the first case (originally
J16  95 reported by Cullen, 1894) the sensations of a woman rescued from
J16  96 drowning at sea are particularly interesting. ^Self-preservation was
J16  97 dominant in her mind at first and there was great distress as she saw
J16  98 others swimming away from her. ^She experienced only acute suffering
J16  99 as described in her own words: ^*"I sank and gasped involuntarily,
J16 100 then all other senses were overpowered by the agonizing scorching pain
J16 101 which followed the rush of salt water into my lungs. ^From that moment
J16 102 I was conscious only of that burning suffocation and the intense
J16 103 desire that others might know what had become of me. ^Except for that
J16 104 one thought my brain was dulled**". ^She complained of roaring in her
J16 105 ears and redness before her eyes. ^She was unconscious when rescued by
J16 106 her husband within 3 minutes of the time she first became submerged.
J16 107 ^But the experience of Admiral Beaufort, also quoted by Polson (1955),
J16 108 who was partially drowned when a boy and rescued within 2 minutes,
J16 109 were those of painless tranquillity and thoughts of his previous life.
J16 110 ^In another case, a boy of 15 years was accidentally submerged in the
J16 111 River Derwent (*1News Chronicle, *0August, 1960) for an uncertain
J16 112 period. ^He was rescued and recovered following artificial
J16 113 respiration. ^Of his experiences he stated: ^*"I was sure I was dead,
J16 114 I just remember sinking. ^Whilst under the water I had a terrible
J16 115 dream that I was going on a train to Heaven. ^I never expected to wake
J16 116 up again.**" ^It is, however, unlikely in any of these three cases who
J16 117 lived to tell the tale that substantial amounts of water had been
J16 118 inhaled.
J16 119 *<*2PROGNOSIS AND RESUSCITATION*>
J16 120    |^*0The prospect of survival following drowning must, of course,
J16 121 depend on many factors*- the fitness of the subject, the duration of
J16 122 immersion and the amount of water inhaled being most important. ^The
J16 123 person with heart disease may die from sudden shock the moment he
J16 124 falls into cold water and it is not unusual for such subjects to be
J16 125 found dead in their own warm domestic baths, there being no question
J16 126 of drowning. ^In fit persons the prognosis depends on the length of
J16 127 asphyxia and the amount of water inhaled. ^In general, those who have
J16 128 been submerged a short time stand a better chance of survival in that
J16 129 oxygen reserves may not have been completely exhausted and spasm or
J16 130 shock may have prevented or restricted the inhalation of water into
J16 131 the lungs. ^But when large amounts of water have been inhaled it is
J16 132 most unlikely that recovery will occur, although the heart may
J16 133 continue to beat ineffectually for several minutes after rescue. ^It
J16 134 should be stressed again that the time required to inhale these lethal
J16 135 amounts of fluid is very short indeed, especially in fresh water
J16 136 drowning where explosive absorption of water from the lungs into the
J16 137 circulation may cause fatal ventricular fibrillation in as little as 2
J16 138 minutes after commencing to breathe water. ^The course of events in
J16 139 sea water drowning is almost as rapid and thus the time available for
J16 140 rescue and resuscitation is pitifully short in those who have passed
J16 141 beyond the phase of glottic spasm into the second phase in which
J16 142 substantial amounts of water are inhaled.
J16 143    |^The prospect of recovery for those who have probably inhaled only
J16 144 a little water is better but there is here no time for delay in
J16 145 attempting resuscitation for irrecoverable changes can occur in a few
J16 146 moments. ^There is no time to examine the victim, no time to loosen
J16 147 clothing or clear the airway*- these matters must be left until
J16 148 artificial respiration by any recommended method has been commenced.
J16 149 ^In theory artificial respiration should be continued in all cases
J16 150 until regular spontaneous breathing has occurred or death is certain.
J16 151 ^The question asked most often is: ^*"How long should artificial
J16 152 respiration be continued in the absence of signs of recovery?**"
J16 153 ^Answers vary greatly but most would agree that 15 minutes' artificial
J16 154 respiration should be given before an examination is made and this
J16 155 process repeated for at least 1 hour before attempts are finally
J16 156 abandoned (Donald, 1955).
J16 157    |^It is occasionally stated that successful resuscitation may take
J16 158 place when the drowned individual has been submerged for prolonged
J16 159 periods. ^Bates in 1938, reporting six cases of recovery from alleged
J16 160 drowning with submersion up to 35 minutes, stressed the need for
J16 161 artificial respiration to be continued until the body had cooled
J16 162 substantially or the early signs of {6rigor mortis} were present.
J16 163 ^Present knowledge of the mechanism of drowning throws grave doubt on
J16 164 the accuracy of such prolonged periods of submersion with subsequent
J16 165 survival. ^Taylor (1956) regards recorded cases of recovery after
J16 166 submersion for more than 7 or 8 minutes as wholly unreliable unless
J16 167 this has been intermittent or incomplete as might occur in the air
J16 168 pockets of upturned boats. ^It is theoretically possible that
J16 169 submersion in extremely cold water might on rare occasions chill the
J16 170 body so rapidly that vital organs are protected from the effects of
J16 171 lack of oxygen (as is now practised surgically), allowing survival
J16 172 after periods of submersion which would ordinarily be lethal (Donald,
J16 173 1955). ^The possibility that life had been preserved by some rare
J16 174 chance would indicate the need for at least some attempt at
J16 175 resuscitation in all bodies freshly recovered from water, as is the
J16 176 current practice.
J16 177    |^When recovery occurs following drowning it is usually ultimately
J16 178 complete, without evidence of significant residual damage to the lungs
J16 179 (Rushton, 1960), heart or brain, though a period of observation and
J16 180 treatment will be required for some days to guard against
J16 181 complications. ^The individual who has survived fresh water drowning
J16 182 may show evidence of severe destruction of red blood cells due to
J16 183 excessive absorption of water, with resulting temporary kidney damage
J16 184 and staining of the urine by red blood pigment, as in Rath's case
J16 185 (1954) quoted by Bowden (1957). ^There may be cardiac failure due to
J16 186 alteration in the blood volume brought about by the absorption or
J16 187 withdrawal of fluid from the circulation and gross congestion and
J16 188 oedema of the lungs may occur within a few hours and cause death when
J16 189 recovery was expected. ^Pneumonia may also occur early due to the
J16 190 inhalation of substantial quantities of dirty and infected water.
J16 191 *# 2010
J17   1 **[311 TEXT J17**]
J17   2 *<*4Haemophilia Complicated by an Acquired Circulating Anti-Coagulant:
J17   3 A Report of Three Cases*>
J17   4 *<*2MICHAEL HALL*>
J17   5 *<*1The Radcliffe Infirmary, Oxford*>
J17   6    |^*2A CIRCULATING *0anticoagulant may arise in patients with
J17   7 haemophilia and Christmas disease or may appear sporadically in normal
J17   8 people (Lewis, Ferguson and Arends, 1956; Verstraete and
J17   9 Vandenbroucke, 1956; Hougie, 1955; Nilsson, Skanse and Eydell, 1958).
J17  10 ^The anticoagulant has been studied by various workers, who suggest
J17  11 that it prevents the reaction between antihaemophilic globulin
J17  12 ({0*2AHG}) *0and Christmas factor by destroying {0*2AHG} (*0Hougie and
J17  13 Fearnley, 1954; Bersagel and Hougie 1956: Biggs and Bidwell, 1959).
J17  14 ^The presence of an anticoagulant may, therefore, account for the
J17  15 failure of some patients to respond to treatment with
J17  16 {0*2AHG}-*0containing material. ^Recognition of the presence of an
J17  17 anticoagulant, even in very small amounts, is therefore important and
J17  18 a method for its detection and assay has recently been described
J17  19 (Biggs and Bidwell, 1959). ^Since the management of these patients may
J17  20 be difficult three cases are described.
J17  21    |^The laboratory methods used for the haematological investigations
J17  22 were those of Biggs and Macfarlane (1957), with the exception of the
J17  23 inhibitor assay which was by the method of Biggs and Bidwell (1959).
J17  24 ^The human {0*2AHG} *0was prepared and supplied by the Lister
J17  25 Institute of Sterile Products.
J17  26 *<*2CASE REPORTS*>
J17  27 *<CASE 1*>
J17  28    |^*0This patient ({0R. I.} \0No. 80047), aged 23 years was admitted
J17  29 on May 23rd, 1958. ^He had a family history of haemophilia, one
J17  30 younger brother being affected. ^He was first recognized as
J17  31 haemophilic at the age of 2 years when he bled profusely following
J17  32 circumcision. ^Since then he had been admitted to hospital on many
J17  33 occasions with various bleeding episodes, mainly haemarthroses and
J17  34 haematomata. ^As a result of the former, he had been admitted to the
J17  35 Nuffield Orthopaedic Centre in September 1956, with a flexion
J17  36 contracture of the right hip, but this had responded well to
J17  37 treatment. ^On the present occasion he was admitted to the Nuffield
J17  38 Orthopaedic Centre for a similar reason, but within a day or two of
J17  39 admission developed severe right-sided abdominal pain which was
J17  40 associated with tenderness, pyrexia and vomiting. ^Since the diagnosis
J17  41 of acute appendicitis was raised, he was transferred to the Radcliffe
J17  42 Infirmary.
J17  43    |^On examination he looked pale and ill, and his right knee and hip
J17  44 were flexed. ^There were guarding and tenderness in the right iliac
J17  45 fossa and right groin, with tenderness high on the right posterior
J17  46 rectal wall. ^There was anaesthesia in the distribution of the right
J17  47 femoral nerve. ^Blood pressure was 115/70. ^The haemoglobin was 11.4
J17  48 \0g. per 100 \0ml.
J17  49    |^A diagnosis of a right-sided retroperitoneal haematoma was made
J17  50 and he was treated with analgesics, transfusions of fresh plasma and
J17  51 blood. ^In spite of this, bleeding continued and the haemoglobin
J17  52 dropped to 7.7 \0g. per 100 \0ml. ^His general condition was weaker
J17  53 and he appeared jaundiced.
J17  54    |^The lack of response to the transfusion treatment was unusual and
J17  55 some routine laboratory tests, in which a sample of the patient's
J17  56 blood had been used as a control, suggested that an inhibitor of
J17  57 {0*2AHG} *0was present. He was then treated with 2200 plasma
J17  58 equivalents of human {0*2AHG} *0intravenously. ^This produced a
J17  59 characteristic and severe reaction, but failed to halt the bleeding
J17  60 process and he developed a haematoma of the upper chest wall and right
J17  61 side of the neck. ^The following day he complained of dysphagia and
J17  62 difficulty in breathing, and a chest X-ray showed evidence of
J17  63 mediastinal extension of this haematoma. ^Haematological investigation
J17  64 had by this time shown the presence of an inhibitor, the level being
J17  65 33-50 units per \0ml. (1 unit of inhibitor is the amount which will
J17  66 destroy 75 per cent of added {0*2AHG} *0in 1 hour (Biggs and Bidwell,
J17  67 1959)). ^With this level of inhibitor no amount of
J17  68 {0*2AHG}-*0containing material, either animal or human, was likely to
J17  69 be effective in halting the bleeding process. ^The only possible way
J17  70 of reducing the level of the inhibitor seemed to be by exchange
J17  71 transfusion. ^Therefore, an exchange transfusion equivalent to twice
J17  72 the blood volume was performed. ^The inhibitor level fell to 5.9 units
J17  73 per \0ml. and the clotting time to 23-30 minutes. ^To take advantage
J17  74 of the improved circumstances, two doses of animal {0*2AHG},
J17  75 *0equivalent to 3200 \0ml. and 3300 \0ml. of fresh plasma were given.
J17  76 ^The effect was to reduce the clotting time to 6 3/4 minutes and the
J17  77 inhibitor level to 5.0 units per \0ml., and a trace of {0*2AHG} *0was
J17  78 measurable. ^The following day two further doses of animal {0*2AHG},
J17  79 *0equivalent to 3000 \0ml. and 8000 \0ml. of fresh plasma, were given.
J17  80 ^The clotting time was reduced from 60 minutes to 15 minutes and the
J17  81 inhibitor level to 3.9 units. ^No plasma {0*2AHG} *0level was,
J17  82 however, obtained.
J17  83    |^There was a marked improvement in general condition following the
J17  84 exchange transfusion, and the jaundice and haematomata disappeared.
J17  85 ^Dysphagia disappeared after about 24 hours. ^Pain in the abdomen and
J17  86 groin lessened and he gradually became able to straighten his leg. ^A
J17  87 mild pyrexia developed after the exchange transfusion and there were
J17  88 signs of pneumonia in the right side of the chest. ^He was treated
J17  89 with tetracycline, 500 \0mg. 6-hourly, and improved. ^Hydrocortisone
J17  90 at a daily dose of 200 \0mg. was given in the hope of preventing
J17  91 further formation of anticoagulant. ^He was able to get up and sit in
J17  92 a chair. ^The only troublesome complication was persistent bleeding
J17  93 from the *'cut down**' site through which the cannula had been
J17  94 inserted. ^This necessitated the transfusion of 20 pints of blood, but
J17  95 was eventually stopped by repeated packing of the wound with Calgitex
J17  96 ribbon gauze soaked in Russell's viper venom. ^The cannula was left
J17  97 {6*1in situ} *0for several days following the exchange in case of
J17  98 emergency, but was finally removed on June 12th, when nearly all
J17  99 bleeding had stopped. ^Further intermittent oozing continued for 10
J17 100 days after this and another seven pints of blood were transfused.
J17 101    |^On the night of June 14th his temperature rose abruptly and in
J17 102 the next 72 hours reached 104*@ \0F. ^No obvious cause was discernible
J17 103 for this, though he had a tender haematoma on the upper outer aspect
J17 104 of the left forearm which had resulted from a venepuncture. ^Blood
J17 105 cultures remained sterile: a swab taken from the *'cut down**' site in
J17 106 the right arm grew a penicillin-resistant {*1Staphylococcus aureus}
J17 107 *0but this wound did not appear infected. ^The pyrexia was, therefore,
J17 108 ascribed to the blood transfusions and absorption of blood. ^However,
J17 109 the administration of hydrocortisone was discontinued, and penicillin
J17 110 was given at a dose of 125 \0mg. {0t.d.s.} and sulphamethoxypyridazine
J17 111 at 0.5 \0g. daily. ^The swinging pyrexia continued, the haematoma
J17 112 increased, brawny oedema developed, and there was oedema of the hand;
J17 113 by June 28th the haematoma was obviously infected and was pointing
J17 114 over the lateral condyle of the humerus. ^100 \0ml. of bloodstained
J17 115 pus was aspirated and the abcess was therefore incised. ^{*1\0Staph.
J17 116 aureus} *0resistant to penicillin, aureomycin and tetracycline was
J17 117 cultured from the pus. ^Management was now directed to the treatment
J17 118 of the staphylococcal infection, and of the bleeding diathesis. ^As
J17 119 can be seen from \0Fig. 1, various antibiotics were given in full
J17 120 dosage
J17 121 **[FIGURE**]
J17 122 and between July 13th and 26th the administration of chloramphenicol,
J17 123 500 \0mg. 6-hourly, and intravenous Furadantin, 30 \0ml. per litre of
J17 124 normal saline {0b.d.}, appeared to have controlled the infection. ^But
J17 125 relapse ensued on July 27th and a blood culture grew {*1\0Staph.
J17 126 aureus} *0resistant to penicillin, tetracycline and erythromycin, but
J17 127 still sensitive to Furadantin and chloramphenicol. ^A similar organism
J17 128 was also grown from the pus from the left elbow. ^The patient was now
J17 129 desperately ill. ^Intravenous penicillin was given at a dose of 12
J17 130 million units per 100 \0ml. of normal saline 6-hourly with Benemid,
J17 131 0.5 \0g. 6-hourly by mouth. ^Penicillin blood levels as high as 32
J17 132 units per \0ml. were obtained; there was no dramatic fall in
J17 133 temperature but the general condition and appetite improved. ^By
J17 134 August 18th he was so much better that the administration of all
J17 135 antibiotics was discontinued. ^The haematoma of the left forearm
J17 136 produced two sloughing discharging areas, one posteriorly and one
J17 137 anteriorly, both of which had superabundant granulations protruding
J17 138 from them. ^These shrank considerably and eventually healed (\0Fig 2).
J17 139    |^During this period continual blood loss occurred from the incised
J17 140 abscess and from the anterior slough. ^Treatment was difficult because
J17 141 there were few veins into which needles or metal cannulae could be
J17 142 inserted. ^To allow time for veins to recanalize, polyethylene
J17 143 cannulae had to be inserted through larger veins into the femoral,
J17 144 subclavian and the superior caval veins. ^The patient bled profusely
J17 145 from these *'cut down**' sites and it was not possible to control
J17 146 bleeding by pressure, Stypven or Calgitex gauze while the cannulae
J17 147 were still {6*1in situ}. ^*0These procedures, though necessary, only
J17 148 aggravated the transfusion problem and a large volume of blood had to
J17 149 be transfused (\0Fig. 1).
J17 150    |^By this time the patient was debilitated, but felt much better,
J17 151 and was able to take a 3000 calorie diet. ^His pyrexia settled after 4
J17 152 weeks, when a haematoma of the anterior abdominal wall developed and
J17 153 he complained of vomiting and of pain in the left groin. ^The
J17 154 haemoglobin fell and a further blood transfusion was given. ^In the
J17 155 middle of September melaena began and became more frequent and more
J17 156 fluid. ^Further deterioration ensued. ^A large haematoma appeared in
J17 157 the left groin and thigh and became grossly infected. ^By October 8th
J17 158 large fluid stools containing almost pure blood were passed. ^In spite
J17 159 of further blood transfusions he died in coma on October 9th. ^During
J17 160 admission he received 270 pints of blood.
J17 161 *<*1Necropsy report *0({0R.I.P.M.} \0No. 771/58. \0Dr. {0W. C. D.}
J17 162 Richards)*>
J17 163    |^At {6post-mortem} examination a large infected cystic haematoma
J17 164 was found in the retroperitoneal tissues on the right side of the
J17 165 abdomen. ^This involved the psoas, {quadratus lumborum} and iliacus
J17 166 muscles. ^A similar haematoma on the left side had ruptured into the
J17 167 colon. ^The haematomata contained turbid brown fluid and masses of
J17 168 brown altered blood. ^On the left side the iliac haematoma
J17 169 communicated with a large infected haematoma of the thigh. ^Both
J17 170 ureters were surrounded by the fibrous tissue forming the anterior
J17 171 wall of the abdominal haematomata, the pelves of the kidneys being
J17 172 slightly dilated. ^The liver (3020 \0g.) and spleen (850 \0g.) were
J17 173 both enlarged. ^Microscopically the liver, spleen and iliac lymph
J17 174 nodes showed siderosis and there was amyloidosis of the spleen and
J17 175 liver. ^The liver was fatty. ^Masses of Gram-positive cocci were
J17 176 present in the blood clot filling the haematomata. ^Inflammatory
J17 177 granulation tissue lined the inner surface of the haematomata.
J17 178 *<*2CASE 2*>
J17 179    |^*0This patient ({0R. I.} \0No. 42050), aged 43 years, was
J17 180 admitted on May 5th, 1958, for weight reduction prior to extensive
J17 181 dental extractions. ^His haemophilia had been recognized for many
J17 182 years and numerous haemorrhagic episodes of variable severity and
J17 183 duration had occurred, many necessitating hospital admission. ^A
J17 184 bruising tendency had been noticed 14 days after birth and he had
J17 185 suffered prolonged haemorrhage after biting his tongue at the age of 2
J17 186 years. ^There was a family history of obesity, but not of haemophilia.
J17 187    |^On examination he was obese, weighing 16 \0st. 9 1/2 \0lb. ^There
J17 188 was evidence of old haemarthroses involving both knees, both elbows,
J17 189 the right ankle and left shoulder. ^There was severe dental caries of
J17 190 both upper and lower teeth and it was decided that root remnants would
J17 191 have to be extracted. ^An 800 Calorie diet was begun and Dexedrine
J17 192 spansules \0mg. 15 mane, Saluric, 0.5 \0g. {0b.d.} and potassium
J17 193 chloride, 1 \0g. twice daily were prescribed. ^His weight dropped to
J17 194 15 \0st. 6 \0lb. ^At first, a few superficial bruises were the only
J17 195 haemorrhagic manifestations. ^Active physiotherapy to the knee was
J17 196 given with considerable improvement. ^After about 6 weeks several deep
J17 197 painful haematomata developed at various sites.
J17 198    |^On July 17th 10 roots and carious teeth were extracted from the
J17 199 upper jaw under general anaesthesia. ^His subsequent progress is
J17 200 summarized in \0Fig 3. ^Before operation a polyethylene cannula was
J17 201 inserted into a forearm vein to a distance of 33 inches so that the
J17 202 tip should lie in a major vessel. ^(Venography later showed that the
J17 203 tip of the catheter was in the right ventricle; the catheter was,
J17 204 therefore, withdrawn until the tip lay in the superior {vena cava}.)
J17 205 *# 2016
J18   1 **[312 TEXT J18**]
J18   2 ^*0Statisticians and electrical engineers are familiar with an
J18   3 analogous uncertainty between time and frequency in the analysis of
J18   4 time-series, and this obviously suggests the query: can a frequency
J18   5 \15n be associated with an energy *1E*0? ^Physicists appeal to the
J18   6 relation *1E = h\15n, *0where *1h *0is Planck's constant, but quite
J18   7 apart from the qualms expressed by Schro"dinger (1958) about this
J18   8 relation, it is at least arguable that the frequency \15n is as
J18   9 fundamental in it as the energy *1E. ^*0I can therefore sympathize
J18  10 with (though I am sceptical of) the proposals by Bohm and \de Broglie
J18  11 for a return to the interpretation of \15ps in terms of real
J18  12 (deterministic) waves; I do not think these proposals will be rebutted
J18  13 until the statistical approach has been put on a more rational basis.
J18  14 ^Interesting attempts have been made by various writers, but none of
J18  15 these attempts so far has, to my knowledge, been wholly successful or
J18  16 very useful technically.
J18  17    |^For example, Lande*?2 keeps to a particle formulation, whereas it
J18  18 is the particle, and its associated energy *1E, *0which seem to be
J18  19 becoming the nebulous concepts. ^Let me refer again to time-series
J18  20 theory, which tells us that the quantization of a frequency \15n
J18  21 arises automatically for circularly-defined series*- for, if you will
J18  22 allow me to call it this, periodic *'time**' (more precisely in a
J18  23 physical context, for the angle variables which appear in the dynamics
J18  24 of bound systems). ^A probabilistic approach via *1random fields
J18  25 *0thus has the more promising start of including naturally two of the
J18  26 features of quantum phenomena which were once regarded as most
J18  27 paradoxical and empirical*- the Uncertainty Principle and
J18  28 quantization. ^This switch to fields is of course not new; the real
J18  29 professionals in this subject have been immersed in fields for quite a
J18  30 while. ^However, I am not sure that what probabilists and what
J18  31 physicists mean here by *1fields *0are quite synonymous, and in any
J18  32 case it is the old probabilistic interpretation in terms of particles
J18  33 that we lay public still get fobbed off with. ^It would seem to me
J18  34 useful at this stage to make quite clear to us where, if anywhere, the
J18  35 particle aspect is unequivocal*- certainly discreteness and
J18  36 discontinuity are not very relevant.
J18  37    |^Here I must leave this fascinating problem of probability in
J18  38 quantum mechanics, as I would like to turn to its function in the
J18  39 theory of information.
J18  40 *<(3) *1The concept of information*>
J18  41    |^*0Information theory as technically defined nowadays refers to a
J18  42 theory first developed in detail in connection with electrical
J18  43 communication theory by \0C. Shannon and others, but recognized from
J18  44 the beginning as having wider implications as a conceptual tool. ^From
J18  45 its origin it was probably most familiar at first to electrical
J18  46 engineers, but its more general and its essentially statistical
J18  47 content made it a natural adjunct to the parts of probability theory
J18  48 hitherto studied by the statistician. ^This is recognized, for
J18  49 example, in an advertisement for a mathematical statistician from
J18  50 which I quote:
J18  51 **[BEGIN QUOTE**]
J18  52    |^Applicants should possess a degree in statistics or mathematics,
J18  53 and should if possible be able to show evidence of an interest in some
J18  54 specialized aspect of the subject such as, for example, decision
J18  55 theory, information theory or stochastic processes.
J18  56 **[END QUOTE**]
J18  57    |^It has not, I think, been recognized sufficiently in some of the
J18  58 recent conferences on information theory, to which mathematical
J18  59 statisticians {6*1per se} *0have not always been invited.
J18  60    |^The close connection of the information concept with probability
J18  61 is emphasized by its technical definition in relation to an
J18  62 \6*1ensemble *0or population, and indeed, it may usefully be defined
J18  63 (\0cf. Good (1950), Barnard (1951)) as - \0log *1p *0(a simple and
J18  64 direct measure of uncertainty which is reduced when the event with
J18  65 probability *1p *0has occurred), although the more orthodox definition
J18  66 is the *'average information**' - {15S}*1p *0\0log *1p, *0averaged
J18  67 over the various possibilities or states that may occur. ^It is also
J18  68 possible to extend this definition to partial or relative information,
J18  69 in relation to a change of \6*1ensembles *0or distributions from one
J18  70 to another. ^With this extended definition of - \0log *1p/p*?7,
J18  71 *0where *1p*?7 *0relates to the new \6ensemble, the information can be
J18  72 positive or negative, and as the logarithm of a probability ratio will
J18  73 look familiar to statisticians, although it should be stressed that
J18  74 the probabilities refer to fully specified distributions, and the
J18  75 likelihood ratio of the statistician (made use of so extensively by
J18  76 Neyman and {0E. S.} Pearson) only enters if the probabilities *1p
J18  77 *0and *1p*?7 *0are interpreted as dependent on different hypotheses
J18  78 *1H *0and *1H*?7. ^*0For example, if *1p*?7 *0is near *1p, *0differing
J18  79 only in regard to a single unknown parameter \15th, then
J18  80 **[FORMULA**]
J18  81    |where *1I*0(\15th) is {0R. A.} Fisher's information function,
J18  82 under conditions for which this function exists.
J18  83    |^Formally, the concept of information in Shannon's sense can be
J18  84 employed more directly for inferring the value of \15th. ^To take the
J18  85 simplest case shorn of inessentials, if we make use Bayes's theorem to
J18  86 infer the value of a parameter {15th}*;*1r**; *0which can take one
J18  87 of only *1k *0discrete values, then our prior probability distribution
J18  88 about {15th}*;*1r**; *0will be modified by our data to a posterior
J18  89 probability distribution. ^If we measure the uncertainty in each such
J18  90 distribution by - {15S}*1p *0\0log *1p, *0we could in general expect
J18  91 the uncertainty to be reduced, but we can easily think of an example
J18  92 where the data would contradict our {6*1a priori} *0notions and make
J18  93 us less certain than before. ^This seems to me to stress the
J18  94 subjective or personal element in prior probabilities used in this
J18  95 way, and my own view is that the only way to eliminate this element
J18  96 would be deliberately to employ a *1convention *0that prior
J18  97 distributions are to be maximized with respect to uncertainty. ^In the
J18  98 present example this would imply assuming a uniform prior distribution
J18  99 for {15th}*;*1r**;, *0and ensure that information was always gained
J18 100 from a sample of data; it is somewhat reminiscent of arguments used by
J18 101 Jeffreys in recent years for standardizing prior distributions, but I
J18 102 think it important to realize that such conventions weaken any claim
J18 103 that these methods are the only rational ones possible.
J18 104    |^Whether or not the information concept in this sense finds any
J18 105 permanent place in statistical inference, there is no doubts **[SIC**]
J18 106 of its potential value in two very important scientific fields,
J18 107 biology and physics. ^This claim in respect to biology is exemplified
J18 108 by the Symposium on Information Theory in Biology held in Tennessee in
J18 109 1956; and while we must be careful not to confuse the general function
J18 110 of new concepts in stimulating further research with the particular
J18 111 one of making a particular branch or aspect of a science more precise
J18 112 and unified, the use of the information concept in discussing
J18 113 capacities of nerve fibres transmitting messages to the brain, or
J18 114 coding genetic information for realization in the developed organism,
J18 115 should be sufficient demonstration of its quantitative value. ^As
J18 116 another illustration of the trend to more explicit and precise uses of
J18 117 the information concept in biology, we may consider the familiar
J18 118 saying that life has evolved to a high degree of organization, that in
J18 119 contrast to the ultimate degradation of dead matter, living organisms
J18 120 function by reducing uncertainty, that the significant feature of
J18 121 their relation with their environment is not their absorption of
J18 122 energy (vital of course as this is), but their absorption of negative
J18 123 entropy. ^An attempt to measure the rate of accumulation of genetic
J18 124 information in evolution due to natural selection has recently been
J18 125 made by Kimura (1961), who points out that a statement by {0R. A.}
J18 126 Fisher that *'natural selection is a mechanism for generating an
J18 127 exceedingly high degree of improbability**' indicates how the increase
J18 128 in genetic information may be quantitatively measured. ^While his
J18 129 estimate is still to be regarded as provisional in character, it is
J18 130 interesting that Kimura arrives at an amount, accumulated in the last
J18 131 500 million years up to man, of the order of 10*:8**: *'bits**',
J18 132 compared with something of the order of 10*:10**: bits estimated as
J18 133 available in the diploid human chromosome set. ^He suggests that part
J18 134 of the difference, in so far as it is real, should be put down to some
J18 135 redundancy in the genetic coding mechanism.
J18 136    |^With regard to physics, I have already mentioned *'negative
J18 137 entropy**' as a synonym for information, and this is in fact the link.
J18 138 ^Again we have the danger of imprecise analysis, and the occurrence of
J18 139 a similar probabilistic formula for information and physical entropy
J18 140 does not by itself justify any identification of these concepts.
J18 141 ^Nevertheless, physical entropy is a statistical measure of
J18 142 disorganization or uncertainty, and information in this context a
J18 143 reduction of uncertainty, so that the possibility of the link is
J18 144 evident enough. ^To my mind one of the most convincing demonstrations
J18 145 for the need of this link lies in the resolution of the paradox of
J18 146 Maxwell's demon, who circumvented the Second Law of Thermodynamics and
J18 147 the inevitable increase in entropy by letting only fast molecules move
J18 148 from one gas chamber to another through a trap-door.
J18 149    |^It has been pointed out by Rosenfeld (1955) that Clausius in 1879
J18 150 went some way to explaining the paradox by realizing that the demon
J18 151 was hardly human in being able to discern individual atomic processes,
J18 152 but logically the paradox remains unless we grant that such
J18 153 discernment, while *1in principle feasible, *0at the same time creates
J18 154 further uncertainty or entropy at least equal (on the average) to the
J18 155 information gained. ^That this is so emerges from a detailed
J18 156 discussion of the problem by various writers such as Szilard, Gabor,
J18 157 and Brillouin (as described in Brillouin's book).
J18 158 *<(4) *1The ro*?5le of time*>
J18 159    |^*0I might have noted in my remarks on quantum theory that,
J18 160 whether or not time is sometimes cyclic, it appears in that theory in
J18 161 a geometrical ro*?5le, reminiscent of time in special relativity, and
J18 162 not in any way synonymous with our idea of time as implying evolution
J18 163 and irreversible change. ^It is usually suggested that this latter
J18 164 ro*?5le must be related to the increase of physical entropy, but when
J18 165 we remember that entropy is defined statistically in terms of
J18 166 uncertainty we realize not only that evolutionary time itself then
J18 167 becomes statistical, but that there are a host of further points to be
J18 168 sorted out.
J18 169    |^Let me try to list these:
J18 170    |^(*1a) *0In the early days of statistical mechanics, at the end of
J18 171 the last century, Maxwell's paradox was not the only one raised. ^Two
J18 172 others were Loschmidt's reversibility paradox, in which the
J18 173 reversibility of microscopic processes appeared to contradict the
J18 174 Second Law, and Zermelo's recurrence paradox, in which the cyclical
J18 175 behaviour of finite dynamic systems again contravened the Second Law.
J18 176 ^It should be emphasized that, while these paradoxes were formulated
J18 177 in terms of deterministic dynamics, they were not immediately
J18 178 dissipated by the advent either of quantum theory or of the idea of
J18 179 statistical processes. ^For I have just reminded you that time in
J18 180 quantum mechanics is geometrical and reversible; and stationary
J18 181 statistical processes based on microscopic reversible processes are
J18 182 themselves still reversible and recurrent.
J18 183    |^The explanations of the paradoxes are based, in the first place,
J18 184 on the difference between absolute and conditional probabilities, and
J18 185 in the second, on the theory of recurrence times. ^The apparent
J18 186 irreversibility of a system is due to its being started from an
J18 187 initial state a long way removed from the more typical states in
J18 188 equilibrium and the apparent non-recurrence of such a state to the
J18 189 inordinately long recurrence time needed before such a state will
J18 190 return.
J18 191    |^(*1b) *0So far so good*- but this conclusion applies to a system
J18 192 of reasonable size. ^We conclude that microscopic phenomena have no
J18 193 *1intrinsic *0time-direction, at least if this can only be defined in
J18 194 relation to internal entropy increase (\0cf. Bartlett, 1956). ^This is
J18 195 consistent with theoretical formulations in recent years of sub-atomic
J18 196 phenomena involving time-reversals.
J18 197    |^(*1c*0) We have also to notice that while the entropy of our
J18 198 given system will increase with external or given time, this relation
J18 199 is not reciprocal, for, if we first choose our time, a rare state in
J18 200 our stationary process will just as likely be being approached as
J18 201 being departed from.
J18 202 *# 2005
J19   1 **[313 TEXT J19**]
J19   2 ^*0The proportions between the mean and these *1z *0values are 0.4732
J19   3 and 0.2734 respectively. ^The proportion between *1z*0*;1**; and
J19   4 *1z*0*;2**; is therefore 0.4732 - 0.2734 = 0.1998. ^This is the same
J19   5 as the proportion between *1z*0*;1**; = - 1.93 and *1z*0*;2**; = -
J19   6 0.75, since the curve is symmetrical.
J19   7    |^*44.16 *0As well as occurring in the equation of the normal and
J19   8 other curves, the mean and variance parameters have another valuable
J19   9 property. ^This is the fact that they are additive. ^If we have two
J19  10 populations, with means {15m}*;1**; and {15m}*;2**;, and we add
J19  11 the variate values of these populations in pairs, we find that the
J19  12 mean of the sum ({15m}*;1+2**;) is the sum of the means
J19  13 ({15m}*;1**; + {15m}*;2**;) or
J19  14 **[FORMULA**]
J19  15    |^The mean difference between pairs of population values is the
J19  16 difference of the means of the separate populations, {0*1i.e.}
J19  17 **[FORMULA**]
J19  18    |^*0These simple properties are not, in general, possessed by
J19  19 medians, modes, or other position parameters.
J19  20    |^*44.17 *0A similar property exists for variances, but in this
J19  21 case we must take account of the correlation between the two sets of
J19  22 data which are to be added or subtracted. ^The extent of correlation
J19  23 is expressed by the correlation coefficient \15r (Greek letter \6rho,
J19  24 pronounced *"roe**"). ^This coefficient is positive when high values
J19  25 of one variate are paired with high values of the other, and similarly
J19  26 for low values; it is negative when high values of one variate are
J19  27 paired with low values of the other, and it is zero when there is no
J19  28 systematic linear relationship between the variates. ^The coefficient
J19  29 \15r can take all fractional values between + 1.0 and - 1.0 (for
J19  30 further discussion of \15r see Chapter 9, particularly *49.4*0). ^We
J19  31 may now state that the variance of a sum ({15s}*:2**:*;1+2**;) is
J19  32 **[FORMULA**]
J19  33    |^A similar property holds for the variance of the differences
J19  34 between two correlated populations given as
J19  35 **[FORMULA**]
J19  36    |^If it happens that our two populations are uncorrelated (\15r =
J19  37 0), then the last terms in equations 4.10 and 4.11 vanish ({0*1i.e.}
J19  38 *02{15rs}*;1**;{15s}*;2**; = 0) and the sum or difference of the
J19  39 variates has a variance equal to the sum of the separate variances,
J19  40 or,
J19  41 **[FORMULA**]
J19  42    |^These additive properties are not in general possessed by the
J19  43 other measures of dispersion that have been discussed.
J19  44    |^*44.18 *0The data already used in Table 4.A are written out in
J19  45 full in Table 4.C, which illustrates how the above five formulae work.
J19  46 ^Here, the individual values of X*;1**; and X*;2**; are put opposite
J19  47 one another so that \15r = 3/4. ^The values of X*;3**; and X*;4**; are
J19  48 put together so that \15r = 0. ^The actual means and variances of the
J19  49 sums and differences of X*;1**; with X*;2**; and X*;3**; with X*;4**;,
J19  50 may be compared with the results of using the above formulae.
J19  51 **[FORMULA**]
J19  52    |^These results agree with those calculated in Table 4.C. ^The
J19  53 reader should notice that in this table,
J19  54 **[FORMULA**].
J19  55    |^*44.19 Measuring Scales and Parameters. ^*0All the parameters we
J19  56 have discussed may be justifiably used with measurements on a ratio or
J19  57 interval scale. ^Nominal scales, by definition, do not justify the
J19  58 calculation of any position or dispersion parameters, since in such
J19  59 scales there is no dimension or singleness of direction involved. ^In
J19  60 nominal scales, events are numbered to show they are the same or
J19  61 different from other events, {0*1i.e.} *0the numbers reflect
J19  62 qualitative, not quantitative characteristics in the data. ^An ordinal
J19  63 scale *1does *0reflect quantitative features of the material measured,
J19  64 {0*1i.e.} *0a dimension or singleness of direction, but it does so
J19  65 by inconstant units of unknown size. ^The numbers which constitute an
J19  66 ordinal scale may vary by fixed and known amounts (such as in
J19  67 ranking), but this in no way implies that the objects measured by
J19  68 these numbers also change by fixed amounts. ^The lack
J19  69 **[TABLE**]
J19  70 of isomorphism between number intervals and object intervals in
J19  71 ordinal scales of all types, makes the addition and subtraction of
J19  72 ordinal measurements illegitimate. ^Addition and subtraction of
J19  73 numbers signifies an imaginary movement over certain intervals. ^If
J19  74 these numerical intervals do not correspond to object intervals,
J19  75 addition or subtraction of the numbers may lead to false conclusions
J19  76 about the objects they are supposed to represent. ^Since addition and
J19  77 subtraction of ordinal measurements are not legitimate, the
J19  78 calculation of means is not justified, and the use of medians, which
J19  79 do not require the addition of X values, is more permissible.
J19  80    |^*44.20 *0An illustration of the type of error which means of
J19  81 ordinal scales may engender, will clarify the above discussion and
J19  82 bring to light some further relevant
J19  83 **[TABLE**]
J19  84 considerations. ^Imagine a set of objects A, B, C,... which differ
J19  85 from one another by equal amounts of some variable. ^Let the *"true**"
J19  86 interval scale, measuring these objects, be represented by the italic
J19  87 numbers *11, 2, 3,... ^*0If all knowledge of the interval sizes is
J19  88 denied us, we may construct a standard ordinal scale, which may be
J19  89 represented by normal numbers, 1, 2, 3,... ^The relation between the
J19  90 *"true**" and the ordinal numbers might be*-
J19  91 **[TABLE**]
J19  92    |^Relative to the interval scale, this ordinal scale is stretched
J19  93 at B, F, H, I, J, M, and N, and compressed between O and P. ^If we
J19  94 measure the objects ACK and CDE on our ordinal scale, the means of
J19  95 these two groups of objects are each equal to 3, {0*1i.e.} *0the
J19  96 mean object is D for both sets. ^Yet the positions of the two sets of
J19  97 objects are different when measured on the *"true**" interval scale,
J19  98 which yields means of *15 *0and *14 *0respectively, {0*1i.e.}
J19  99 *0objects E and D. ^The point being made here is not that the
J19 100 numerical values of the means differ from one scale to another, but
J19 101 that the two scales yield different conclusions about the similarity
J19 102 between the two groups of three objects. ^The mean Centigrade
J19 103 temperature of a set of objects will be numerically different from the
J19 104 mean Fahrenheit temperature, yet both means will refer to the same
J19 105 object, because these scales are interval scales. ^The ordinal scale
J19 106 means of objects DEO and AGP are 5 and 6, while the interval scale
J19 107 means agree at the value *18. ^*0This illustrates the error converse
J19 108 to that already given, the ordinal scale producing a difference where
J19 109 none exists.
J19 110    |^*44.21 Means and Medians. ^*0The medians of the ordinal
J19 111 measurements of the first two groups given above are 2(ACK) and
J19 112 3(CDE). ^This observation shows that means and medians do not
J19 113 necessarily agree in the conclusions they yield. ^The interval scale
J19 114 means show that CDE sits to the left of ACK, ordinal scale means make
J19 115 both groups equal in position, and now, ordinal scale medians place
J19 116 CDE to the *1right *0of ACK. ^Which of these conclusions is correct?
J19 117 ^The truth is that the first and last are both correct, though they
J19 118 disagree! ^This apparent paradox is resolved when we note that means
J19 119 refer to the interval properties of objects and medians to their
J19 120 ordinal properties. ^If only order is known, medians will yield
J19 121 conclusions which are correct so far as order is concerned. ^If
J19 122 intervals are known, these supersede simple order, and means will
J19 123 yield conclusions which are correct relative to this improved
J19 124 knowledge. ^Note that the medians of both the interval and ordinal
J19 125 measurements of ACK and CDE agree in selecting objects C and D. ^We
J19 126 may say that a mean is a *1strong *0parameter which requires known
J19 127 intervals and if applied to a *1weak *0scale (ordinal) may yield false
J19 128 conclusions. ^A median is a *1weak *0parameter and if applied to a
J19 129 *1strong *0scale (interval or ratio) will yield a result comparable to
J19 130 that obtainable from any weak equivalent of this scale. ^Finally, we
J19 131 should note that the numerical size of a difference between means of
J19 132 interval or ratio scale data is an indication of the *1extent *0to
J19 133 which the data differ in position, but the numerical size of a
J19 134 difference between medians of any data is not an indication of the
J19 135 *1extent *0of difference.
J19 136    |^*44.22 Variances and Semi-interquartile Ranges. ^*0The argument
J19 137 against ordinal scale means can be extended to the use of variances on
J19 138 ordinal scale data. ^Is there any dispersion parameter which may be
J19 139 legitimately used on ordinal measurements? ^The obvious candidate for
J19 140 this role is the semi-interquartile range, but although this is a
J19 141 parameter concerned chiefly with order, it is unsatisfactory. ^The
J19 142 semi-interquartile ranges of two sets of ordinal results might show
J19 143 them to be similar (or different) in dispersion, but the use of some
J19 144 other order parameter ({0*1e.g.} *0half the distance between the top
J19 145 tenth and the bottom tenth of the data) might show them to be
J19 146 different (or similar), and we have no reason for choosing one kind of
J19 147 order parameter rather than another. ^We shall not pursue this
J19 148 argument further, except to say that dispersion is almost synonymous
J19 149 with distance and the distance between objects is something about
J19 150 which ordinal scales tell us very little. ^To seek a dispersion
J19 151 parameter for ordinal scale data is to ask from the scale more than it
J19 152 is able to tell us.
J19 153    |^*44.23 A Mechanical Analogy. ^*0We may imagine a variate X to be
J19 154 represented by a horizontal uniform rod of
J19 155 **[DIAGRAM**]
J19 156 negligible mass which is marked off in the units of X. ^Each
J19 157 individual in the population can be represented by a small weight. ^We
J19 158 can now attach these weights to the uniform rod at the points which
J19 159 represent their variate value. ^The resulting assembly will resemble a
J19 160 histogram turned upside down. ^An illustration is given in \0Fig. 4.A.
J19 161 ^In this illustration, each individual *1f *0is represented by a
J19 162 weight hung from its value of X. ^If we try to find that point on the
J19 163 rod which will balance the whole assembly, we discover it as \15m. ^In
J19 164 other words, the mean of a distribution is its centre of gravity.
J19 165 ^When the apparatus is hung from its centre of gravity, we may give
J19 166 one end of it a little push. ^This will set it spinning or rotating
J19 167 about the point of suspension. ^The amount of spinning it does depends
J19 168 on how spread out the weights are along the rod. ^If the weights are
J19 169 clustered closely around the centre of gravity, it will be highly
J19 170 stable and swing very little. ^If they are spread out along the length
J19 171 of the rod, it will be unstable and swing a great deal. ^The stability
J19 172 of the apparatus is given by {15s}*:2**:. ^In other words, the
J19 173 variance of a distribution is its moment of inertia.
J19 174    |^*44.24 Short Cuts in Calculating. ^*0We have already learned that
J19 175 frequency distributions provide easier arithmetic than a set of
J19 176 disorganised measurements (*44.5*0). ^There are techniques which make
J19 177 calculation still less laborious, and these may well be discussed
J19 178 here. ^In calculating the mean of a set of data, we must add all the
J19 179 values of the variate and divide the total so obtained by N. ^When the
J19 180 variate values are large numbers (such as age in months ranging from
J19 181 120 to 145 months), addition is laborious and, consequently, liable to
J19 182 error. ^A short cut which reduces the size of the values to be added
J19 183 is to accept a central value arbitrarily (A) before we begin the
J19 184 calculation and write all variate values (X) as deviations (*1x*?7*0)
J19 185 from this. ^The mean of the data can then be found from
J19 186 **[FORMULA**]
J19 187    |^This formula derives from the fact that the sum of the deviations
J19 188 of a set of numbers from their mean (*1{15S}x*0) is zero (*44.8*0).
J19 189 ^It follows that if *1{15S}fx*?7 *0= 0 then A = \15m, and we have
J19 190 chosen the mean as our central value by accident. ^If *1{15S}fx*?7
J19 191 *0is positive, then the A chosen must have been smaller than \15m. ^If
J19 192 *1{15S}fx*?7 *0is negative, then the A chosen was larger than \15m.
J19 193    |^*44.25 *0The major difficulty encountered in calculating the
J19 194 variance or standard deviation of data, is that if \15m is, say,
J19 195 74.98, then all deviations from this value must involve two places of
J19 196 decimals. ^Squaring numbers containing two places of decimals is a
J19 197 tedious matter. ^This difficulty can be circumvented by using the
J19 198 deviations from A mentioned above. ^The formula for the variance then
J19 199 becomes*-
J19 200 **[FORMULA**]
J19 201    |and the standard deviation is
J19 202 **[FORMULA**]
J19 203    |^The reason we subtract the correction term
J19 204 **[FORMULA**] is that the sum of squares of deviations from a mean, is
J19 205 smaller than squares about any other point.
J19 206 *# 2028
J20   1 **[314 TEXT J20**]
J20   2 ^*0Peierls (*47*0) has gone into details, but his treatment, he
J20   3 admits, is non-rigorous. ^As Dolph (*48*0) points out, the promised
J20   4 justification of this has never appeared. ^Schwartz (*49*0), in a very
J20   5 important and powerful paper, treats the Sturm-Liouville case (and
J20   6 also certain singular cases), but only as a special case of a long and
J20   7 complicated function-theoretic argument. ^Keldysh (*410*0) has also
J20   8 given a linear-operator approach to the problem.
J20   9    |^Altogether, there does seem a case for a direct justification of
J20  10 Peierls's work that does not depend on function-theoretic arguments,
J20  11 and this is particularly so when it appears that, without any great
J20  12 complication, it is possible at the same time to make a contribution
J20  13 to the singular case in which the range of *1x *0remains finite but
J20  14 *1q*0(*1x*0) becomes discontinuous at one or other or both of the
J20  15 end-points. ^This contribution does not seem to be covered by the
J20  16 existing function-theoretic arguments.
J20  17    |^The problem we shall consider is the following. ^We take the
J20  18 equation
J20  19 **[FORMULA**]
J20  20    |where *1q*0(*1r*0) may be complex but is continuous except at *1r
J20  21 *0= 0, and where
J20  22 **[FORMULA**] exists. ^We suppose that *1l *0is a positive integer or
J20  23 zero. ^The reader will readily verify that the analysis is not
J20  24 restricted to those values of *1l, *0but this is the case of practical
J20  25 importance. ^(The equation is the well-known equation that arises when
J20  26 a three-dimensional equation with spherical symmetry is solved by the
J20  27 method of separation of variables.)
J20  28    |^The boundary conditions we impose are (1.3), for some *1b *0> 0,
J20  29 together with the requirement that *1y*0(*1x*0) be
J20  30 *1L*0*:2**:(0,*1b*0). ^This, as the analysis shows, is sufficient to
J20  31 define an eigenvalue problem, except in the case *1l *0= 0, when we
J20  32 have to impose a further condition of the type (1.2) at *1a *0= 0.
J20  33 ^Despite this, the case *1l *0= 0 is similar enough to the case *1l
J20  34 *0> 0, so that we can safely restrict ourselves to *1l *0> 0. ^The
J20  35 case *1l *0= 0, with *1q*0(*1r*0) continuous, is just the
J20  36 Sturm-Liouville case, which therefore comes out as a particular case
J20  37 of the argument.
J20  38    |^We shall examine the eigenfunctions associated with this
J20  39 eigenvalue problem. ^As usual, an eigenfunction is a non-trivial
J20  40 solution of the equation (1.4) which satisfies the boundary
J20  41 conditions. ^In the self-adjoint case, the set of eigenfunctions would
J20  42 be complete, {0i.e.} any reasonable function could be expanded in a
J20  43 series of them. ^In the non-self-adjoint case, we shall see that in
J20  44 general this no longer holds, but that the set of eigenfunctions can
J20  45 be made complete by adding to it certain other functions which, though
J20  46 not eigenfunctions, are related to them. ^(Their precise form will be
J20  47 found in *?135.) ^I shall refer to these additional functions as
J20  48 *1adjoint *0functions.
J20  49    |^The problem can be extended to the case in which *1r *0= *1b *0is
J20  50 also a discontinuity of *1q*0(*1r*0), of the same type as at *1r *0=
J20  51 0. ^It will not be necessary to discuss in detail this extension, but
J20  52 it will be clear that the same general conclusions hold on the
J20  53 completeness of the set of eigenfunctions and adjoint functions.
J20  54    |^I have limited myself to proving completeness, but, at least in
J20  55 certain cases, much more can be proved. ^For example, in the
J20  56 Sturm-Liouville case, a very straightforward adaptation of (*41*0)
J20  57 [\0Ch. *=1] shows that not only is the set of eigenfunctions and
J20  58 adjoint functions complete, but also that, if *1f*0(*1r*0) is any
J20  59 function of *1L*0(0,*1b*0), then the eigenfunction expansion of
J20  60 *1f*0(*1r*0) (an expansion which, of course, includes adjoint
J20  61 functions) converges under Fourier conditions to *1f*0(*1r*0). ^This
J20  62 analysis does not seem to extend to the singular cases considered in
J20  63 this paper.
J20  64    |^*42. *0If
J20  65 **[FORMULA**], then (1.4) has solutions
J20  66 **[FORMULA**], of which
J20  67 **[FORMULA**] is *1L*0*:2**:(0,*1b*0). ^If we then write (1.4) in the
J20  68 form
J20  69 **[FORMULA**]
J20  70    |we see that it is formally equivalent to the integral equation
J20  71 **[FORMULA**].
J20  72    |^Our first objective is to prove that, for
J20  73 **[FORMULA**], and all
J20  74 **[FORMULA**] sufficiently large, the solution of (1.4) that is
J20  75 *1L*0*:2**:(0,*1b*0) is, apart from a multiplicative constant,
J20  76 **[FORMULA**],
J20  77    |where *1o*0(1) denotes a term small where
J20  78 **[FORMULA**] is large, uniformly for *1r *0in [0,*1b*0], and where
J20  79 **[FORMULA**]. ^We do this by investigating (2.1).
J20  80    |^Let
J20  81 **[FORMULA**].
J20  82    |^Then
J20  83 **[FORMULA**]
J20  84    |for all *1r, \15l, *0where *1A *0denotes various positive
J20  85 constants. ^Let
J20  86 **[FORMULA**].
J20  87    |^Then, if
J20  88 **[FORMULA**], (2.1) gives
J20  89 **[FORMULA**]
J20  90    |since
J20  91 **[FORMULA**] exists, the *1o*0(1) term denoting a quantity which
J20  92 tends to zero as
J20  93 **[FORMULA**]. ^Also, if
J20  94 **[FORMULA**],
J20  95 **[FORMULA**]
J20  96    |where
J20  97 **[FORMULA**].
J20  98    |^But, for
J20  99 **[FORMULA**], we have
J20 100 **[FORMULA**]. ^For, for all *1z,*0
J20 101 **[FORMULA**],
J20 102    |*0so that
J20 103 **[FORMULA**].
J20 104    |^The required estimate for *1G*0(*1r,t,\15l*0) follows from this
J20 105 by using the asymptotic expressions for
J20 106 **[FORMULA**].
J20 107    |^Substituting this estimate in (2.2), we obtain
J20 108 **[FORMULA**]
J20 109    |^The first of the two integrals in the last line is
J20 110 **[FORMULA**] since
J20 111 **[FORMULA**] in the range of integration and
J20 112 **[FORMULA**].
J20 113    |^The second integral is
J20 114 **[FORMULA**], by a similar type of argument. ^(The second integral
J20 115 will not, of course, appear if
J20 116 **[FORMULA**].)
J20 117    |^It thus follows from (2.1 b) and (2.4) that, for
J20 118 **[FORMULA**], if
J20 119 **[FORMULA**] is large enough, {0i.e.} that
J20 120 **[FORMULA**]. ^If we substitute this result back in the integral in
J20 121 (2.1) and re-estimate this integral on the same lines as has just been
J20 122 done, we emerge with (2.1 a).
J20 123    |^Thus any solution of (2.1) satisfies (2.1 a). ^That there is one
J20 124 (and just one) solution of (2.1) can be proved by the usual iteration
J20 125 process, of which the work above is effectively the first step. ^Then
J20 126 (2.1) can be differentiated back to show that the solution is a
J20 127 solution of (1.4).
J20 128    |^We have thus found a solution of (1.4) that is
J20 129 *1L*0*:2**:(0,*1b*0). ^If we denote this solution by
J20 130 {15f}(*1r,*0\15l), then any other solution apart from a constant
J20 131 multiple of {15f}(*1r,{15l}*0) is given by a constant multiple of
J20 132 **[FORMULA**],
J20 133    |and knowing now the behaviour of {15f}(*1r,{15l}*0) near *1r
J20 134 *0= 0, we can readily verify that {15ps}(*1r,{15l}*0) is not
J20 135 *1L*0*:2**:(0,*1b*0). ^The *1L*0*:2**:(0,*1b*0) solution is therefore
J20 136 (apart from a multiplicative constant) unique.
J20 137    |^We remark finally that, since
J20 138 **[FORMULA**] is an integral function of \15l, the process of solving
J20 139 (2.1) by iteration shows that
J20 140 **[FORMULA**] is also an integral function of \15l.
J20 141    |^*43. *0We now consider the solution {15ch}(*1r,{15l}*0) which
J20 142 satisfies (1.4) and the boundary conditions
J20 143 **[FORMULA**].
J20 144    |^As in (*41*0) [\0Ch. *=1] {15ch}(*1r,{15l}*0) is an integral
J20 145 function of \15l.
J20 146    |^The Wronskian of {15f, ch} is independent of *1r *0and so may
J20 147 be written as {15o(l)}, and
J20 148 **[FORMULA**] will be an integral function of \15l.
J20 149    |^Further, the vanishing of {15o(l)} is a necessary and
J20 150 sufficient condition for {15f, ch} to be multiples the one of the
J20 151 other, {0i.e.} for \15l to be an eigenvalue.
J20 152    |^For large values of
J20 153 **[FORMULA**],
J20 154 **[FORMULA**]
J20 155    |^(The asymptotic behaviour of {15f}*?7(*1r,{15l}*0) is
J20 156 obtained by differentiating (2.1) with respect to *1r *0and proceeding
J20 157 as before.) ^Hence, for large values of
J20 158 **[FORMULA**], the zeros of {15o(l)} must be near the zeros of
J20 159 **[FORMULA**], which are, of course, independent of *1q*0(*1r*0).
J20 160 ^Further, for large
J20 161 **[FORMULA**], the zeros of {15o(l)} are simple. ^This is best seen
J20 162 by writing
J20 163 **[FORMULA**]
J20 164    |where *1C *0is a circle with centre \15l, and by using the
J20 165 asymptotic expression (3.1) for {15o(l)} to give an asymptotic
J20 166 expression for {15o*?7(l)}. ^It is then clear that values of \15l
J20 167 near the zeros of
J20 168 **[FORMULA**] do not satisfy {15o*?7(l)} = 0.
J20 169    |^We now construct the function {15F}(*1r,{15l}*0), where
J20 170 **[FORMULA**],
J20 171    |and *1f*0(*1t*0) is any function which is *1L*0*:2**:(0,*1b*0).
J20 172 ^This is a meromorphic function of \15l, having poles at the zeros of
J20 173 {15o(l)}. ^It will be our object in the next section to show that,
J20 174 if *1f*0(*1t*0) is such that all the residues of
J20 175 {15F}(*1r,{15l}*0) at its poles vanish, then *1f*0(*1t*0) = 0
J20 176 almost everywhere.
J20 177    |^*44. *0If all the residues vanish, {15F}(*1r,{15l}*0) becomes
J20 178 an integral function of \15l. ^Let us suppose that we can prove (as we
J20 179 shall do) that we can find a sequence of circles
J20 180 **[FORMULA**], with
J20 181 **[FORMULA**], such that {15F}(*1r,{15l}*0) is bounded on the
J20 182 circles, with the bound possibly dependent on *1r, *0but independent
J20 183 of *1n. ^*0Then, by Liouville's theorem, {15F}(*1r,{15l}*0) is a
J20 184 constant, independent of \15l.
J20 185    |^Suppose then that {15F}(*1r,{15l}*0) = *1g*0(*1r*0). ^It
J20 186 follows by differentiation that
J20 187 **[FORMULA**],
J20 188    |with the result holding at least almost everywhere. ^By varying
J20 189 \15l, we have *1g*0(*1r*0) = 0, and hence *1f*0(*1r*0) = 0 almost
J20 190 everywhere.
J20 191    |^It remains to prove the boundedness of {15F}(*1r,{15l}*0), with
J20 192 *1r *0fixed, but
J20 193 **[FORMULA**], on the circles
J20 194 **[FORMULA**]. ^Since we are concerned only with results *'almost
J20 195 everywhere**', we may exclude *1r *0= 0. ^The differential equation is
J20 196 thus non-singular in the interval [*1r,b*0], and we can appeal to
J20 197 (*41*0) [equation (1.7.8)] to get an asymptotic form of
J20 198 {15ch}(*1r,{15l}*0) for sufficiently large
J20 199 **[FORMULA**]. ^In fact, we have
J20 200 **[FORMULA**],
J20 201    |where *1A *0denotes various positive constants independent of
J20 202 \15l. ^From *?132 we have, again for fixed *1r *0and sufficiently
J20 203 large
J20 204 **[FORMULA**],
J20 205 **[FORMULA**]
J20 206    |^Finally, if we choose the sequence
J20 207 **[FORMULA**] to be such that
J20 208 **[FORMULA**],
J20 209    |we see that
J20 210 **[FORMULA**]
J20 211    |on each of the circles
J20 212 **[FORMULA**], and so, on those circles, for *1n *0sufficiently large,
J20 213 we have from (3.1) that
J20 214 **[FORMULA**]
J20 215    |^If we now substitute (4.1), (4.2), (4.3) in the definition of
J20 216 {15F}(*1r,{15l}*0), and use Schwarz's inequality to estimate the
J20 217 integrals, we see readily that, on the circles
J20 218 **[FORMULA**], {15F}(*1r,{15l}*0) is bounded with bound
J20 219 independent of *1n.
J20 220    |^*45. *0From this, we can deduce the completeness of the
J20 221 eigenfunctions and adjoint functions. ^Before we do this, however, we
J20 222 must examine the nature of these eigenfunctions and adjoint functions.
J20 223 ^In the real self-adjoint case, it is well known that the zeros of
J20 224 {15o(l)} are real and simple, and, if {15l}*1*;n**; *0is such a
J20 225 zero, {15ch}(*1r,{15l}*;n**;*0) is a multiple of
J20 226 {15f}(*1r,{15l}*;n**;*0), so that we may write
J20 227 **[FORMULA**]. ^Then, near \15l = {15l}*1*;n**;, *0the singular part
J20 228 of {15F}(*1r,{15l}*0) is
J20 229 **[FORMULA**].
J20 230    |^Hence the residue at \15l = {15l}*1*;n**; *0is
J20 231 **[FORMULA**],
J20 232    |and this vanishes for all *1r *0if and only if the Fourier
J20 233 coefficient of *1f*0(*1t*0) with respect to the eigenfunction
J20 234 {15f}(*1t,{15l}*;n**;*0) vanishes.
J20 235    |^The argument remains valid even in the non-self-adjoint case
J20 236 provided that {15l}*1*;n**; *0is a simple zero of {15o(l)}.
J20 237 ^However, there is no longer any guarantee that the eigenvalues of
J20 238 {15o(l)} will be simple, and counterexamples are easily provided.
J20 239    |^Suppose now that {15l}*1*;n**; *0is a zero of order *1p *0of
J20 240 {15o(l)}. ^Then, at \15l = {15l}*1*;n**;, {15F}(*1r,{15l}*0)
J20 241 has a residue of the form
J20 242 **[FORMULA**]
J20 243    |where the *1A*;s**;(*8{15l}*1*;n**;*0) are constants depending
J20 244 on the derivatives of {15o(l)} at \15l = {15l}*1*;n**; *0and whose
J20 245 precise value will not concern us.
J20 246    |^Now {15o(l)} can be written in the form
J20 247 **[FORMULA**],
J20 248    |and we know that {15o(l}*1*;n**;*0) = {15o*?7(l}*1*;n**;*0) =
J20 249 0. ^Hence
J20 250 **[FORMULA**],
J20 251    |and interchange of the order of differentiation gives that
J20 252 **[FORMULA**]
J20 253    |is independent of *1r.
J20 254    |^*0If we repeat this process with higher differentiations with
J20 255 respect to \15l, we obtain finally that
J20 256 **[FORMULA**]
J20 257    |is independent of *1r *0for *1s *0= 0, 1,..., *1p*0-1. ^This
J20 258 implies that, for these values of *1s,
J20 259 **[FORMULA**]
J20 260    |*0so that (5.1) can be expressed as a linear combination of the
J20 261 *1p *0functions
J20 262 **[FORMULA**], the coefficients being homogeneous linear combinations
J20 263 of the *1p *0expressions
J20 264 **[FORMULA**],
J20 265    |or, what is the same thing, homogeneous linear combinations of the
J20 266 *1p *0expressions
J20 267 **[FORMULA**].
J20 268    |^For the residue to vanish it is therefore sufficient that all the
J20 269 Fourier coefficients of *1f*0(*1t*0) with respect to the *1p
J20 270 *0functions
J20 271 **[FORMULA**] should vanish. ^Hence, if all the Fourier coefficients
J20 272 of *1f*0(*1t*0) vanish at all zeros of {15o(l)}, then all the
J20 273 residues of *8{15F}(*1r,{15l}*0) vanish, and so, as already proved,
J20 274 *1f*0(*1t*0) = 0 almost everywhere. ^This shows, by application of a
J20 275 standard theorem, that the system of eigenfunctions and adjoint
J20 276 functions, where the adjoint functions are
J20 277 **[FORMULA**],
J20 278    |is complete.
J20 279    |^The question does arise whether the adjoint functions are indeed
J20 280 necessary for completeness, or whether on the contrary they themselves
J20 281 can be expressed as linear combinations of the eigenfunctions, and so
J20 282 be eliminated from the expansion of an arbitrary function. ^It is a
J20 283 standard theorem in the theory of orthogonal functions that all the
J20 284 eigenfunctions and adjoint functions are necessary if they form an
J20 285 *1orthonormal *0set, and we shall prove that they are substantially
J20 286 orthonormal in *?13 6. ^What we shall actually prove (and it is clear
J20 287 that this will be sufficient) is
J20 288    |(**=1) that all the eigenfunctions and adjoint functions
J20 289 associated with an eigenvalue {15l}*1*;n**; *0are orthogonal to all
J20 290 the eigenfunctions and adjoint functions associated with an eigenvalue
J20 291 {15l}*1*;m**;, *0where
J20 292 **[FORMULA**];
J20 293    |(**=2) that the eigenfunctions and adjoint functions associated
J20 294 with an eigenvalue {15l}*1*;n**; *0of multiplicity *1p *0can be
J20 295 expressed by a non-singular transformation as linear combinations of
J20 296 *1p *0orthonormal functions.
J20 297    |^It should be remarked that the number of multiple eigenvalues is
J20 298 at most finite, and so the number of adjoint functions is at most
J20 299 finite.
J20 300 *# 2002
J21   1 **[315 TEXT J21**]
J21   2 *<*2A PERMUTATION REPRESENTATION OF THE GROUP OF THE BITANGENTS*>
J21   3 *<{0W. L.} *0Edge*>
J21   4    |^1. *0The group \15G of the bitangents has been studied in two
J21   5 recent papers ([3] and [4]). ^It was represented in [4] as a subgroup
J21   6 of index 2 of the group of symmetries of a regular polytope in
J21   7 Euclidean space of dimension 6, in [3] as the group of automorphisms
J21   8 of a non-singular quadric *1Q *0in the finite projective space [6]
J21   9 over *1F*- *0the Galois Field *1GF*0(2). ^The culmination of [4] is
J21  10 the compilation, for the first time, of the complete table of
J21  11 characters of \15G, and Frame uses this table to suggest possible
J21  12 degrees for permutation representations. ^Such representations, of
J21  13 degrees 28, 36, 63, 135, 288 are patent once the geometry of *1Q *0is
J21  14 known; but Frame, having observed that there is a combination of the
J21  15 characters that satisfies the several conditions known to be
J21  16 necessary, had proposed also 120 as a possible degree. ^As there is no
J21  17 guarantee that the set of necessary conditions is sufficient, and as
J21  18 no representation of \15G of degree 120 seems yet to have appeared in
J21  19 the literature, a description is here submitted of one that is
J21  20 incorporated with the geometry of *1Q.
J21  21    |^Q *0consists, as explained in [3], of 63 points *1m*0; 315 lines
J21  22 *1g *0(all three points on a *1g *0being *1m*0) lie on *1Q, *0while
J21  23 through each *1g *0pass three planes *1d *0lying wholly on *1Q *0(in
J21  24 that all seven points in *1d *0are *1m, *0and all seven lines in *1d
J21  25 *0are *1g*0). ^These three *1d *0form the complete intersection of *1Q
J21  26 *0with *1E, *0the polar [4] of *1g.
J21  27    |^*0There are, and it is intended to construct them, 120 figures
J21  28 *8F*0; each *8F *0includes all 63 *1m *0together with 63 *1d, *0one
J21  29 *1d *0being associated with each *1m*- *0having *1m *0for its *1focus
J21  30 *0as one may say. ^Those *1g *0in *1d *0that pass through its focus
J21  31 may be called *1rays*0; all three *1d *0containing a ray belong to
J21  32 *8F*0, their foci being those three *1m *0that constitute the ray, so
J21  33 that, there being three rays in each of 63 *1d, *0there are 63 rays in
J21  34 *8F. ^*0The plane of any two intersecting rays is on *1Q, *0and the
J21  35 third line therein through the intersection is a ray too. ^None of the
J21  36 72 *1d *0extraneous to *8F *0includes a ray; of those *1d *0that pass
J21  37 through a *1g *0which is not a ray only one belongs to *8F*0, the
J21  38 other two being extraneous to *8F.
J21  39    |^*0Although such a figure as *8F *0may not have been previously
J21  40 described it has been encountered, so to say, by implication, being
J21  41 obtainable when *1Q *0is regarded as a section of a ruled quadric *4S
J21  42 *0in [7]; one has then only to take, on *4S*0, those points that are
J21  43 autoconjugate ({0*1i.e.} *0incident with their corresponding solids)
J21  44 in a certain triality. ^That such points make up a prime section of
J21  45 *4S *0is known (see 5.2.2 in [5]), and that there are 63 of them
J21  46 accords with putting \15k = \15l = 2 in 8.2.4 of [5]; 8.2.6 then says
J21  47 that, of 63 *1m, *032 lie outside the tangent prime *1T*0*;0**; to *1Q
J21  48 *0at a given point *1m*0*;0**; while 8.2.5 says that there are 63
J21  49 rays, or *"fixed lines**" in Tits' phraseology.
J21  50    |^2. Let \15d, \15d*?7 be any two of the 135 planes on *1Q *0that
J21  51 are skew to one another; they span a [5] *1C *0and, being skew, belong
J21  52 to opposite systems on *8K*0, the Klein section of *1Q *0by *1C.
J21  53    |^*0Through any line *1g *0of \15d passes another plane of *8K
J21  54 *0which, belonging to the opposite system to \15d, is in the same
J21  55 system as \15d*?7 and so meets \15d*?7 at a point *1m*?7*0; moreover,
J21  56 the points *1m*?7 *0so arising from *1g *0in \15d concurrent at *1m
J21  57 *0lie on *1g*?7, *0the line of intersection of \15d*?7 with the
J21  58 tangent space [{15d}*1g*?7] *0of *8K *0at *1m*0. ^The plane, other
J21  59 than \15d*?7, on *8K *0that contains *1g*?7 *0is [*1mg*?7*0]. ^So
J21  60 there is set up a correlation between \15d and \15d*?7; each point of
J21  61 either is correlative to a line of the other.
J21  62    |^If *1m *0in \15d and *1m*?7 *0in \15d*?7 each lie on the line
J21  63 correlative to the other their join is on *8K. ^*0There are 21 such
J21  64 joins; through each point *1m *0of \15d there pass three, lying in the
J21  65 plane joining *1m *0to its correlative *1g*?7, *0and likewise there
J21  66 pass three coplanar joins through each point *1m*?7 *0of \15d*?7.
J21  67 ^Since *8K *0consists of 35 *1m *0there are 21, which may be labelled
J21  68 temporarily as points \15m, that lie neither in \15d nor in \15d*?7;
J21  69 through each \15m passes one transversal to \15d *0and \15d*?7; these
J21  70 21 lines, one through each \15m, are the joins *1mm*?7 *0of points
J21  71 each on the line correlative to the other.
J21  72    |^Through each point on *8K *0pass nine lines lying on *8K*0; if
J21  73 *1m *0is in \15d three of them lie in \15d while another three join
J21  74 *1m *0to the points on its correlative *1g*?7*0; there remain three
J21  75 others, so that 21 *1g *0on *8K *0meet \15d in points and are skew to
J21  76 \15d*?7. ^Another 21 meet \15d*?7 in points and are skew to \15d.
J21  77 ^There are also among the 105*1g *0on *8K *0seven in \15d, seven in
J21  78 \15d*?7, 21 transversal to \15d and \15d*?7; there remain 28, which
J21  79 may be labelled *1g*/, *0skew to both \15d and \15d*?7. ^These 28
J21  80 *1g*/ *0may be identified as follows. ^Take any *1g *0in \15d; the
J21  81 solid that joins it to any *1g*?7 *0through its correlative *1m*?7
J21  82 *0in \15d meets *8K *0in two planes through *1mm*?7, m *0being that
J21  83 point on *1g *0to which *1g*?7 *0is correlative. ^But there are four
J21  84 lines *1g*?7 *0in \15d*?7 that do not contain *1m*?7*0; then the solid
J21  85 [*1gg*?7*0] meets *8K *0in a hyperboloid whereon the regulus that
J21  86 includes *1g *0and *1g*?7 *0is completed by *1g*/. ^*0As there are
J21  87 seven *1g *0in \15d, and four *1g*?7 *0in \15d*?7 not containing the
J21  88 correlative *1m, *0the 28 *1g*/ *0are accounted for.
J21  89    |^There being three \15m on each *1g*/, *0but only 21 \15m in all,
J21  90 one expects there to be four *1g*/ *0through each \15m; this is so.
J21  91 ^For let the transversal from \15m to \15d, \15d*?7 meet \15d in *1m,
J21  92 *0\15d*?7 in *1m*?7*0; through *1m, *0and in \15d, are lines
J21  93 *1g*0*;1**;, *1g*0*;2**; other than the correlative *1g *0to *1m*?7*0;
J21  94 through *1m*?7, *0and in \15d*?7, are lines *1g*0*;1**;*?7,
J21  95 *1g*0*;2**;*?7 *0other than the correlative *1g*?7 *0to *1m*0; each
J21  96 solid
J21  97 **[FORMULA**]
J21  98    |meets *8K *0in a hyperboloid whereon a regulus is completed by a
J21  99 *1g*/*0 through \15m.
J21 100    |^3. Take, now, one of these *1g*/*0: the transversals from its
J21 101 three \15m to \15d, \15d*?7 form a regulus whose complement includes
J21 102 *1g *0in \15d and *1g*?7 *0in \15d*?7, neither *1g *0nor *1g*?7
J21 103 *0being correlative to any point on the other. ^The correlative *1m
J21 104 *0in \15d of *1g*?7 *0is conjugate to every point of *1g *0and, by the
J21 105 defining property of the correlation, to every point of *1g*?7*0; so,
J21 106 likewise, is the correlative *1m*?7 *0in \15d*?7 of *1g. ^*0Hence the
J21 107 polar plane *1j*0*;0**; ([3], *?136) of [*1gg*?7*0] with respect to
J21 108 *1Q *0contains both *1m *0and *1m*?7*0; there is one remaining point
J21 109 *1m*/ *0of *1Q *0in *1j*0*;0**;, and it lies outside *1C*- *0for to
J21 110 suppose that it belonged to *1C *0would put the whole of *1j*0*;0**;
J21 111 in *1C, *0whereas the kernel of *1Q, *0which is in *1j*0*;0**;, is
J21 112 outside *1C. ^*0Now there are 63-25 = 28 points *1m*/ *0on *1Q *0that
J21 113 are not on *8K*0; thus each *1m*/ *0is linked to a *1g*/, *0and
J21 114 *1m*/g*/ *0is a plane *1d *0on *1Q.
J21 115    |^*0There are three planes on *1Q *0through any line thereon; if
J21 116 this line is a transversal *1m{15m}m*?7 *0from one of the 21 \15m to
J21 117 \15d and \15d*?7 two of these planes are on *8K*0, while the third
J21 118 contains a quadrangle
J21 119 *1m*0*;1**;*/*1m*0*;2**;*/*1m*0*;3**;*/*1m*0*;4**;*/ with its
J21 120 diagonal points at *1m, \15m, m*?7. ^*0The tangent prime to *1Q *0at
J21 121 any vertex of this quadrangle contains *1m{15m}m*?7 *0and meets
J21 122 \15d, \15d*?7 in lines belonging to a regulus completed by *1g*/
J21 123 *0through \15m. ^Thus four concurrent *1g*/ *0are linked with coplanar
J21 124 *1m*/ *0whose plane, containing the transversal to \15d and \15d*?7
J21 125 from the point of concurrence, lies on *1Q *0but not on *8K.
J21 126    |^*04. Choose now, from among the 315 *1g *0on *1Q, *0the 21
J21 127 transversals of \15d, \15d*?7 and those, three through each *1m*/,
J21 128 *0that join *1m*/ *0to those \15m on the *1g*/ *0that is linked with
J21 129 it. ^Each such join contains two *1m*/, *0the *1g*/ *0that are linked
J21 130 therewith both passing through \15m; hence, under this second heading,
J21 131 the number of *1g *0selected is
J21 132 **[FORMULA**]. ^So 63 *1g *0are chosen: call them rays. ^Through each
J21 133 *1m *0on *1Q *0pass three rays, and they are coplanar. ^If *1m *0is
J21 134 *1m*/ *0this is manifest from the prescription of choice, as it is too
J21 135 if *1m *0is in \15d or \15d*?7. ^If *1m *0is \15m the rays are, say,
J21 136 **[FORMULA**] and lie in that *1d *0through *1m{15m}m*?7 *0that is
J21 137 not on *8K. ^*0So 63 *1d *0are chosen from among the 135 on *1Q*0;
J21 138 each contains three concurrent rays. ^Call the *1m *0wherein the rays
J21 139 concur the focus of *1d.
J21 140    |^*0Through any *1g *0there pass three *1d*0; if *1g *0is a ray
J21 141 these *1d *0are those having the *1m *0on the ray for foci. ^The
J21 142 points of *1d *0other than its focus *1m *0are foci of those other *1d
J21 143 *0which belong to *8F *0and contain *1m*0; if *1d, d*?7 *0in *8F *0are
J21 144 such that the focus of *1d*?7 *0is in *1d *0then the focus of *1d *0is
J21 145 in *1d*?7. ^*0Whenever two rays meet the third line through their
J21 146 intersection and lying in their plane is a ray too. ^It is these 63
J21 147 *1d, *0with the 63 rays and foci, that constitute the figure *8F.
J21 148    |^*0Each *1d *0in *8F *0contains, as well as three concurrent rays,
J21 149 a quadrilateral of *1g *0that are not rays; thus, by four in each of
J21 150 63 *1d, *0the 315-63 = 252 *1g *0that are not rays are accounted for.
J21 151 ^Through each such *1g *0pass two planes on *1Q *0in addition to *1d,
J21 152 *0but they are extraneous to *8F. ^*0The 135-63 = 72 extraneous planes
J21 153 may be labelled \15d; the planes above denominated by \15d and \15d*?7
J21 154 are in this category. ^No *1g *0in \15d is a ray and only one of the
J21 155 planes on *1Q *0that pass through it belongs to *8F *0whereas, were
J21 156 *1g *0a ray, all three would do so.
J21 157    |^5. Label the *1m *0in any of the 72 \15d by
J21 158 **[FORMULA**]
J21 159    |they lie on *1g *0that can be taken as
J21 160 **[FORMULA**]
J21 161    |^Through each such *1g *0there is a single *1d *0belonging to
J21 162 *8F*0; label the foci of these *1d, *0none of which can lie in \15d,
J21 163 respectively
J21 164 **[FORMULA**]
J21 165    |^Then those *1d *0whose foci are in \15d join its points to the
J21 166 respective triads
J21 167 **[FORMULA**]
J21 168    |^Thus the join of every pair of points *=1*?7 is on *1Q *0and,
J21 169 there being no solid on *1Q, *0the points *=1*?7 lie in a plane
J21 170 \15d*?7 whose lines consist of the triads *=2*?7.
J21 171    |^Each of the 72 \15d has, it is now clear, a twin \15d*?7 coupled
J21 172 with it by *8F. ^*0The correlation between \15d and \15d*?7 is shown
J21 173 by *=1 and *=2*?7 or, alternatively, by *=1*?7 and *=2. ^Those *1d
J21 174 *0that pass one through each line of \15d*?7 have for their foci the
J21 175 points of \15d correlative to these lines; if *1d *0passes, say,
J21 176 through *11*?7 3*?7 5*?7 *0its focus is the point *15 *0common to
J21 177 those *1d *0whose foci are *11*?7, 3*?7, 5*?7.
J21 178    |^*0Since, by the construction in *?134, \15d and \15d*?7 determine
J21 179 *8F *0uniquely there are *1x*0/36 figures *8F *0where *1x *0is the
J21 180 number of pairs of skew planes on *1Q. ^*0To calculate *1x *0note, in
J21 181 the first place (using *1d *0now to signify a plane on *1Q *0whether
J21 182 it be in *8F *0or extraneous thereto), that each *1d *0is met in lines
J21 183 by 14 others, two passing through each *1g *0in *1d. ^*0Note next, to
J21 184 ascertain how many *1d *0meet a given *1d*0*;0**; in points only, that
J21 185 the 15 *1d *0through a point *1m *0of *1d*0*;0**; project, from *1m,
J21 186 *0the figure of 15 *1g *0in [*14] *0passing three by three through 15
J21 187 points ([2], *?13*?1313-15).
J21 188 *# 2029
J22   1 **[316 TEXT J22**]
J22   2 ^*0This is a very much over-simplified example, but it may serve to
J22   3 emphasise the point that common criteria of adaptation often
J22   4 contradict each other.
J22   5    |
J22   6    |^A common antecedent to symptoms of stress in the individual is
J22   7 violent change in the environment and, in the particular instance of
J22   8 stress conditions and behaviour that I will be discussing, overt and
J22   9 drastic changes are not far to seek. ^Africa is in a stage of
J22  10 turbulent transition. ^The last hundred years have brought great
J22  11 changes in the life of its tribes and of its tribesmen. ^As I have
J22  12 mentioned, a fertile source of human stress is the clash between the
J22  13 demands of the individual and those of his society. ^This conflict
J22  14 must be the more severe when the two aspects are not geared together,
J22  15 functionally, as they tend to be in any rigid pre-literate tribal
J22  16 system where the conformity of the individual to a very stable pattern
J22  17 of expected behaviour is ensured by the traditional methods of child
J22  18 rearing.
J22  19    |^Tonight I will be considering some aspects of life in Zululand
J22  20 and change has been as violent here as elsewhere on the continent.
J22  21 ^The modern Zulu is neither purely traditional African nor purely
J22  22 Western in his attitudes, aspirations and behaviour. ^He is a
J22  23 displaced person and his society is a displaced society. ^In effect,
J22  24 there are few readily identifiable social norms for any specific
J22  25 action and I think that it is this fact that makes the investigation
J22  26 of stress disorder in Zululand so difficult and yet so potentially
J22  27 illuminating. ^The situation is an excellent example of Durkheim's
J22  28 *1anomy, *0social disorganization at all levels*- *'norms**' are hard
J22  29 or impossible to find and the psychologist cannot, for long, hold many
J22  30 preconceptions. ^As, to most of you, the background will be unfamiliar
J22  31 I must spend a little time in giving a very short account of the
J22  32 social situation then (say 1850) and now.
J22  33    |^In the nineteenth century the Zulu people were the pastoralist
J22  34 and agriculturist conquerors of a very large area of Southern Africa.
J22  35 ^There was more than enough land for their needs. ^The men were
J22  36 warriors whose chief domestic duty was the tending of the cattle*- an
J22  37 occupation strictly taboo to women. ^The women did the hard work on
J22  38 the lands. ^The state was a pyramidal patriarchy with the Zulu king,
J22  39 the secular and religious *'father of his people**', at the apex. ^The
J22  40 men remained at their homesteads except when they were required for
J22  41 military service, and all legal and ritual authority was vested in the
J22  42 males of the nation. ^Most marriages were polygynous and based upon a
J22  43 system of bride-price, and the Zulu woman was at the bottom of the
J22  44 social pyramid. ^While the behaviour of all members of the society was
J22  45 strictly circumscribed by law and custom, this was especially true of
J22  46 the young married woman, living under the strict tutelage of her
J22  47 husband's mother. ^She even had to modify the very speech that she
J22  48 used in order to avoid any words containing the root sound of the name
J22  49 of her father in law. ^The extended family was always present, which
J22  50 helped greatly in the rearing of children; children that were of vital
J22  51 importance to the nation for not only did they ensure continuity of
J22  52 the clan and the adequate care of the parents when they died and
J22  53 became ancestral spirits, but they were also economically profitable,
J22  54 a girl child fetching, on marriage, some ten head of cattle (highly
J22  55 prized on both economic and religious grounds) from the prospective
J22  56 bridegroom. ^Fertility in women was thus an attribute of paramount
J22  57 importance. ^In any marriage without issue the woman was, almost
J22  58 invariably, regarded as the sterile partner.
J22  59    |^In only two ways could women ever assert power in any public
J22  60 fashion. ^On one day in the year they were allowed to dress as men,
J22  61 tend the cattle, drink beer in a masculine fashion, sing obscene songs
J22  62 and beat any man found outside the huts. ^Also any woman, if possessed
J22  63 by the spirits of the dead ancestors, could become a diviner*- usually
J22  64 called in lay description *'a witch-doctor**'. ^During the period of
J22  65 her emergence into this ro*?5le the possessed person (ninety per cent
J22  66 of diviners were and are women) became very ill, showing gross
J22  67 symptoms of mental disturbance,*- in our society the label
J22  68 *'psychotic**' would probably be applied*- and then often recovered to
J22  69 take up her profitable and public duties as a diviner of the causes of
J22  70 harm in the society such as illness or the results of bewitchment. ^To
J22  71 the people, a kind of Harley Street consultant.
J22  72    |^So much for a very brief summary of the position as it was. ^What
J22  73 of the analogous situation today?
J22  74    |^There is no longer a Zulu King, the temporal and spiritual head
J22  75 of his people. ^Tribal authority has been taken over, in all really
J22  76 effective aspects, by the white man. ^The tribal lands have been
J22  77 drastically restricted in area. ^In order to make ends meet some
J22  78 eighty per cent of all men of working age (between sixteen and fifty)
J22  79 have to be away from home for some ten months in each year, working
J22  80 hundreds of miles away in the mines and factories of the white man.
J22  81 ^The Zulu extended family has, usually, been broken up, and the
J22  82 traditions and regulations of the tribe are becoming a dead letter.
J22  83 ^Many Zulu have become Christians, abandoning, at any rate nominally,
J22  84 the worship of the ancestors. ^Polygyny is rare, and becoming rarer.
J22  85 ^Poverty and malnutrition are rife; infant mortality is some 350 per
J22  86 1000 live births. ^Both tuberculosis and venereal disease have become
J22  87 common disorders*- the latter exacerbated by the promiscuity
J22  88 engendered by the migrant labour system. ^What of the Zulu woman in
J22  89 all this?
J22  90    |^She will still work in the fields though they cannot produce
J22  91 enough food for herself and her children. ^She will have to tend the
J22  92 cattle, an unthinkable action in the indigenous situation. ^She is
J22  93 still subject to the control of her mother in law. ^She is less likely
J22  94 to be pregnant and to bear a live child; conception is more improbable
J22  95 with her husband away for a large part of the year and here too
J22  96 venereal disease rates are of relevance. ^On average, she will have
J22  97 had two or three years of Western education. ^Even if she has been to
J22  98 school for a much longer time she may not be allowed to work in the
J22  99 distant towns. ^The transvestite ceremony of the one day in the year
J22 100 has fallen into desuetude, but the Zulu woman can still become a
J22 101 diviner and there are as many of these*- probably more*- than there
J22 102 ever were.
J22 103    |^Here, then, we have a classic picture of general social stress as
J22 104 it has usually been conceived. ^It is obvious that the Zulu woman
J22 105 *1could *0be affected at many levels of her functioning by the
J22 106 pressures inherent in the general situation, and many theorists would
J22 107 argue that some new forms of pathological behaviour were to be
J22 108 expected or, at least, that one would expect an increase in the
J22 109 *1rates *0of known types of mental disorder in the population. ^Has
J22 110 either of these possibilities come to pass? ^This is an extremely
J22 111 difficult question to answer but, possibly rashly, I am inclined to
J22 112 say *'yes**'.
J22 113    |^About 1897 the crying began*- \*1umHayizo *0or \*1isiPoliyane*-
J22 114 *0it goes under different names. ^But none of these names, as far as I
J22 115 can ascertain, had appeared in the language before this date. ^There
J22 116 is no mention of this very specific behaviour in the written records
J22 117 of travellers, missionaries or lexicographers, though other aberrant
J22 118 forms of behaviour such as spirit possession had been named and
J22 119 described from 1820 onwards. ^The people themselves date the symptoms
J22 120 from 1897, *'after all our cattle had died in the greatest rinderpest
J22 121 epidemic**'. ^But why should simple *'crying**' be regarded as
J22 122 pathological? ^It is, in fact, anything but simple and ordinary. ^A
J22 123 Zulu woman may suddenly begin to cry out {*'*1Hayi! Hayi! Hayi!**'}
J22 124 *0or {*'*1Zza! Zza! Zza!**' } *0or to make guttural grunting
J22 125 screams. ^She may keep this up for hours, days, even weeks on end,
J22 126 ceasing only during sleep. ^By our standards this looks, and sounds,
J22 127 most peculiar and most earlier observers unhesitatingly adjudged it
J22 128 pathological. ^Various ethnologists, doctors and missionaries stated
J22 129 that the crying was directly caused by: epilepsy; alcoholism and the
J22 130 breakdown of the old social order; abnormal sexual habits; forbidden
J22 131 or unfulfilled sexual wishes; *'gain by illness**'; the use of love
J22 132 charms by men; even *'Hamletism**'. ^Once a *'reason**' for the
J22 133 behaviour had been stated no further investigation was, generally,
J22 134 felt to be necessary but there are implications of a stress situation
J22 135 in most of the hypotheses advanced. ^Observers tended to assume that
J22 136 the crying was a discrete reaction*- a single and separate bit of
J22 137 behaviour in its own right.
J22 138    |^At any rate, using interviews, questionnaires and a projective
J22 139 test (asking my subjects to tell stories about pictures which were
J22 140 illustrative, I hoped, of the *'stress points**' of the culture) I
J22 141 spent some years trying to find out about this very clear cut kind of
J22 142 behaviour. ^I hope that some of my findings may serve to illustrate
J22 143 various levels of adaptation, the possible utility of some apparently
J22 144 *'maladaptive**' symptoms, and to demonstrate that this pattern of
J22 145 behaviour is anything but discrete and that it has a logic of its own
J22 146 as an integral part of the personality of the screamer.
J22 147    |^Firstly it emerged that while some ten per cent of men reported
J22 148 that they had suffered occasional attacks, almost exactly half Zulu
J22 149 women showed a history of the crying fits. ^This fact emerged on three
J22 150 separate occasions from random samples totalling some thousand women.
J22 151 ^This made the use of a quantitative criterion for normality (is it
J22 152 more normal to scream than not to scream?) unprofitable, and I went on
J22 153 to examine related phenomena to try to establish the nosology and
J22 154 aetiology of the condition. ^Using as a control group those women who
J22 155 had no history of such crying I found, on a statistical basis, that
J22 156 the crying was not linked with *'hysteria**' as I had thought likely,
J22 157 but that it was highly significantly associated with a history of such
J22 158 classical symptoms of anxiety as precordial pain, sweating hands and
J22 159 feet, apparently *'causeless**' fear \0etc. ^The screaming represented
J22 160 an immediate reaction to fear. ^The subject felt overpowering terror,
J22 161 the physical sensation of which was localised between the shoulder
J22 162 blades, and cried out. ^This could be precipitated by many different
J22 163 stimuli in the environment, a snake, a clap of thunder, a sharp word
J22 164 or even, subjective and very common, *'a feeling of anger**'. ^In
J22 165 effect, what I was investigating was probably a sudden discharge of
J22 166 anxiety in the form of an immediate, but prolonged, fear reaction.
J22 167    |^Here, too, the interesting finding appeared that the cryers were,
J22 168 if anything, less prone to most symptoms of conversion hysteria than
J22 169 were the controls. ^There seemed a possibility that this relative
J22 170 immunity from hysterical blindnesses, paralyses \0etc. was connected
J22 171 with the crying fits as this was a central difference between the two
J22 172 groups; the categories of cryers and controls having been established
J22 173 after all the questions had been asked, on the basis of whether the
J22 174 reply to the question ^*'Have you ever had crying attacks?**' was
J22 175 positive or negative. ^But there was one exception to this freedom
J22 176 from hysterical conversion. ^Women with a history of pseudocyesis,
J22 177 common in the area, and itself a classical symptom of conversion
J22 178 hysteria, were practically all to be found in the crying group. ^This
J22 179 was of particular interest for two reasons. ^Firstly it was an
J22 180 exception to the relative lack of proneness to conversion shown by the
J22 181 screamers, and the reasons for this exception thus seemed worthy of
J22 182 close investigation. ^Secondly, in terms of the literature, such
J22 183 pseudo-pregnancy has often been regarded as the result of a strong but
J22 184 unavailing wish for a child, especially when the woman is under strong
J22 185 social pressure to produce a baby*- the obstetrical history of some
J22 186 Queens of England where an heir to the throne was required is a case
J22 187 in point.
J22 188 *# 2010
J23   1 **[317 TEXT J23**]
J23   2    |^Piaget stresses that children cannot visualize the results of the
J23   3 simplest actions until they have seen them performed, so that a child
J23   4 cannot imagine the section of a cylinder as a circle, until he has cut
J23   5 through, say, a cylinder of plasticine. ^As always for Piaget, thought
J23   6 can only take the place of action on the basis of the data that action
J23   7 itself provides.
J23   8    |^While experience and general cultural opportunities are of great
J23   9 importance in helping the child to develop his concepts of space, it
J23  10 must not be forgotten that genetic causes, and temperament, play
J23  11 important roles too, especially the former. ^It has long been known
J23  12 that ability to manipulate shapes in the mind is present by 10-12
J23  13 years of age, independent of measured intelligence. ^Further, girls
J23  14 possess this ability to a lesser degree than boys, and it is likely
J23  15 that their inferiority in this respect is in part due to the differing
J23  16 kinds of activities in which they engage. ^It was suggested, too, by
J23  17 El Koussy in 1935, that the ability depended on the capacity of the
J23  18 individual to obtain, and the facility to utilize, visual spatial
J23  19 imagery. ^El Koussy's point of view has recently received a little
J23  20 support from the work of Stewart and Macfarlane Smith (1959) using the
J23  21 electroencephalograph. ^Piaget would certainly admit that imagery
J23  22 supports spatial reasoning and geometrical thought, but is not in
J23  23 itself sufficient.
J23  24 **[BIBLIOGRAPHY**]
J23  25 *<*2CHAPTER NINE*>
J23  26 *<*5Concepts of Length and Measurement*>
J23  27    |^*2BEFORE *0children come to school they are likely to hear many
J23  28 expressions used by adults and older children in relation to length
J23  29 and measurement. ^For example, most children hear their mothers speak
J23  30 of yards of material, or*- less often*- their fathers speak of feet of
J23  31 timber, or of the distance to the station or nearby town. ^More
J23  32 frequently, however, they hear of comparisons rather than the names of
J23  33 actual lengths, such as ~*'This is longer than that**', or ~*'That is
J23  34 higher than this**'. ^These expressions are associated with many
J23  35 experiences ranging, maybe, from the length of nails to the height of
J23  36 mountains. ^Likewise a child hears terms like *'near**' and *'far**'
J23  37 in relation to nearby or distant towns. ^Again, from his play, or
J23  38 through watching the activities of grown-ups, he learns that a piece
J23  39 of string may be made shorter by cutting a piece off, or a stick made
J23  40 shorter by breaking it. ^Likewise he learns that sticks and ropes may
J23  41 be joined to other sticks and ropes and so made longer. ^Later we
J23  42 shall say a great deal about the view of the Geneva school regarding
J23  43 conceptual development in relation to length and measurement. ^It is
J23  44 sufficient to say here that it is out of these pre-school and
J23  45 out-of-school experiences, and out of infant school activities such as
J23  46 take place in the *'free choice**' period, that the child comes to
J23  47 understand the quality of longness or length*- that is, the extent
J23  48 from beginning to end in the spatial field. ^During these experiences
J23  49 the child moves from visual, auditory and kinaesthetic perceptions,
J23  50 and actions to concepts.
J23  51    |^In activities involving counting a child may be asked to count
J23  52 the number of steps he has to take to cross the classroom. ^Another
J23  53 child will be found to take a different number of steps. ^Or, the
J23  54 lengths of short objects may be measured by the foot*- the distance
J23  55 from heel to toe*- or by the span from little finger to thumb when the
J23  56 hand is stretched as far as possible. ^From a variety of similar
J23  57 exercises the teacher can help her children to understand the need for
J23  58 a fixed unit of length for measuring purposes. ^Of course, mankind has
J23  59 had exactly this problem of establishing fixed units, and a little
J23  60 history of measurement is an enjoyable and stimulating piece of work
J23  61 for older junior pupils.
J23  62    |^By the upper end of the infant's school the faster learners will
J23  63 be ready to be introduced to one of the agreed units of measurement,
J23  64 \0viz the foot. ^Lengths of wood or hardboard, or plain foot rulers
J23  65 without end pieces or sub-divisions*- which can be purchased*- are
J23  66 given to the children, and they are instructed to measure various
J23  67 lengths and record their answers in a notebook. ^In the early stages
J23  68 they should be set to measure the lengths of lines drawn on the
J23  69 blackboard or floor, or to measure the length of pieces of string,
J23  70 paper, \0etc, all of which are cut to an exact number of feet in
J23  71 length. ^Later, they can be set to measure the length of other objects
J23  72 in the environment to the nearest foot, so that if an object is nearly
J23  73 3 feet long it is recorded as a full 3 feet. ^It is good, too, to let
J23  74 children estimate lengths before they measure, in the hope that it
J23  75 will lead to estimation with increased accuracy.
J23  76    |^With experience and maturity the pupils naturally become
J23  77 dissatisfied with a ruler that permits measurement to a foot only, for
J23  78 there are so many bits and pieces left over. ^This is the moment to
J23  79 introduce the inch, and a foot stick or foot ruler with inch marks on
J23  80 it. ^At the same time have work cards available on which there are
J23  81 lines drawn to an exact number of inches, or lengths of string and
J23  82 paper similarly cut for the pupils to measure. ^The next step is the
J23  83 measurement, to the nearest inch, of objects in the environment; the
J23  84 children ought frequently to express their answer as, say, 1 foot 3
J23  85 inches and as 15 inches, for this will help them to understand the
J23  86 relationship between two units used in the measurement of length.
J23  87 ^Soon they will be found to be ready for a wall scale by means of
J23  88 which they can measure each other's height. ^This is an activity that
J23  89 creates great interest, since personal dimensions and growth are of
J23  90 great consequence to most children.
J23  91    |^Next we come to the yard and yard stick; a necessary unit when
J23  92 measuring longer distances. ^It is helpful to have some rulers divided
J23  93 into 3 feet with alternate sections, say, red and white, and a second
J23  94 set divided into 36 inches, with alternate inches of different
J23  95 colours. ^After comparing these with the whole foot, and with the
J23  96 12-inch ruler previously used, the teacher should show that the yard
J23  97 ruler or stick is comparable with the length of her stride. ^By means
J23  98 of graded exercises similar in type to those described for feet, and
J23  99 feet and inches, we hope to get the child to the stage where he can
J23 100 measure a length as, for example 2 yards 1 foot 9 inches. ^The
J23 101 ordinary foot ruler with end pieces, and fractions of an inch up to
J23 102 1/10 or even 1/16 inch, can be introduced when pupils are ready for
J23 103 it, but with the very slow learners simplified rulers may have to be
J23 104 used throughout the junior school.
J23 105    |^So far, activities and experiences that presuppose that the
J23 106 concepts of length and measurement are possible for children have been
J23 107 dealt with. ^Have we, however, any clues as to the first beginnings of
J23 108 these concepts? ^Are there any conditions which are necessary before
J23 109 understanding of length can take place at all? ^The Geneva school led
J23 110 by Piaget has carried out many interesting experiments in this field
J23 111 to which we now turn.
J23 112 *<*2THE VIEWS OF THE GENEVA SCHOOL ON THE DEVELOPMENT OF CONCEPTS
J23 113 RELATING TO LENGTH AND MEASUREMENT*>
J23 114    |^*0Piaget, Inhelder, and Szeminska (1960) have outlined the views
J23 115 on the way in which the child comes to understand length and
J23 116 measurement. ^In one of the experiments reported early in their book
J23 117 they study his *1spontaneous measurement. ^*0The experimenter showed
J23 118 the child a tower made of twelve blocks and a little over 2 feet 6
J23 119 inches high*- the tower being constructed on a table. ^The
J23 120 experimenter told the child to make another tower *'the same as
J23 121 mine**' on another table about 6 feet away, the table top being some 3
J23 122 feet lower than that of the first table. ^There was a large screen
J23 123 between the model and the copy but the child was encouraged to *'go
J23 124 and see**' the model as often as he liked. ^He was also given strips
J23 125 of paper, sticks, rulers, \0etc, and he was told to use them if his
J23 126 spontaneous efforts ceased, but he was *2NOT *0told how to use them.
J23 127 ^The following stages were observed:
J23 128 **[BEGIN INDENTATION**]
J23 129    |^(*1a*0) up to about 4 1/2 years of age there was visual
J23 130 comparison only. ^The child judged the second tower to be the same
J23 131 height as the first by stepping back and estimating height. ^This was
J23 132 done regardless of the difference in heights of the table tops;
J23 133    |^(*1b*0) this lasted from 4 1/2-7 years of age roughly. ^At first
J23 134 the child might lay a long rod across the tops of the towers to make
J23 135 sure they were level. ^When he realized that the base of the towers
J23 136 were not at the same height, he sometimes attempted to place his tower
J23 137 on the same table as the model. ^Naturally, that was not permitted.
J23 138 ^Later, the children began to look for a measuring instrument, and
J23 139 some of them began using their own bodies for this purpose. ^For
J23 140 example, the span of the hands might be used, or the arms, by placing
J23 141 one hand on top of the model tower and the other at the base and
J23 142 moving over from the model to the copy, meanwhile trying to keep the
J23 143 hands the same distance apart. ^When they discovered that this
J23 144 procedure was unreliable, some would place, say, their shoulder
J23 145 against the top of the tower (a chair or stool might be used) and
J23 146 would mark a spot on their leg opposite the base. ^They would then
J23 147 move to the second tower to see if the heights were the same.
J23 148 **[END INDENTATION**]
J23 149    |^The authors point out that in their view this use of the body is
J23 150 an important step forward, for coming to regard the body as a common
J23 151 measure must have its origin in visual perception when the child sees
J23 152 the objects, and in motor acts as when he walks from the model to its
J23 153 copy. ^These perceptions and motor acts give rise to images which in
J23 154 turn confer a symbolic value first on the child's own body as a
J23 155 measuring instrument, and later on a neutral object, {0e g} a ruler.
J23 156 **[BEGIN INDENTATION**]
J23 157    |^(*1c*0) from 7 years of age onwards there was an increasing
J23 158 tendency to use some symbolic object ({0e g} a rod) to imitate size.
J23 159 ^Very occasionally a child built a third tower by the first and
J23 160 carried it over to the second: this was permitted. ^More frequently,
J23 161 though, he used a rod that was exactly the *1same length *0as the
J23 162 model tower was high.
J23 163 **[END INDENTATION**]
J23 164    |^Next, the child came to use an intermediate term in an
J23 165 operational way ({0i e} in the mind), this, of course, being an
J23 166 expression of the general logical principle that if A=B, and B=C, A=C.
J23 167 ^Children were found to take a longer rod than necessary and mark off
J23 168 the height of the model tower on it with a finger or by other means,
J23 169 so as to maintain a constant length when transposing to the copy.
J23 170 ^But, this transference is only one aspect of measurement; the other
J23 171 aspect which must be understood is sub-division; for only when this,
J23 172 too, has been grasped can a particular length of the measuring rod be
J23 173 given a definite value, and repeated again and again (iteration). ^In
J23 174 the final stage it was found that children could also use a rod
J23 175 shorter than the tower, and it was applied as often as was necessary;
J23 176 so that the height of the model tower was found by applying a shorter
J23 177 rod a number of times up the side.
J23 178    |^For the authors, then, the concept of measurement depends upon
J23 179 logical thinking. ^The child must first grasp that the whole is
J23 180 composed of a number of parts added together. ^Second, he must
J23 181 understand the principles of substitution and iteration, that is the
J23 182 transport of the applied measure to another length, and its repeated
J23 183 application to this other.
J23 184 *# 2006
J24   1 **[318 TEXT J24**]
J24   2    |^*0(7) Equilibrium in the Hydraulic Press. ^An all-glass 50
J24   3 {0c.c.} hypodermic syringe, the piston of which could be loaded with
J24   4 different weights, was connected to a length of narrow glass tubing.
J24   5 ^Alongside was an exact duplicate of the apparatus so the subject
J24   6 could work with two liquids of different densities at the same time.
J24   7 ^One liquid was tap water tinged very slightly red, and the other was
J24   8 concentrated salt solution tinged very slightly blue.
J24   9    |^(8) Equilibrium in the Balance. ^The balance arm (and the
J24  10 associated supporting framework) was made from Meccano strips. ^By
J24  11 this means the distance of the weights from the fulcrum could be
J24  12 quickly obtained. ^The weights were cut so that the weight plus
J24  13 attached hook weighed 2, 5, 10 or 20 \0g.
J24  14    |^(9) Projection of Shadows.
J24  15    |^(10) Correlations. ^Each of forty postcards had the head of a
J24  16 girl drawn on it. ^The shape of the face, hair style and colouring
J24  17 differed for each girl, but the hair and eyes were coloured as
J24  18 indicated in the book. ^Inhelder and Piaget give no stages earlier
J24  19 than *=3A, but the writer laid down criteria for *=1, *=2A and *=2B
J24  20 stages.
J24  21 *<*1Subjects*>
J24  22    |^*0Our population consisted of 34 average and bright primary
J24  23 school pupils; 14 average and bright preparatory school pupils (aged
J24  24 8-11 years); 39 grammar school pupils; 50 secondary modern school
J24  25 pupils; 50 comprehensive school pupils; 10 training college students;
J24  26 3 able adults whose ages ranged from 25 to 32 years of age; thus
J24  27 making 200 subjects in all. ^In the comprehensive and secondary modern
J24  28 schools approximately equal numbers were drawn from the top and bottom
J24  29 streams of each year group.
J24  30 *<*1General technique*>
J24  31    |^*0Each subject was examined, individually, on four experiments,
J24  32 with everyone taking the experiment involving the combinations of
J24  33 colourless chemical liquids (\0no. 5). ^After the subject had been
J24  34 introduced to the materials, and after some general discussions and
J24  35 sometimes free experimentation, he was asked to perform certain
J24  36 standard tasks and asked certain standard questions. ^The subject's
J24  37 actions were noted and his replies recorded verbatim. ^Details of the
J24  38 exact procedure used in each experiment may be obtained from the
J24  39 writer. ^It must be stressed, however, that the experimenter was quite
J24  40 free to vary the procedure by asking supplementary questions, or by
J24  41 prompting, or by experimenting slightly differently, if he thought it
J24  42 would be helpful. ^In brief our procedure was semi-structured and this
J24  43 is the best that one can do if the clinical approach is to be combined
J24  44 with some degree of standardization of procedure. ^The subjects were
J24  45 asked *'to think aloud**' as much as possible.
J24  46    |^Usually Inhelder and Piaget give details of three stages of
J24  47 thinking; stages *=2 and *=3 usually being subdivided further into
J24  48 *'A**' and *'B**' stages. ^After examining our protocols it was
J24  49 thought better to subdivide the Inhelder and Piaget stages still
J24  50 further, and we usually used nine stages, \0viz:
J24  51    |*=1; *=1-*=2A; *=2A; *=2A-*=2B; *=2B; *=2B-*=3A; *=3A; *=3A-*=3B;
J24  52 *=3B.
J24  53    |^In this way we were, in our opinion, able to classify our
J24  54 protocols within the framework provided by the authors. ^Each protocol
J24  55 was studied by the writer and by the experimenter independently, and
J24  56 given a rating on the scale of stages. ^The results were compared and
J24  57 after discussion a final rating was given to each protocol. ^The
J24  58 assessment of some of the protocols was not an easy matter, and we
J24  59 cannot be sure that the more difficult ones were always rated
J24  60 correctly, although the ratings of these are not likely to be more
J24  61 than one stage out in the nine-stage scale that was usually used. ^In
J24  62 the experiment involving invisible magnetization the authors give a
J24  63 stage *=3 only, not stages *=3A and *=3B, and we have kept to this.
J24  64 *<*2*=3. RESULTS*>
J24  65    |^*0A number of tables are now given showing how the different
J24  66 groups performed on the various experiments. ^All our results are
J24  67 included.
J24  68    |^It is important to know to what extent the level of thinking of
J24  69 our subjects remained the same throughout the four experiments that
J24  70 each one undertook. ^To determine this we used Kendall's coefficient
J24  71 of concordance *1W, *0which specifies the degree
J24  72 **[TABLES**]
J24  73 of association between a number of sets of rankings. ^First, the rank
J24  74 of each subject was calculated, separately for each of the four
J24  75 experiments. ^*1W *0was then calculated from formula 9.16 given by
J24  76 Siegel (1956), \0p. 234; this allows for tied observations.
J24  77 ^Furthermore, if the total number of cases concerned is *1N, *0and *1N
J24  78 *0> 7, we may find the probability of any value as large as an
J24  79 observed *1W, *0by calculating \15xe*:2**: = *1k(N*0-1)*1W, *0with
J24  80 {0d.f.} = *1N-1, *0where *1k *0is the number of sets of rankings
J24  81 (Siegel, 1956, \0p. 236, formula 9.18). ^Accordingly \15xe*:2**: was
J24  82 calculated for each *1W *0and the probability associated with so large
J24  83 a value of \15xe*:2**: was found by referring to Siegel (1956), Table
J24  84 C, \0p. 249. ^Table 11 shows the values of *1W, *0and the probability
J24  85 of finding an associated \15xe*:2**: as large, *1P*;\15xe*:2**:**;,
J24  86 *0for the differing groups of experiments and subjects.
J24  87    |^Even if there is a substantial degree of association between the
J24  88 level of thinking
J24  89 **[TABLES**]
J24  90 displayed by our subjects on each of the four experiments, it is
J24  91 necessary to determine if the experiments (coupled with the manner in
J24  92 which the protocols were assigned to stages by Inhelder and Piaget)
J24  93 were in fact drawn from the same population of experiments. ^For
J24  94 example, it could be that a particular experiment was rather easier or
J24  95 more difficult for one reason or another. ^Accordingly the
J24  96 Kruskal-Wallis one-way analysis of variance by ranks was used, as this
J24  97 test will decide if a number of different
J24  98 **[TABLES**]
J24  99 samples are drawn from the same population. ^The test assumes only
J24 100 that the variables studied have an underlying continuous distribution,
J24 101 and that ordinal measurement is possible for each variable. ^These
J24 102 conditions are fulfilled in the case of our data. ^First, the total
J24 103 number of subjects at each stage on each of the four tests was
J24 104 calculated, and the rank of each subject found from the single series
J24 105 that resulted. ^Thus *1H, *0the statistic used in the Kruskal-Wallis
J24 106 test, was calculated from formula 8.3 given by Siegel (1956), page
J24 107 192, as this allows for tied observations. ^Since in our case there
J24 108 were four samples, and the number of subjects in each sample is
J24 109 greater than five, *1H *0is distributed approximately as \15xe*:2**:
J24 110 with {0d.f.} = *1k*0-1, where *1k *0is the number of samples. ^Once
J24 111 again the probability of finding a \15xe*:2**: as large as *1H *0was
J24 112 found by referring to Siegel, Table C, page 249. ^Hence Table 11 shows
J24 113 also the probability of finding a \15xe*:2**: as large as *1H,
J24 114 P*;H**;, *0for the differing groups of experiments and subjects.
J24 115 **[TABLE**]
J24 116    |^The results of the remaining ten training college students were
J24 117 not analysed in this manner on account of the smallness and
J24 118 homogeneity of the sample. ^The four experiments which they undertook
J24 119 were: Chemical Combinations, Pendulum, Invisible Magnetization, and
J24 120 Equilibrium in the Balance.
J24 121    |^Reference to the values of *1P*;H**; *0in Table 11 shows that the
J24 122 experiments in the first, second and fifth groups may be regarded as
J24 123 random samples drawn from the same population of experiments. ^In the
J24 124 third and fourth groups, however, *1P*;H**; *0< 0.01 indicating that
J24 125 one or more experiments in each group cannot be so regarded.
J24 126 ^Experience gained in examining the subjects indicated that the
J24 127 Projection of Shadows, and Correlations experiments found in the third
J24 128 and fourth groups, respectively, were likely to be responsible for
J24 129 this. ^Consequently the remaining three experiments in each of these
J24 130 groups were subjected to the Kruskal-Wallis test; and for each of the
J24 131 two groups of three experiments the value of *1H *0so obtained was
J24 132 such that *1P*;H**; *0> 0.05.
J24 133 *<*2*=4. DISCUSSION*>
J24 134    |^*0The following discussion deals principally with the educational
J24 135 implications of the study, and in order to be succinct the findings
J24 136 are grouped under a number of points.
J24 137    |^(1) The main stages in the development of logical thinking
J24 138 proposed by Inhelder and Piaget have been confirmed. ^It seems that
J24 139 the authors are correct in suggesting that it is only rarely that
J24 140 average to bright junior school children reach the stage of formal
J24 141 thinking. ^The ablest of the secondary modern and comprehensive school
J24 142 pupils certainly attain the stage of formal thought, but not all the
J24 143 older grammar school pupils always do so. ^There is a suggestion that
J24 144 ill-digested snippets of knowledge, mental set, and expectancy, are
J24 145 affecting thinking more in the students than among the school pupils.
J24 146 ^The student with the poorest performance was aged 19 years, and on
J24 147 the four experiments her replies were classified at the *=2A, *=2B,
J24 148 *=2B and *=2B-*=3A stages. ^She had obtained a pass in Art at
J24 149 {0*2G.C.E.} *'A**' *0level. ^However, the least able of the
J24 150 secondary modern and comprehensive school pupils certainly remain at a
J24 151 low level of logical thought even at 15 years of age, and many of
J24 152 these do not seem to pass beyond the *=2A-*=2B stage of thinking.
J24 153 ^This is a finding the authors do not mention, and it leads one to
J24 154 suspect that the school population in Geneva which they examined
J24 155 consisted of able children.
J24 156    |^(2) By getting each subject to undergo four experiments and
J24 157 analysing the results by means of a non-parametric statistical
J24 158 technique, it has been possible to show that there is a considerable
J24 159 agreement between the levels of thinking that the subjects display in
J24 160 the four experiments. ^Moreover, the value of the coefficient of
J24 161 concordance *1W *0declines as the population becomes more homogeneous
J24 162 with respect to mental age. ^Naturally there is no exact
J24 163 correspondence since the experiments and *'intelligence**' tests do
J24 164 not measure exactly the same thinking skills. ^Among the preparatory
J24 165 and grammar school pupils, *1W *0= 0.89, and among the primary and
J24 166 grammar school pupils *1W *0= 0.81 (Table 11). ^In these groups the
J24 167 Mental Ages of the pupils ranged from 8 years to well above 15 years
J24 168 (the {0M.A.} usually accepted for average adults), whereas in the
J24 169 primary school group alone, for which *1W *0= 0.52, the mental ages
J24 170 would range from 8 to 13 or 15 years. ^The authors give no evidence on
J24 171 this issue, but one would certainly expect some such stability of
J24 172 thinking skills if their general theory is correct. ^Again the
J24 173 Kruskal-Wallis test gave reasonable grounds for assuming that eight of
J24 174 the ten experiments may be regarded as samples drawn from the same
J24 175 population of experiments. ^The Correlations experiment is too easy
J24 176 for secondary, but not for primary pupils, compared with the other
J24 177 eight experiments; while the Projection of Shadows test placed too
J24 178 many subjects at stage *=2B.
J24 179    |^(3) The majority of our protocols show much the same kind of
J24 180 reasoning as those of Inhelder and Piaget, and support many of their
J24 181 statements. ^For example, the authors maintain that, at the level of
J24 182 formal thought, the child comes to the Projection of Shadows
J24 183 experiment assuming proportionality from the start. ^Below is a copy
J24 184 of part of the protocol of a boy aged 13 years 3 months.
J24 185    |^*'What happens to the shadow as you move the ring up and down the
J24 186 scale?**' ^*'*1Nearer the wall smaller, further away bigger.**'
J24 187 ^*0*'Use two rings of different size, and move them until their
J24 188 shadows are exactly the same size, that is, they cover each other
J24 189 exactly.**' ^Places the 5\0cm. diameter ring at 20 \0cm. from light,
J24 190 and 10 \0cm. diameter ring at 40 \0cm. ^*'Why do the rings have to go
J24 191 in these positions?**' ^*1*'Well 10 is twice 5, and 40 is twice 20.**'
J24 192 ^*0After placing three rings of different diameter correctly in
J24 193 position he is asked to place four rings of different diameters in
J24 194 position so that their shadows coincide. ^He places 5 \0cm. ring at 10
J24 195 \0cm. from light, 10 \0cm. ring at 20 \0cm., 15 \0cm. ring at 30
J24 196 \0cm., and 20 \0cm. ring at 40 \0cm. from light. ^*'Tell me exactly
J24 197 what you have done about the position of the rings.**' ^*'*1Well 5 is
J24 198 10 \0cm. from torch, 10 is twice as big so it goes at 20 \0cm., 15 is
J24 199 half as big again so it goes at 30, and 20 is twice 10 so it goes here
J24 200 at 40.**'
J24 201 *# 2007
J25   1 **[319 TEXT J25**]
J25   2 ^*0Unfortunately, Story does not break down her data for monocular
J25   3 viewing according to whether T- and I-figures were on the same or
J25   4 opposite sides as the eye used so that this prediction would only
J25   5 apply to half the trials she reports. ^Nevertheless, there is no sign
J25   6 of this trend in her results for monocular viewing. ^(**=3) The
J25   7 effects to be expected due to the different spatial positions of the
J25   8 two eyes should be even more striking when the distance between shape
J25   9 and eye is less than in Story's experiment, and when the I-figure is
J25  10 shown to one eye and the T to the other: although these conditions
J25  11 have often been used in experiments on \0*2FAE *0no effects of this
J25  12 sort have been reported. ^(It might, however, be worth looking for
J25  13 them in future experiments.) ^(**=4) Finally, although Story suggests
J25  14 that the different visual angles subtended by the figures at the
J25  15 retinae might be the explanation of the effects obtained under
J25  16 binocular viewing, she does not show in detail how these effects would
J25  17 be predicted by the geometry of the situation, and it is difficult to
J25  18 see how the effects found could in fact be produced in this way.
J25  19 ^Nevertheless, the suggestion is an interesting one and could be
J25  20 followed up by experiments in which the figures are placed closer to
J25  21 the eye and conditions of alternating monocular viewing are employed.
J25  22    |^It is possible that the reason why the A-effect is obtained only
J25  23 when both eyes are used is that binocular vision itself provides a cue
J25  24 to the distance of the figures and thus to their relative apparent
J25  25 sizes (\0*1v. *0below): thus, the fact that the effect only occurs
J25  26 with binocular viewing does not necessarily conflict with the
J25  27 hypothesis that under some conditions the \0*2FAE *0may be determined
J25  28 by apparent size, and indeed can be interpreted within the framework
J25  29 of this hypothesis.
J25  30 *<*1Size of circles*>
J25  31    |^*0If *1smaller *0circles than those used by Sutherland are
J25  32 employed, the A-effect does not occur (Day and Logan, 1961;
J25  33 Terwilliger, 1961; McEwen 1959; Oyama, 1956): the usual result under
J25  34 these conditions is that the T-circle looks smaller than C whether I
J25  35 is nearer or further away. ^(It should be noted that Terwilliger did
J25  36 not obtain this result: when the retinal size of T and I was the same,
J25  37 he found no change in the apparent size of T.) ^This effect is also
J25  38 found when T and I shapes are the same distance away as one another
J25  39 (Day and Logan (1961), \0cf. also Ko"hler and Wallach (1944)). ^Day
J25  40 and Logan make the interesting suggestion that this shrinkage may
J25  41 resemble a time error effect though they do not discuss the details of
J25  42 how this might occur. ^Unfortunately, from what is known about time
J25  43 errors, one might expect the opposite effect with small circles. ^When
J25  44 a series of stimuli are being judged, there is usually a point in the
J25  45 middle of the series where (after practice) there is no constant
J25  46 error: above this point, time errors tend to be negative, below it,
J25  47 positive. ^We shall call this point the *"adaptation point.**"
J25  48 ^Subjects will have an adaptation point at the start of an experiment
J25  49 and it will usually be shifted in the course of the experiment: now
J25  50 when a *1small *0circle is shown as I-figure this should shift the
J25  51 adaptation point downwards. ^If it shifts it downwards further for
J25  52 that part of the visual field on which the I-figure is shown than for
J25  53 other parts, we would expect the T-figure to be judged *1larger *0than
J25  54 the C-figure: the T-figure is less far away from the adaptation point
J25  55 at that part of the visual field than is the C-figure from the
J25  56 adaptation point at its part of the visual field. ^Day and Logan
J25  57 obtained exactly the opposite result to this.
J25  58    |^Thus, there is some difficulty in applying this type of
J25  59 explanation, though the correspondence between the change in direction
J25  60 of the \0*2FAE *0with different sized circles (found by Day and Logan)
J25  61 and the change in direction of \0*2TE (*0found by Watson, 1957) is
J25  62 very suggestive. ^Nevertheless, Day and Logan's work does make it
J25  63 difficult to interpret the A-effect as due to differences in apparent
J25  64 size because of their finding that when *1large *0circles are used and
J25  65 both are far away, the T-circle appears larger than the C.
J25  66 *<*1Outline and filled-in circles*>
J25  67    |^*0Day and Logan show that the A-effect occurs with outline
J25  68 circles but not with filled-in circles: it is hard to see what
J25  69 explanation could be offered for this at present.
J25  70 *<*1Further discussion*>
J25  71    |^*0One very ingenious recent experiment has demonstrated in a most
J25  72 convincing way that an \0*2FAE *0determined wholly by apparent size
J25  73 does occur under certain conditions: Gregory (personal communication)
J25  74 has shown that if the apparent size of a figure is made to shrink
J25  75 continuously while the retinal size remains the same, when the
J25  76 shrinkage in apparent size is stopped suddenly there is a dramatic
J25  77 increase in the apparent size of the figure. ^This phenomenon is very
J25  78 striking and is seen by all observers. ^Since this shows that a
J25  79 \0*2FAE *0determined by continuous change in apparent size can occur,
J25  80 the question arises of why it is so difficult to demonstrate the
J25  81 effect with static figures. ^There are three possible answers to this.
J25  82    |^(1) It may be that just as with \0*2FAE *0due to retinal size,
J25  83 the effect through apparent size only occurs if the difference between
J25  84 the apparent sizes of the T- and I-figures is optimal (\0cf. the
J25  85 distance paradox). ^If this is correct, we would only expect to obtain
J25  86 a \0*2FAE *0due to apparent size under limited conditions. ^This
J25  87 suggestion could be tested experimentally by keeping one circle a
J25  88 constant size and distance and varying the size and distance of the
J25  89 other keeping retinal size equal. ^We would expect an effect due to
J25  90 apparent size to occur only within a limited range of size and
J25  91 distance of the other figure. ^In Gregory's experiment, because the
J25  92 apparent size of the inspection figure changes continuously, these
J25  93 changes are bound to straddle the point which would be optimal for
J25  94 producing the effect.
J25  95    |^(2) The conditions of the experiments performed with static
J25  96 figures are such that there may be a temptation to judge in terms of
J25  97 retinal size: it is known that when two shapes of different real size
J25  98 are aligned side by side, subjects tend to make judgements in terms of
J25  99 retinal size (Joynson and Kirk, 1960). ^It would be interesting to
J25 100 test for the occurrence of the A-effect, using for T- and C-figures
J25 101 two shapes of the same physical size but different retinal sizes at
J25 102 different distances away from the observer and not aligned opposite
J25 103 one another. ^The T-circle could be kept the same retinal size as the
J25 104 I, and the C-circle would be a different retinal size: subjects would
J25 105 be asked to compare the *1real *0size of T- and C-figures. ^These
J25 106 experimental conditions should tend to favour judgements in terms of
J25 107 apparent physical size rather than apparent retinal size.
J25 108    |^(3) It may be that apparent size only influences \0*2FAE *0when
J25 109 the apparent size has changed continuously, {0i.e.} where there has
J25 110 been an apparent movement effect: if established this would be an
J25 111 important finding since it would reveal a difference in the mechanisms
J25 112 underlying apparent movement and judgements of apparent size (\0*1v.
J25 113 *0below). ^This could only be established by a thorough investigation
J25 114 of the static A-effect along the lines set out in (1) and (2) above.
J25 115 *<*2THEORETICAL CONSIDERATIONS*>
J25 116    |^*0The work of Hubel and Wiesel (1959) suggests a new theoretical
J25 117 approach to \0*2FAE *0problems. ^In order to see the experiments
J25 118 described above in perspective, it may be worth setting out briefly
J25 119 what this approach is: it has suggested itself independently to a
J25 120 number of workers in the field, and Papert is currently engaged on
J25 121 testing some of its implications. ^It must be stressed that a new
J25 122 approach is necessary since the sort of theory espoused by Ko"hler and
J25 123 Wallach (1944) and by Osgood and Heyer (1952) is unable to account for
J25 124 many of the phenomena of \0*2FAE. ^*0They both assume that inspection
J25 125 of a contour results in any contour subsequently falling near the
J25 126 second contour being seen as displaced away from it: the amount it is
J25 127 displaced is said to depend upon the distance separating the two
J25 128 contours on the retina, and there will be a point at which
J25 129 displacement is maximal. ^Three instances of well attested phenomena
J25 130 which this theory is unable to explain will be quoted. (1) ^In Figure
J25 131 1, if the I-line is fixated, the T-line should appear as shown (P):
J25 132 displacement should be small where I and T lie near together gradually
J25 133 increasing to a maximum and then decreasing. ^In fact T is seen
J25 134 occupying the position of line A. (2) ^Similarly
J25 135 **[FIGURE**]
J25 136 when a curved line is shown, and a straight line used as I-figure, the
J25 137 straight line should appear like line P in Figure 1 (*1b*0) but in
J25 138 fact appears like line A. (3) ^The theories are unable to account for
J25 139 the after effect of seen motion. ^Both theories under discussion
J25 140 assume that the \0*2FAE *0occurs before any analysis of the stimuli is
J25 141 undertaken.
J25 142    |^Hubel and Wiesel have demonstrated by recording from single cells
J25 143 that in the cat considerable analysis of the stimulus on the retina
J25 144 occurs at or before the level of the striate cortex. ^In particular
J25 145 they present evidence to show that in the striate cortex there are
J25 146 cells whose response is determined by the orientation of lines on a
J25 147 given part of the retina; {0i.e.} the orientation of lines is coded
J25 148 in separate fibres at this level of the cat visual system. ^If we
J25 149 assume that there are cells with similar receptive fields in human
J25 150 beings we have a very simple explanation of the effect shown in Figure
J25 151 1 (*1a*0): inspection of a line in one orientation will result in
J25 152 heavy firing of the cells maximally responsive to lines in this
J25 153 orientation, and to some firing of cells maximally responsive to lines
J25 154 in neighbouring orientations. ^If any adaptation occurs in these cells
J25 155 as a result of prolonged firing, when a T-contour in a slightly
J25 156 different orientation to the I line is exposed on the same part of the
J25 157 retina, the cells fired maximally by it will be ones which are
J25 158 normally maximally responsive to contours in orientations lying
J25 159 further away from the orientation of the I-figure. ^It is reasonable
J25 160 to suppose that the orientation in which a contour is seen will depend
J25 161 upon the balance of firing in cells representing contour orientation:
J25 162 the firing in any one cell will be determined partly by the contrast
J25 163 of the contour with its background, \0etc., but such effects would be
J25 164 balanced out if the ratio of firing in all cells sensitive to
J25 165 orientation in a given region of the retina were computed. ^If there
J25 166 are also cells sensitive to curvature of a line a similar mechanism
J25 167 would explain the sort of finding depicted in Figure 1 (*1b*0). ^As
J25 168 yet there is no physiological demonstration of the existence of such
J25 169 cells.
J25 170    |^Hubel and Wiesel have, however, found cells which respond
J25 171 differentially according to the direction in which a stimulus is moved
J25 172 across the retina. ^If direction of movement is coded in single cells
J25 173 in human beings, adaptation in these cells might clearly underly
J25 174 **[SIC**] the after-effect of movement. ^Once again the direction in
J25 175 which something is seen to move might depend upon the ratios of firing
J25 176 in cells sensitive to movement in different directions, and after
J25 177 prolonged movement in one direction a stationary image would produce
J25 178 less firing in the cells which had just been stimulated than normally,
J25 179 hence apparent movement in the opposite direction would be seen to
J25 180 occur.
J25 181    |^This explanation of \0*2FAE *0is based on sound physiological
J25 182 evidence and is so simple that it seems highly convincing. ^It does
J25 183 not, however, explain mere displacements in apparent spatial position
J25 184 occurring as a \0*2FAE: *0for this phenomenon, the Osgood and Heyer
J25 185 type of explanation appears reasonably plausible. ^This explanation in
J25 186 fact fits well with the explanation outlined above since Osgood and
J25 187 Heyer argue that the position at which a contour is seen itself
J25 188 depends upon ratios of firing in different cells.
J25 189 *# 2022
J26   1 **[320 TEXT J26**]
J26   2 ^*0It is wondered if such a boy requires inspiration which might be
J26   3 got by tactful film teaching in the classroom. ^Indeed it might be
J26   4 questioned what he does learn at school. ^His untidy, dirty, badly
J26   5 spelled and careless paper does not indicate much attainment.
J26   6    |^Further information about viewing tastes comes out in the last
J26   7 two questions of the paper where the young people were asked in what
J26   8 way they preferred cinema to television and {6vice versa}. ^Again it
J26   9 is not easy to tabulate these written answers but they do fall into a
J26  10 fairly regular pattern. ^Unfortunately 26% do not answer the question.
J26  11 ^23% merely say they do not prefer television to cinema without any
J26  12 explanation and a small number 13% that they do not prefer cinema to
J26  13 television. ^Most of the reasons of those who prefer the cinema have
J26  14 already been discussed*- the colour, the stars, the choice, the
J26  15 company and so on. ^The television supporters have other reasons.
J26  16 ^These are not all concerned with the content.
J26  17    |^23%, almost equally boys and girls, prefer to do their viewing in
J26  18 the comfort of their own homes. ^10% of the boys and 13% of the girls
J26  19 prefer television because they do not have to wait in a queue and have
J26  20 a cold journey home in a bus after the show. ^They do not get cold and
J26  21 wet and *"even if the {0TV} programme is not so good you feel better
J26  22 on a miserable night.**" ^11% of the young people like {0TV} because
J26  23 it is cheaper, at least so far as they are concerned. ^They are
J26  24 pleased to switch it off when they do not like the programme or change
J26  25 to the other channel.
J26  26    |^2% prefer to do their viewing at home because the atmosphere is
J26  27 not so smoky nor so stuffy. ^Others rising to 3% of the 18-year-old
J26  28 boys prefer television as they do not require to *"dress up to go and
J26  29 see it.**" ^Five secondary 15-year-old girls say the same. ^A
J26  30 17-year-old girl civil servant, however, comments that cinema *"is not
J26  31 so compelling as {0TV} and being away from the home it does not make
J26  32 you lazy.**" ^Another 17-year-old at secondary school says, ^*"{0TV}
J26  33 makes you lazy*- most people become too lazy to make the effort to go
J26  34 to the cinema.**" ^Another 15-year-old says, ^*"My parents know the
J26  35 cinema is better but they can't be bothered going out and the {0TV}
J26  36 gives them something to look at.**" ^A small number of 15/16-year-old
J26  37 boys who have recently started work say that {0TV} is *"all right
J26  38 for Sunday when you can't get into the pictures.**" ^This attitude
J26  39 only appears with a small percentage, about 1/5% of the boys and not
J26  40 at all with the girls.
J26  41    |^Other reasons for preferring {0TV} other than the content of
J26  42 the programme are numerous. ^A 16-year-old secondary schoolgirl says,
J26  43 ^*"At a cinema you cannot do what you want, lie on the floor, get up
J26  44 when you like, shout at the people you don't like but you can with
J26  45 {0TV}.**" ^This freedom in viewing is implied in a number of
J26  46 answers. ^A 14-year-old girl puts it, ~*"You get peace and quietness
J26  47 to do what you like,**" and an 18-year-old boy gets satisfaction,
J26  48 ^*"You can blast at the stupid things seen and know you will not be
J26  49 put out.**" ^A 15-year-old says, ^*"There is peace and tranquility at
J26  50 home*- you can leave and study when inclined.**" ^Another 15-year-old
J26  51 boy probably explains this when he says you can *"turn it off or go
J26  52 and do something else without feeling you have wasted money.**"
J26  53 ^Television is blamed by a secondary schoolboy as *"anti-social and
J26  54 leads to unfriendliness.**" ^A girl of the same age also thinks
J26  55 ^*"{0TV} is anti-social.**" ^This aspect is also mentioned by a
J26  56 number of others who repeat the objections that have often been made
J26  57 about radio controlling the home, when the family have to be quiet
J26  58 when one member is listening.
J26  59    |^Perhaps the most unexpected reply in this section came from a
J26  60 junior secondary boy of 15, ^*"Our rented {0TV} was removed by my
J26  61 request six weeks before the exams in March.**" ^A considerable
J26  62 number, although having {0TV} in the home, *"prefer watching {0TV}
J26  63 in a cafe or at my mate's house**" or *"in the girl's home*- it is
J26  64 cosier.**" ^A few older boys translate this into, ^*"It's friendlier
J26  65 seeing {0TV} with a pint in the pub.**"
J26  66    |^Others find television useful as background to other activity. ^A
J26  67 14-year-old boy confesses, ^*"You can neck and kiss your girl in peace
J26  68 when dad and mum go to the pictures.**" ^Another, aged 15, finds
J26  69 *"fireside comfort with a girl when family is out.**" ^At 17 a boy
J26  70 claims, ^*"It is warmer at home especially if you are in alone with
J26  71 the girl.**" ^Another aged 14 with a dirty paper says, ^*"I only watch
J26  72 {0TV} when my parents have gone out so I can get peace to watch
J26  73 {0TV} and my smoke. ^I really prefer cinema so that I can get out of
J26  74 the house and get rid of my moaning family.**" ^Although they do not
J26  75 come into the enquiry proper it is interesting that two 19-year-old
J26  76 members of a boys' youth club prefer {0TV} because *"you can sit
J26  77 back with a pie and a pint.**" ^One feels sympathy for the 15-year-old
J26  78 girl who likes {0TV} but goes to the cinema for *"peace and quiet
J26  79 compared with noise at home.*- ^There are six children at home.**"
J26  80    |^Actual tastes in television viewing have already been discussed
J26  81 in the section on favourite {0TV} programmes. ^The western is
J26  82 popular with both sexes and all ages. ^Sports play a large part in
J26  83 boys' viewing. ^On the whole it is difficult to know who chooses the
J26  84 programme to be viewed. ^Two secondary girls of 15 would rather go to
J26  85 the cinema to see what they like. ^*"You don't have to watch what your
J26  86 parents want, {0e.g.} boxing for 2 1/2 hours or some hopeless
J26  87 advertising programme.**" ^*"Because your young brother wants to see a
J26  88 stupid quiz programme you have to look as well.**" ^Boys in different
J26  89 schools say, ^*"You don't have the family quarrelling about which
J26  90 channel to go on.**" ^Two others say, ^*"You don't have to watch what
J26  91 younger children want or what parents want.**"
J26  92    |^A number of 14/15-year-olds seem to like the serials on
J26  93 television but it is not clear whether they actually mean plays,
J26  94 dramas or novels too long for one evening and therefore continued for
J26  95 a number of weeks or whether they mean a series in which the same
J26  96 characters appear each week. ^*"I like to be kept in suspense with
J26  97 serials,**" has to be balanced by, ^*"I just long to know what Dixon
J26  98 will solve next week.**" ^A considerable number of girls like
J26  99 television dramatisation of novels.
J26 100    |^A few girls mention that {0TV} occasionally gives opera and
J26 101 ballet performances. ^*"I would never get a chance of seeing great
J26 102 ballet otherwise,**" says one 15-year-old secondary girl. ^Several, of
J26 103 course, include ballet and opera among the types of film they would
J26 104 like to see in the cinema. ^Some add to this *"but of course the
J26 105 public would not go.**" ^Television music comes in for considerable
J26 106 praise and some of the musical settings are admired. ^*"{0TV} music
J26 107 interludes and background music are more enjoyable than that heard in
J26 108 the cinema.**" ^*"Settings for {0*2B.B.C.} *0celebrity recitals help
J26 109 you to understand it better.**"
J26 110    |^The commonest favourable criticism of television is that it
J26 111 provides so many programmes of an educational and instructional
J26 112 nature. ^*"I like to see how things are made,**" says a 15-year-old
J26 113 boy. ^Several secondary schoolgirls comment that *1Panorama *0and such
J26 114 programmes help them to *"understand some of the things we hear about
J26 115 at school.**" ^News programmes are popular. ^Indeed it seems that some
J26 116 boys make the news broadcast a break in their homework. ^An
J26 117 18-year-old shorthand typist likes newsreels. ^*"I would show
J26 118 newsreels. ^The decision banning the newsreel in the cinema is from my
J26 119 point of view absolutely wrong. ^Many people depended on it.**" ^*"It
J26 120 is marvellous seeing and hearing from famous people what you wouldn't
J26 121 know anything about if it wasn't for {0TV},**" says a 17-year-old
J26 122 student. ^The immediacy which is usually claimed for {0TV} does not
J26 123 seem to be a point in its favour for young people except with sports
J26 124 programmes.
J26 125    |^A girl civil servant of 17 likes {0TV} for showing *"older
J26 126 films that we would like to see but were in circulation when we were
J26 127 too young to appreciate them.**" ^The nature programmes of {0TV}
J26 128 like *1Look, Zoo Quest, Safari, \0etc., *0all have those who like them
J26 129 and look forward to them. ^*"What a pity the nature programmes cannot
J26 130 be in colour. ^The commentator speaks of the beautiful reds and greens
J26 131 but we just see black and white and grey.**" ^For this reason we find
J26 132 a considerable number preferring the Disney series of nature films and
J26 133 asking for more. ^Another section of the young people like the dancing
J26 134 programmes. ^The *1White Heather Club *0receives more votes than *1The
J26 135 Kilt is my Delight *0and the more formal country dance items.
J26 136 ^Rock'n'roll **[SIC**] programmes have a good following of the younger
J26 137 age groups and the various stars who have programmes receive votes.
J26 138 ^Tony Hancock is the most popular and Terry-Thomas the least.
J26 139 ^Magicians and illusionists seem to intrigue but some of the variety
J26 140 acts are described as *"corny.**" ^Plays are more popular with girls
J26 141 than with boys.
J26 142 *<*4*=4. Summary and Conclusion*>
J26 143    |^*0The tastes of adolescents seem to be affected by their
J26 144 intelligence and their school education. ^There would appear to be
J26 145 great opportunity for teachers and others to inspire their young
J26 146 charges in the junior secondary school and in further education
J26 147 establishments to appreciate what they see at the cinema or on the
J26 148 television screen. ^There seems also a need for such inspiration in
J26 149 youth organisations of all types, not excluding those which have some
J26 150 form of religious background. ^Although the need is not so evident in
J26 151 the case of children attending senior secondary schools whose parents
J26 152 appear to a greater extent to influence their choice of cinema and
J26 153 television programme, nevertheless inspiration in the best types of
J26 154 visual material is just as necessary as instruction in literary, art
J26 155 and musical appreciation.
J26 156    |^The majority still look at films and television for
J26 157 entertainment. ^They seek to enjoy themselves. ^Family pictures are
J26 158 required, appealing to the higher instincts of the young people. ^Too
J26 159 many existing films are condemned by the young people themselves for
J26 160 their appeal to the baser nature of man and the makers and exhibitors
J26 161 are criticised for handling them.
J26 162    |^It is clear that the enormous sums of money spent on advertising
J26 163 films and their stars influence many young people in their choice of
J26 164 picture, but it is encouraging that the young people are not much
J26 165 influenced by the films or by the advertisements to lead a life other
J26 166 than that which happens to be theirs.
J26 167    |^A problem exists for the censor in looking after the morals of
J26 168 the adolescents. ^An *"X**" certificate assures a good house,
J26 169 according to the young people. ^The majority look at the category of a
J26 170 film before attending the cinema (Table *=5). ^It is a matter for
J26 171 serious examination how so many under-age are able to see *"X**"
J26 172 films. ^Perhaps the regulations are not strict enough: perhaps they
J26 173 are too difficult to implement. ^Perhaps too many cinemas in a city
J26 174 are showing too many *"X**" films: perhaps the film makers are failing
J26 175 to produce universally suitable films in the numbers required for the
J26 176 existing houses.
J26 177    |^The cinema is still a popular place of entertainment for
J26 178 adolescents. ^About the same number attend once per week as attended
J26 179 thirty years ago, although fewer attend oftener (Table *=4). ^The star
J26 180 and the type of film are the principal attractions for attending the
J26 181 cinema in 1960 (Table *=6). ^Information about the films is obtained
J26 182 more from newspaper reports than from film magazines (Tables *=7 and
J26 183 *=8) although nearly half the adolescents do not bother about either.
J26 184    |^Comedy films are most popular at all ages with crime and
J26 185 detection **[SIC**] films in second place (Table *=10).
J26 186 *# 2010
J27   1 **[321 TEXT J27**]
J27   2 ^*0Small shops supply all the staple foods, and general stores offer a
J27   3 variety of household goods. ^Cheap clothing and furniture stores
J27   4 advertise goods on the instalment plan, and here also numerous shops
J27   5 devoted to repairs and to the sale of second-hand articles are to be
J27   6 found. ^This area has some of the oldest and lowest buildings in the
J27   7 parish, and one cheap cinema. ^Its north-easterly tip abuts on the
J27   8 market of San Ildefonso whose parish was once an annexe of San
J27   9 Marti*?2n, and it is full of busy taverns.
J27  10    |^4. *1Fuencarral*0: forms part of the municipal quarters of
J27  11 Mun*?4oz Torrero, San Luis, Jardines and Carmen. ^A predominant
J27  12 business and commercial activity marks this area of banks, offices,
J27  13 the central Telephone Exchange, and the type of shop which deals in
J27  14 manufactured goods such as radios, typewriters, office-equipment and
J27  15 shoes. ^Dozens of tailors squat over their sewing in the upper storeys
J27  16 of old buildings and the side streets are studded with craftsmen's
J27  17 workshops and the comfortable family type of restaurant, notable for
J27  18 its kitchen rather than its prices.
J27  19    |^5. *1Luna*- Desengan*?4o*0: belongs in parts to the municipal
J27  20 quarters of Estrella, Mun*?4oz Torrero and San Luis. ^This is the
J27  21 least definable area of all since its limits link up and merge with
J27  22 all others. ^Most of its buildings are residential, but the four
J27  23 churches it contains also make it the centre of ecclesiastical
J27  24 influence.
J27  25    |^The population of Madrid has trebled in the last fifty years and
J27  26 continues to grow in an increasing proportion; in 1958 it was
J27  27 estimated at 1,887,000. ^This rise owes much to migration from the
J27  28 country districts, especially those of the south because of the fall
J27  29 in real wages. ^Even in Madrid's own province the gain at the expense
J27  30 of the country areas was nearly 2,000 in 1956. ^Within the city
J27  31 itself, the birth rate has dropped by almost one-third over the same
J27  32 fifty years and, as in all the primate cities, was below the average
J27  33 of 23.43 per 1000 inhabitants in 1953. ^Urbanization in Spain
J27  34 generally is distinctly correlated with a fall in reproductive rates.
J27  35 ^In San Marti*?2n the parish church declares that it is in contact
J27  36 with some 5,000 homes, but admits that the total population of the
J27  37 parish fluctuates between 25,000 and 30,000. ^As the average size
J27  38 family is four or five, the overflow is taken up by approximately
J27  39 fifty hotels and 150 \*1pensiones *0(boarding houses). ^Density
J27  40 figures of 847 (12 square metres per inhabitant) show that the housing
J27  41 problem is acute, and San Marti*?2n is, in fact, expanding upwards in
J27  42 the form of higher buildings. ^In the narrow back streets one commonly
J27  43 finds old houses whose bulging walls have been shored up by heavy
J27  44 timbers, often stretching beyond the pavement on to the road surface.
J27  45 ^When these finally topple the landlord is only too pleased, for the
J27  46 rents of pre-Civil War tenants have been controlled and tenancy
J27  47 secured. ^Although he must find alternative accommodation for his old
J27  48 tenants it need not be in the same area; the loftier the new building,
J27  49 the higher the new rents, so that the previous occupier often has to
J27  50 move out of the parish. ^Thus, the demographic changes induced by the
J27  51 double decline in births and deaths are linked to an increasingly
J27  52 rapid change in the composition of the parish population. ^Money is
J27  53 ruthlessly finding its own level in housing, and as the wave of wealth
J27  54 sweeps from the Gran Vi*?2a to trickle away into insignificance in the
J27  55 poorer areas of Pez, so those who cannot enter the economic swim are
J27  56 driven farther away from the centre of the city and their traditional
J27  57 parish. ^Two of the highest buildings in Europe now tower over the
J27  58 parish from the Gran Vi*?2a area. ^These skyscrapers, full of offices,
J27  59 flats and hotels, are also a home from home for Americans who
J27  60 administer their military bases in Spain under the pact of 1952; they
J27  61 supply much employment to the local parishioners. ^The new pattern
J27  62 evolving, therefore, may roughly be explained in terms of a
J27  63 correlation between the height of the building and the income group
J27  64 and the degree of density of population in the parish. ^The two
J27  65 opposing poles of this correlation are the Gran Vi*?2a and Pez areas,
J27  66 ten minutes' stroll apart.
J27  67    |^There are no detached or semi-detached houses in this built-up
J27  68 parish; and no front or back gardens. ^Buildings form part of blocks
J27  69 whose rear may overlook communal courts. ^These are either mere wells
J27  70 criss-crossed with washing-lines from window to window, or more
J27  71 spacious ones used for commercial purposes, such as scrap-iron storage
J27  72 yards. ^A sense of neighbourhood is, therefore, enforced by the number
J27  73 of families crammed together in one building whose ground-floor tenant
J27  74 usually acts as porter and general informant.
J27  75    |^A certain privacy is ensured for households who have separate
J27  76 access to common landings or to a staircase, but the entrance is
J27  77 invariably overlooked by a porter's window. ^Yet this modicum of
J27  78 privacy is being invaded by the increasing clamour for accommodation.
J27  79 ^More and more *'apartments**' are being created out of old reception
J27  80 rooms or spare bedrooms. ^Humorists publish exaggerated cartoons in
J27  81 which even a large wardrobe or piano have been sub-let to the
J27  82 desperate homeless. ^Few families are owners of the houses they live
J27  83 in, but many more have a long-term lease of the floor on which they
J27  84 reside. ^Some of the ancient three-storeyed mansions, now converted
J27  85 into flats, have separate entrances and staircases for the use of
J27  86 owner and tenants.
J27  87    |^Four-storeyed buildings of grey stone, with attics jutting out of
J27  88 red-tiled roofs, and railed balconies at the French windows of each
J27  89 floor, are still the most common in the residential areas. ^Some of
J27  90 the tenement-houses have roof-terraces, access to which is usually a
J27  91 bone of contention. ^Only the more modern and higher buildings have
J27  92 central heating and originally-planned bathrooms. ^On the hot summer
J27  93 nights the side streets are full of the chairs and stools of family
J27  94 groups until the cool breezes of early morning. ^For the privilege of
J27  95 living in this parish a working-class father in the older houses may
J27  96 pay as little as the equivalent of one United States dollar a month*-
J27  97 a controlled rent; but this is probably a sixteenth of his weekly
J27  98 income. ^Rents which are uncontrolled may be as high as 2,000 pesetas
J27  99 a month or more.
J27 100    |^The sanctity of the home throughout Spain has never encouraged
J27 101 the casual Anglo-Saxon habit of *'dropping-in**' for unexpected
J27 102 visits. ^For a family of six, cramped in four rooms in Madrid, the
J27 103 enforced proximity of the neighbours scarcely permits the degree of
J27 104 self-imposed isolation which it would obviously prefer. ^Even if it
J27 105 could get on the depressingly-long waiting lists of the State,
J27 106 Syndicate or Church housing projects in the suburbs, a typical family
J27 107 would be reluctant to move from the familiar parish area; meanwhile it
J27 108 regards with a resigned surprise the restoration of ancient castles,
J27 109 and derives a mocking pleasure from the splendidly unfinished
J27 110 ministries and monuments begun by a display-minded regime.
J27 111    |^The feeling of belonging to the parish as an ecclesiastical unit
J27 112 consists in being a \*1feligre*?2s*- *0a parishioner inscribed in the
J27 113 parish register. ^This entitles him to take advantage of the essential
J27 114 sacraments of baptism, marriage and extreme unction, and of the
J27 115 religious associations, charities and their services. ^Official status
J27 116 as a \*1vecino *0in the district is acquired by a minimum of six
J27 117 month's residence for all Spaniards of 21 or more, or for those of 18
J27 118 or above who are legally living apart from their parents and are
J27 119 inscribed in the electoral census as heads of households. ^The
J27 120 municipal \*1Padro*?2n *0is the civil register of those liable to pay
J27 121 taxes within the Centro district. ^All those listed therein are
J27 122 required to carry an identity card with photograph and, if qualified
J27 123 for social insurance benefits, to acquire on marrying a Family Book
J27 124 from the so-called Ministry of Grace and Justice.
J27 125    |^The difference between membership of the ecclesiastical and civil
J27 126 units cannot be considered wholly in terms of the voluntary and the
J27 127 compulsory. ^Except for an insignificant percentage of Protestants,
J27 128 there is religious conformity within the parish, and social and
J27 129 religious obligations often dovetail; for religion is not yet merely a
J27 130 personal affair, and the parish still exerts certain controls. ^These
J27 131 will be discussed in the next chapter, where an examination of the
J27 132 political structure of both Church and State will reveal the authority
J27 133 and influence each wields.
J27 134    |^The aim of this chapter has been to paint the background and
J27 135 landscape of the Madrid picture. ^The subsequent pattern that will
J27 136 emerge will not be the comparatively regular one of the pueblo but,
J27 137 rather, a jigsaw of interlocking social relationships which merge
J27 138 their various forms and colours.
J27 139 *<*62*>
J27 140 *<THE AUTHORITIES AND THE WORLD AROUND*>
J27 141    |^*2AN AUTHORITARIAN *0triad composed of mayor, police and priest,
J27 142 similar to that found in the village, exists in the city but in a more
J27 143 impersonal form, which only adds weight to its authority. ^It helps to
J27 144 create awareness of community among all who share a common mode of
J27 145 living in the district and parish, divisions which are themselves part
J27 146 of a nationally imposed political structure. ^For not even the rural
J27 147 parish is an autonomous, integrated whole wherein everything that
J27 148 happens is functionally interdependent, and the urban parish is much
J27 149 less so. ^San Marti*?2n is at the heart of the nation's government;
J27 150 and interaction between the superstructure of the capital as a whole
J27 151 and the local parish unit becomes clear only when the institutionalism
J27 152 of authority in general is examined.
J27 153    |^It is not my task here to go deeply into the historical causes of
J27 154 the existing system, or to evaluate the political structure. ^A
J27 155 distinction must, however, be drawn between that which is traditional
J27 156 and enduring and that which is the result of current political
J27 157 necessity.
J27 158    |^When, in the sixteenth century, the country quickly fell under a
J27 159 bureaucratic absolutism pride was lost in the provincial \*1fueros,
J27 160 *0in municipal liberties, and in the rights of the Cortes of Castile.
J27 161 ^Imperialism, Parry says, killed the best political thought in Spain.
J27 162 ^Later, as an aftermath of the Napoleonic wars, the pendulum of
J27 163 government swung from reaction to counter-reaction. ^The political
J27 164 instability and internal strife reflected by the ninety-eight changes
J27 165 of Cabinet between 1834 and 1912*- a period which saw revolutions,
J27 166 regents, pretenders, new monarchs, the First Republic, military coups,
J27 167 a Restoration, and the humiliating loss of the last of Spain's New
J27 168 World possessions*- made the populace apathetic and destroyed its
J27 169 little faith in government. ^This is very quickly revealed in the
J27 170 parish by the reluctance to discuss the past, except that during which
J27 171 Spain was dominant in world affairs. ^Past experience has not
J27 172 apparently deterred this people's search for heroic leaders rather
J27 173 than for an abstract political ideal; the comparative success of two
J27 174 dictatorships and the failure of the Second Republic in this century
J27 175 might be adduced in support of this view if one were concerned with
J27 176 political theory.
J27 177    |^Government in Spain continues to rest on the three institutions
J27 178 of an hereditary monarchy (rejected by two short-lived republics), the
J27 179 parliament of the old Castilian Cortes, and an extensive Civil
J27 180 Service, with a permanent staff except for its highest officials.
J27 181 ^Spain is at the moment a kingdom without a king. ^The Franco regime
J27 182 has committed itself to the maintenance of the monarchy as an
J27 183 institution by the 1947 Law of Succession and the Referendum of the
J27 184 following year. ^Meanwhile the regime, in its own words, is *'a
J27 185 representative, organic democracy in which the individual participates
J27 186 in government through the natural representative organs of the family,
J27 187 the city council and the syndicate**'. ^Of these three organs one*-
J27 188 the family*- has continued to participate through the parish in the
J27 189 election of another*- the city council of Madrid*- since the
J27 190 fourteenth century.
J27 191    |^Syndicalism can be considered as a twentieth-century edition of
J27 192 the mediaeval \*1gremios *0or trade guilds, which were themselves
J27 193 linked to both the family and the parish by their religious activities
J27 194 and the practice of spiritual sponsorship. ^It grew in the cities, not
J27 195 in the country areas, and was closely associated with anarchism in the
J27 196 past before the Falangists and Catholics made it *'respectable**' in
J27 197 its current form of national verticalism.
J27 198 *# 2028
J28   1 **[322 TEXT J28**]
J28   2 ^*0In Pul Eliya these obligations are still imposed upon the holder of
J28   3 any \*1gamvasama *0plot whether or not he chooses to lay claim to the
J28   4 title of Gamara*?1la.
J28   5    |^As shown in Map *1E *0(\0p. 152) each of three \*1ba*?1ga *0has
J28   6 one \*1elapata, *0one {*1elapat panguva}, *0one \*1gamvasama *0and
J28   7 four ordinary \*1pangu.
J28   8    |^*0According to Ievers the \*1elapata, *0the {*1elapat panguva}
J28   9 *0and the \*1gamvasama *0should *1all *0belong to the Gamara*?1la, but
J28  10 this represents only an ideal initial situation. ^When detailed Pul
J28  11 Eliya records begin in 1886 the pattern had already diverged widely
J28  12 from this ideal. ^In that year, in each of the three \*1ba*?1ga, *0the
J28  13 \*1gamvasama, {elapat panguva} *0and \*1elapata *0were in different
J28  14 hands.
J28  15    |^Nevertheless the theoretical association of the \*1elapata *0with
J28  16 the {*1elapat panguva} *0provides yet another example of the
J28  17 principle of *'fair shares**'.
J28  18    |^Since the \*1elapata *0constitutes the end of the field it
J28  19 therefore carries with it the obligation to build and maintain the
J28  20 whole of the end fence. ^This is about ten times more fencing than
J28  21 attaches to any ordinary \*1panguva *0strip. ^Because of this extra
J28  22 fencing obligation the owner of an \*1elapata *0is excused from the
J28  23 duty of carrying out tank repair work. ^But the {*1elapat panguva}
J28  24 *0has no such privilege. ^Thus the idea behind the doctrine that the
J28  25 \*1elapata *0and the {*1elapat panguva} *0should always be owned by
J28  26 the same individual is simply to ensure that no one wholly escapes
J28  27 from the unpleasant obligation of carrying out tank repair
J28  28 \*1ra*?1jaka*?1riya *0duty. ^This was felt to be particularly
J28  29 important since in the event of a breach in the bund all villagers
J28  30 must be equally responsible.
J28  31    |^In a comparable way, while the owner of an \*1elapata *0and the
J28  32 owner of a \*1gamvasama *0must both pay for the building of watch
J28  33 huts, the latter, as Gamara*?1la, escapes the \*1ra*?1jaka*?1riya
J28  34 *0duty of night watchman. ^But, unlike the owner of the \*1elapata,
J28  35 *0the \*1gamvasama *0owner must do his share of bund repair
J28  36 \*1ra*?1jaka*?1riya *0along with the other shareholders. ^In Pul Eliya
J28  37 this carefully differentiated system of rights and obligations has
J28  38 been rigorously maintained even though the status of the Gamara*?1la
J28  39 as a specialised class of individual is no longer formally recognised.
J28  40 ^The rights and duties attach to the land itself, not to the
J28  41 individuals who own it.
J28  42 *<*2CONTEMPORARY PRACTICE IN PUL ELIYA*>
J28  43    |^*0So much then for the theory behind the tenure of land in Pul
J28  44 Eliya Old Field. ^Now let us consider the actual state of affairs as
J28  45 it existed in 1954.
J28  46    |^According to present-day Pul Eliya tradition the Old Field
J28  47 originally contained 18 \*1pangu, *0six for each \*1ba*?1ga, *0but at
J28  48 some unspecified date in the past two extra \*1pangu *0were added to
J28  49 the Pahala \ba*?1ga by reducing the amount of land allocated to the
J28  50 Pahala \elapata.
J28  51    |^The circumstances which brought this change about are not now
J28  52 remembered so I was fortunate that among the few nineteenth-century
J28  53 documents relating to Pul Eliya which still survive there are two tax
J28  54 returns which appear to confirm the tradition.
J28  55    |^The Village Vel Vida*?1ne still submits annually to the revenue
J28  56 administration a return purporting to show the exact amount of land
J28  57 cultivated throughout the village and the precise ownership of each
J28  58 plot. ^Today this return is compiled for the purpose of crop
J28  59 statistics, but its form is just the same as that of the paddy tax
J28  60 census of the 1870-90 period. ^It is, therefore, easy to correlate
J28  61 surviving tax census documents with the layout of the modern field.
J28  62    |^Table 4 has been drawn up from this documentary evidence to show
J28  63 the relationship between the 1954 Old Field holdings (Upper Field) and
J28  64 those of the years 1889, 1890. ^This table is analysed in detail in
J28  65 section B of the present chapter.
J28  66    |^The detailed analysis shows that the 1889 list is drawn up
J28  67 according to a scheme of 18 \*1pangu; *0the 1890 list on the other
J28  68 hand fits the present-day arrangement of 20 \*1pangu. ^*0The story of
J28  69 the *'two extra \*1pangu**' *0must therefore be correct and the
J28  70 alteration must have occurred shortly before 1890.
J28  71    |^Because of this satisfactory fit of documentary evidence with
J28  72 oral tradition I feel confident that Map *3E *0(which *'fits**' the
J28  73 present-day arrangement of strips to an *'original**' system of 18
J28  74 \*1pangu *0and three \*1elapata) *0is justified and correct.
J28  75    |^*'Originally**' the field consisted of 3 \*1ba*?1ga; *0each
J28  76 \*1ba*?1ga *0comprised a 40-fathom \*1elapata *0and 6 \*1pangu; *0each
J28  77 \*1panguva *0comprised 10 fathoms in the Upper Field and 10 fathoms in
J28  78 the Lower Field. ^Such discrepancies as now exist result from the fact
J28  79 that shortly before 1890 two fathoms from \*1panguva *0four of the
J28  80 Pahala \ba*?1ga together with 22 fathoms from the Pahala \elapata were
J28  81 reclassified as forming *'two extra \*1pangu**'. ^*0Since that date
J28  82 the Pahala \ba*?1ga has been deemed to consist of 8 \*1pangu *0as
J28  83 opposed to the 6 \*1pangu *0in each of the other two \*1ba*?1ga.
J28  84 ^*0The principal effect of this reclassification has been to alter the
J28  85 type of \*1ra*?1jaka*?1riya *0obligation falling on owners of these
J28  86 plots of land. ^Details are given at \0pp. 207 \0f.
J28  87 *<*'\*2BETHMA**'*>
J28  88    |^*0The arrangement of the irrigation channels together with Vel
J28  89 Vida*?1ne's assumptions concerning water allocation for the different
J28  90 parts of the field have the following implications:
J28  91    |^(1) The Upper Field consists of two equal parts*- the north half
J28  92 of the field and the south half of the field.
J28  93    |^(2) The Lower Field is half the area of the Upper Field.
J28  94    |^Thus the field as a whole is divided into three supposedly equal
J28  95 areas, each of which contains the same number of strips of the same
J28  96 width, owned in the same way. ^One-third of every holding falls into
J28  97 each of the three main parts of the field. ^This symmetry has
J28  98 important consequences.
J28  99    |^The North Central Province institution of \*1bethma *0has
J28 100 received frequent comment. ^This is an arrangement whereby the
J28 101 shareholders in a field which is short of water may agree to cultivate
J28 102 only a proportion of that field and then share out the proceeds among
J28 103 themselves. ^The theoretical procedure, as recently described by
J28 104 Farmer is as follows:
J28 105 **[BEGIN QUOTE**]
J28 106    |^The village has an admirable system, known as \*1bethma, *0under
J28 107 which, if the whole extent of the paddy field cannot be cultivated for
J28 108 lack of water, as many of the tracts as can be irrigated are divided,
J28 109 regardless of their ownership, between the peasants in proportion to
J28 110 their several holdings, and thus cultivated as a compact block with
J28 111 minimum waste of water (Farmer, 1957, \0p. 558).
J28 112 **[END QUOTE**]
J28 113    |^The earliest reference to \*1bethma *0in this form is an
J28 114 administration documents of the 1861-4 period.
J28 115    |^I have studied these entries with care, but they are
J28 116 unfortunately ambiguous. ^It is evident that the Government Agent of
J28 117 that date imagined that the system was supposed to work in the way
J28 118 that Farmer has described, and he on several occasions records the
J28 119 fact that he had ordered reluctant villagers to carry out \*1bethma
J28 120 *0division in this way. ^But it seems to me probable that this form of
J28 121 \*1bethma *0was the unintended invention of the British Government
J28 122 Agent himself!
J28 123    |^At the present time different villages seem to work \*1bethma
J28 124 *0in different ways, and there is no way of ascertaining which, if
J28 125 any, of these methods is the ancient traditional system. ^But what is
J28 126 quite clear is that the Pul Eliya method is very much simpler than
J28 127 that described by Farmer. ^Furthermore it is \*1bethma *0which
J28 128 provides the ultimate justification for fragmenting each individual
J28 129 holding in the complicated way I have described. ^For Pul Eliya the
J28 130 system is as follows.
J28 131    |^If the villagers are to cultivate rice in the Old Field during
J28 132 the \*1Yala *0(April/ September) season they will decide from the
J28 133 start either to cultivate the whole of the field or two-thirds of the
J28 134 field (that is, the whole of the Upper Field only) or just one-third
J28 135 of the field (that is, the northern half of the Upper Field only). ^No
J28 136 pooling of proceeds or reallocation of holdings is necessary since the
J28 137 land is already divided up in such a way that each shareholder works
J28 138 the whole or two-thirds or one-third of his total holding as the case
J28 139 may be.
J28 140    |^In my limited experience this is the most common form of
J28 141 \*1bethma *0in all this area. ^The ideal scheme described by Ievers,
J28 142 in which the total field is divided into two or more tracts
J28 143 (\*1pota*0), corresponds to the actual facts for all the villages in
J28 144 the Pul Eliya area. ^It is invariably the case that every strip or
J28 145 holding in the upper tract has a corresponding strip or holding in the
J28 146 lower tract, though the precise manner in which this is effected is
J28 147 not always the same. ^This fragmentation of individual holdings is
J28 148 always directly associated with the local practices regarding
J28 149 \*1bethma. ^*0The relative size of the different tracts (\*1pota*0) is
J28 150 such that when the water is scarce cultivation of the upper tract
J28 151 only, or of half the upper tract divided longitudinally, serves as a
J28 152 \*1bethma.
J28 153    |^*0Farmer's description, which is the orthodox one, implies that
J28 154 individual Sinhalese farmers get on so well together that they can
J28 155 readily agree to a reallocation of land in times of water scarcity. ^I
J28 156 can only say that this does correspond to my experience!
J28 157 *<*2CULTIVATION AREAS*>
J28 158    |^*0Before proceeding, we may note one further feature of the Tax
J28 159 Lists (Table 4). ^For the years 1889 and 1890 the areas of each
J28 160 individual holding are given *1in seed quantities *0(\0P =
J28 161 \*1pa*?12la*0; \0L = \*1la*?1ha*0: where 1 \*1pa*?12la *0= 10
J28 162 \*1la*?1ha*0). ^But in the 1954 Plot List areas are given in *1acres.
J28 163 ^*0The numerical totals at the bottom of the table are in each case
J28 164 nearly the same; the 1889/90 Tax Lists show that the upper part of the
J28 165 Old Field had a *1sowing area *0of about 48 \*1pa*?12la, *0the 1954
J28 166 returns show the same field as having an *1area *0of just short of 48
J28 167 acres. ^The latter figure exaggerates the facts by about 50 per cent.
J28 168 ^The coincidence of numbers is no accident.
J28 169    |^The administration's requirement that the Vel Vida*?1ne's crop
J28 170 returns should show cultivation areas in acres rather than in seed
J28 171 quantity dates from the early days of this century. ^The villagers,
J28 172 however, still reckon land areas in terms of seed sown and have no
J28 173 satisfactory method of converting one scale into the other. ^In making
J28 174 out his annual returns the Vel Vida*?1ne now works to a simple rule of
J28 175 thumb.
J28 176    |^\*1Sinakkara *0land and \*1badu *0land has been surveyed by
J28 177 government officials and hence the true acreage of such holdings is
J28 178 known and is entered accordingly. ^For the Old Field on the other
J28 179 hand, all that is really known is that it contains 20 \*1pangu. ^*0Now
J28 180 when the Old Field was originally surveyed in 1900, the *1whole field
J28 181 *0was shown to be just over 40 acres. ^It thus became established that
J28 182 in Pul Eliya *'1 \*1panguva *"*0equals**" 2 acres**' and this
J28 183 tradition has stayed. ^Today when working out the allocation of labour
J28 184 obligations for the purpose of \*1ra*?1jaka*?1riya *0duty every 2
J28 185 acres of \*1sinakkara *0land and \*1badu *0land counts as 1
J28 186 \*1panguva.
J28 187    |^*0In this way it was argued that at the beginning of 1954 there
J28 188 were 52 \*1pangu *0in Pul Eliya in all. ^Of these 20 were the Old
J28 189 Field \*1pangu *0and 32 were represented by 64 acres of \*1sinakkara
J28 190 *0and \*1badu *0land. ^(\0Cf. 48 \*1pangu *0(Table 5) plus plots 124,
J28 191 151-2 (Table 6).)
J28 192    |^The quite erroneous acreages shown in the 1954 Plot List for the
J28 193 plots in the Old Field were arrived at by reversing this argument.
J28 194 ^Every 6 \*1pangu *0in the upper tract of the Old Field are reckoned
J28 195 as 12 acres. ^This leaves out of account both the \*1elapata *0of the
J28 196 Upper Field and the whole of the Lower Field. ^Consequently by the
J28 197 time the Vel Vida*?1ne has completed his returns so as to show an
J28 198 acreage figure for each plot he has about 20 acres too many. ^Pul
J28 199 Eliya village, like all other villages in the area, has been
J28 200 submitting these bogus crop returns annually ever since the beginning
J28 201 of the century, and the same type of error has persisted throughout.
J28 202    |^For Pul Eliya the return for *'area cultivated**' has never been
J28 203 less than 15 per cent in excess and has often been over 50 per cent in
J28 204 excess.
J28 205 *# 2027
J29   1 **[323 TEXT J29**]
J29   2 *<*6PARENTS' EXPECTATIONS OF THE JUNIOR SCHOOL*>
J29   3 *<\0*1F. Musgrove*>
J29   4 *<Purpose and Scope of the Survey*>
J29   5    |^*4I*0n May and June 1960 a survey was made of attitudes to and
J29   6 expectations of the school among parents of children in the last two
J29   7 years of two junior schools in a Midland City. ^Children of this age
J29   8 (10 and 11 years) were chosen on the assumption that parental interest
J29   9 and curiosity would be at their height, and views on education most
J29  10 fully developed, in this period immediately preceding secondary
J29  11 selection.
J29  12    |^One junior school (A) is situated on a large municipal housing
J29  13 estate of subsidised houses; the children in the top two years
J29  14 numbered 310. ^The school has a *'progressive**' headmaster; teaching
J29  15 and school organisation are informal and there is no excessive
J29  16 concentration on the *'three R's**'. ^The other junior school is
J29  17 smaller and there were 104 children in the last two years. ^It serves
J29  18 an expensive residential area of owner-occupied houses. ^It is a
J29  19 Church of England school favoured by well-to-do Anglican parents of
J29  20 the district. ^It is far more formal in its teaching and organisation,
J29  21 and places more emphasis on the *'three R's**', than school A.
J29  22    |^The two schools were chosen because of the marked social contrast
J29  23 in the areas they serve.
J29  24    |^A random sample of one in four names was taken from the school
J29  25 registers with a view to interviewing the parents of these children.
J29  26 ^The homes of 26 children in school B were approached and interviews
J29  27 were carried out in 22; the homes of 62 children in school A were
J29  28 approached and interviews were carried out in 50.
J29  29    |^An important feature of the survey was the separate interviewing
J29  30 of husbands and wives. ^On the estate (Area A) 42 couples were
J29  31 interviewed, five wives whose husbands were either unavailable or
J29  32 refused interview; and three husbands whose wives were either
J29  33 unavailable or refused interview. ^Thus one or both parents of 50
J29  34 children (22 boys and 28 girls) were interviewed*- 47 mothers and 45
J29  35 fathers, a total of 92 parents. ^In the middle-class district (Area B)
J29  36 18 couples were interviewed and, in addition, four wives whose
J29  37 husbands were not available. ^Thus one or both parents of 22 children
J29  38 (14 boys and 8 girls) were interviewed: 18 fathers and 22 mothers, a
J29  39 total of 40 parents. ^Altogether 132 parents in the two areas were
J29  40 interviewed, representing 72 children (36 boys and 36 girls).
J29  41    |^The parents in Area A were predominantly working class: 47 of the
J29  42 50 children came from homes where the head of household was in the
J29  43 Registrar-General's Occupational Classes *=3-*=5. ^In Area B the
J29  44 parents were predominantly white-collar, professional middle class: 19
J29  45 of the 22 children were from households where the head was in
J29  46 Occupational Classes *=1 and *=2. ^The following table gives the
J29  47 percentage distribution of occupational classes in the two groups, in
J29  48 the City (1951 Census Report) and in the country. ^The overlap between
J29  49 the two groups within the city is very small.
J29  50 **[TABLE**]
J29  51    |^Parents in Area A were on average younger than parents in Area B:
J29  52 **[TABLE**]
J29  53    |^The average size of family was larger in Area A than in Area B:
J29  54 3.2 and 2.5 children respectively.
J29  55    |^The author was assisted in the interviewing by 14 local teachers
J29  56 who were known to him for their interest in problems of educational
J29  57 sociology and who had, in a number of cases, previous interviewing
J29  58 experience and training in field work. ^The team worked throughout
J29  59 under the direction of the author who designed and directed the
J29  60 project. ^Six families were randomly allocated to each member of the
J29  61 team. ^Preliminary meetings were held to discuss the content of the
J29  62 interviewing schedule, to clear up any possible ambiguities in the
J29  63 wording and purpose of each item, and to standardize procedure at the
J29  64 interviews and in the recording of interviewees' responses. ^All
J29  65 members of the team were clear that they should record as fully as
J29  66 possible all answers that were given and any additional information or
J29  67 opinion that was volunteered: that although some questions might
J29  68 simply be answered *'yes**' or *'no**' or *'don't know**', any
J29  69 elaboration, qualifying comment or reasons given should also be noted.
J29  70 ^All interviewers were to emphasize to the parents that the interviews
J29  71 were unofficial and that answers were not only entirely confidential
J29  72 but anonymous. ^A copy of the schedule used in the interviews
J29  73 (excluding *'classificatory questions**' regarding age, number of
J29  74 children, occupation, \0etc.) will be found in Appendix A.
J29  75    |^The interviews provided evidence of parents' expectations on
J29  76 three scores: (a) relating to children's behaviour, (b) relating to
J29  77 academic and scholastic training, and (c) relating to the curriculum.
J29  78 *<*1Parents' Expectations of the School in the Sphere of Behaviour
J29  79 Training*>
J29  80 *<Emphasis on the Responsibility of School or Home*>
J29  81    |^*0Parents were asked whether they expected the school to guide
J29  82 their child's behaviour as well as teach *'school subjects**', and
J29  83 those who answered *'Yes**' were asked to state what kinds of
J29  84 behaviour they expected the school to encourage. ^Interviewers were
J29  85 asked to make a full recording of elaborations and qualifications to
J29  86 answers to the first part of the question (5a) so that responses could
J29  87 be classified and placed on a five-point scale ranging from strong
J29  88 emphasis on the home's responsibility at one extreme to strong
J29  89 emphasis on the school's at the other. ^The following are the five
J29  90 groups into which all answers were sorted:
J29  91 **[BEGIN INDENTATION**]
J29  92    |^1. Answers which gave the school an emphatic responsibility for
J29  93 children's behaviour, {0e.g.}, ~*'Certainly the school should teach
J29  94 children how to behave*- that's what school's for**'; ~*'Definitely
J29  95 yes*- it's the school's job to teach manners, \0etc.**'
J29  96    |^2. Answers which emphasized the school's importance but also
J29  97 mentioned the need for parental assistance, {0e.g.}, ~*'The school
J29  98 is responsible for behaviour to a great extent, but not entirely**'
J29  99 and ~*'The school has a big responsibility, as well as the parents.**'
J29 100    |^3. Answers which stressed the equal partnership between home and
J29 101 school, {0e.g.}, ~*'Fifty-fifty partnership**'; ~*'Home and school
J29 102 should share the responsibility equally**'; ~*'Home and school
J29 103 complementary**' and ~*'School's job in school hours, parents' job
J29 104 otherwise**'.
J29 105    |^4. Answers which emphasized the home's responsibility but also
J29 106 mentioned the need for some support from the school, {0e.g.},
J29 107 ~*'It's mainly the parents' responsibility but the school should
J29 108 help**' and, ~*'To some extent*- but this is mainly the responsibility
J29 109 of the home and parents**'.
J29 110    |^5. Answers which placed the responsibility for behaviour
J29 111 emphatically on the parents (requiring of the school no more than that
J29 112 it should not undermine parental influence), {0e.g.} ~*'It is
J29 113 definitely the parents' job to guide behaviour**'; ~*'Definitely no:
J29 114 the school can't do everything and should stick to its job, which is
J29 115 teaching *"subjects**"**'; and ~*'Teachers should teach*- behaviour is
J29 116 the parents' responsibility**'.
J29 117 **[END INDENTATION**]
J29 118    |^The two areas were sharply distinguished in their answers: in
J29 119 Area A, 27.7 per \0cent. gave answers which fell into categories 3, 4
J29 120 or 5, whereas 57.5 per \0cent. in Area B did so:
J29 121 **[TABLE**]
J29 122    |^There was no tendency for parents in either area who stressed the
J29 123 home's responsibility for behaviour to have fewer children than the
J29 124 average: in Area A, 20 parents stressed the home's responsibility as
J29 125 against the school's and their average number of children was 3.1,
J29 126 while the average for the area was 3.2; in Area B, 23 parents stressed
J29 127 the home and their average number of children was 2.5, the same as for
J29 128 all the families in the area.
J29 129    |^There was no tendency for working wives in either area to stress
J29 130 the school's responsibility more than non-working wives. ^In Area A,
J29 131 75 per \0cent. of the mothers were in full-time or part-time work, in
J29 132 Area B, 14 per \0cent. were at work. ^Twenty-five per cent. of the
J29 133 mothers in Area A who were not at work (4 out of 12) stressed the
J29 134 home's responsibility (categories 3, 4 or 5), but so did 22.8 per
J29 135 \0cent. (8 out of 35) of mothers who went out to work. ^In Area B, all
J29 136 three working mothers stressed the responsibility of the home as
J29 137 against the school, and 58 per \0cent. (11 out of 19) of the
J29 138 non-working mothers.
J29 139    |^The difference in expectations between the two areas reflects
J29 140 their different social class composition. ^When the same social levels
J29 141 in the two areas are compared the differences disappear. ^In order to
J29 142 obtain social groups large enough for comparison, Occupational Classes
J29 143 *=1 and *=2 are combined to form the *'Middle Class**' and
J29 144 Occupational Classes *=3, *=4 and *=5 to form the *'Working Class**'.
J29 145 ^In Area A, three out of five middle-class parents placed emphasis on
J29 146 the home, in Area B, 22 out of 34. ^There was no significant
J29 147 difference between the two areas within the middle class. ^On the
J29 148 estate, 17 working-class parents emphasized the home and 70 emphasized
J29 149 the school; in the contrasted area one working-class parent emphasized
J29 150 the home, and five the school. ^There was no significant difference
J29 151 between the two areas within the working class. ^On the other hand,
J29 152 there was a highly significant difference between the two areas when
J29 153 social class was not held constant. ^On the estate, 20 parents
J29 154 emphasized the home and 72 the school, in Area B, 23 emphasized the
J29 155 home and 17 the school.
J29 156    |^Although in working-class Area A a far higher proportion of
J29 157 parents than in middle-class Area B emphasized the school's
J29 158 responsibility for behaviour-training, a far higher proportion claimed
J29 159 explicitly to direct or influence their children's behaviour in three
J29 160 main directions: towards their teachers, towards their friends, and in
J29 161 their choice of friends and associates:
J29 162 **[TABLE**]
J29 163    |^Claims to give explicit direction and guidance on behaviour were
J29 164 significantly greater in working-class Area A than in middle-class
J29 165 Area B: in the former Area 188 claims (out of a possible 276) were
J29 166 made on three criteria; in the latter only 53 (out of a possible 120).
J29 167 ^The difference between the areas is significant at the 0.001 level.
J29 168    |^The reasons for this marked difference between the areas was
J29 169 apparent in the answers given by the respondents: parents in the
J29 170 middle-class area were sufficiently confident of their children's
J29 171 behaviour that they felt no need to instruct them on their
J29 172 relationship with teachers and friends, and they felt sufficient
J29 173 confidence in the social composition of the school and the locality
J29 174 that they saw no need to guide their children in the choice of
J29 175 friends. ^This was clear from many of the answers given to questions
J29 176 7a and 7c. ^The interviewees were not asked *1why *0they did or did
J29 177 not advise their children about whom to play with or whom to avoid:
J29 178 the question could be answered simply *'Yes**' or *'No**', yet
J29 179 one-third of the parents who said that they did not tell their
J29 180 children how to behave with other children volunteered the explanation
J29 181 that this was *'unnecessary**' and a similar proportion of those who
J29 182 said they never told their children not to play with certain other
J29 183 children elaborated their answer by saying there was no need to do so
J29 184 in this school and/or district: ~*'No: the children at this school are
J29 185 nice children**' and ~*'No: it is unnecessary around here**'. ^The
J29 186 marked difference, then, between directing and non-directing parents
J29 187 is a function of area and not of social class. ^The greater tendency
J29 188 among parents of Area A to direct behaviour reflects their lack of
J29 189 confidence in the social contacts available to their children.
J29 190 *<*1Behaviour which the School should encourage*>
J29 191    |^*0The greater emphasis in working-class Area A on the school's
J29 192 responsibility for behaviour-training does not necessarily reflect a
J29 193 lack of concern for parental duties: the school is often given the job
J29 194 of directing behaviour because, it is felt, only the school can do
J29 195 this effectively. ^The reason often volunteered for assigning so much
J29 196 responsibility to the school was that the children would *'take more
J29 197 notice of teachers**' than of parents.
J29 198    |^The anxiety over children's disobedience towards parents is
J29 199 reflected in answers to the question: ^*'What kinds of behaviour do
J29 200 you expect the school to encourage in your child?**' ^Parents who
J29 201 expected the school to guide behaviour were asked to particularize.
J29 202 ^Out of the 77 parents in Area A who gave such particulars of the
J29 203 attitudes, virtues, and qualities of personality which they wished the
J29 204 school to develop, 70 per \0cent. showed a concern for various forms
J29 205 of unruly or anti-social behaviour.
J29 206 *# 2021
J30   1 **[324 TEXT J30**]
J30   2 ^*0The Vale has a population of about 13,000 people. ^Most of them
J30   3 live in scattered farms, hamlets and villages. ^There are also two
J30   4 small market towns in the area, each with about 1,500 inhabitants.
J30   5 ^Most of my detailed enquiries have been carried out in one of these
J30   6 towns and in three adjoining rural parishes, in one of which I live
J30   7 with my family. ^A certain number of my informants live in other parts
J30   8 of the area. ^In addition, a private census of the whole Vale
J30   9 population, carried out in 1960, has provided a good deal of basic
J30  10 information about each individual inhabitant and the composition of
J30  11 each household.
J30  12    |^Although a rural and predominantly agricultural area, no part of
J30  13 the Vale is more than 12 miles from major industrial and urban
J30  14 centres. ^Many of the people who live in the Vale work outside it and
J30  15 travel to and fro each day to earn their livings in adjacent urban
J30  16 areas. ^Most Vale people also have kin ties with people who live in
J30  17 these areas and in other parts of South Wales with whom they maintain
J30  18 effective social relations. ^A larger number of Vale people who do not
J30  19 work in the urban areas nevertheless visit them fairly regularly to
J30  20 see friends and relatives who live there or who are in hospital there,
J30  21 to shop or go to the cinema, and for such recreational purposes as to
J30  22 attend football matches and greyhound races. ^About 40 per cent of the
J30  23 adult population of the Vale consists of people who were born outside
J30  24 it and have lived in it for less than 15 years. ^The majority of such
J30  25 comparative newcomers were born in other parts of South Wales, mostly
J30  26 in places in the counties of Glamorgan and Monmouthshire which lie
J30  27 within 25 miles of the borders of the Vale. ^Many of them have close
J30  28 relatives still living at their places of birth or previous residence
J30  29 with whom they maintain frequent and intimate contact.
J30  30    |^The most important sources of employment for those Vale people
J30  31 who earn their livings within its borders are agriculture and
J30  32 forestry, stone quarries and cement works, and the building industry.
J30  33 ^A large number of men and women are employed in different capacities
J30  34 by public bodies such as the County and Rural District Councils, the
J30  35 Fire Service, and local electricity and water undertakings. ^There is
J30  36 also a large Royal Air Force station in the Vale which provides
J30  37 employment for a number of locally resident civilians. ^Further
J30  38 sources of employment are public and private transport and
J30  39 communication services, the distributive trades, and a number of small
J30  40 industrial concerns in the two Vale market towns, among which are an
J30  41 asbestos factory, a printing works and three firms of agricultural
J30  42 engineers.
J30  43 *<*4*=2*>
J30  44    |^*0Most of the material concerning kinship in the Vale was
J30  45 obtained by standard anthropological procedures: the collection of
J30  46 genealogies, unstructured interviews with individual informants, and
J30  47 participant observation. ^Certain data on particular aspects of
J30  48 kinship behaviour were provided in the course of a study of the
J30  49 attitudes to mental disorder of the relatives of psychiatric patients.
J30  50 ^I have also had access to a wealth of documentary material, most of
J30  51 it unpublished. ^After a time, however, I found myself able to make
J30  52 increasing use of direct observation to supplement verbal information.
J30  53 ^Participation in the life of the locality and growing familiarity
J30  54 with the details of kinship connections made it possible to observe
J30  55 social relations between kin taking place in a wide variety of
J30  56 contexts and to compare behaviour between kin with behaviour between
J30  57 non-kin in similar situations.
J30  58    |^In collecting material from informants I have tried as far as
J30  59 possible to relate statements regarding kin ties to the individuals
J30  60 concerned rather than to married couples, elementary families or
J30  61 households. ^In the field situation this is not, of course, as easy as
J30  62 it sounds. ^Data on kinship are often obtained from two or more
J30  63 informants simultaneously. ^The discussions and arguments between them
J30  64 which such inquiries tend to provoke often compensate for the
J30  65 resultant difficulty in comparing knowledge of kin and quality of
J30  66 relationship with them revealed by individual members of the same
J30  67 domestic unit. ^This emphasis on the kinship universe of the
J30  68 individual rather than the domestic unit arose from certain apparent
J30  69 differences between men and women, between spouses, and between
J30  70 parents and children in degree of recognition of extra-familial kin
J30  71 ties and in their functions in various contexts.
J30  72    |^I have also attempted to collect material on the
J30  73 interconnectedness of kin ties by interviewing and observing different
J30  74 members of the kinship universe of individual informants. ^The
J30  75 difficulties of doing so seem often to be directly related to the
J30  76 degree to which an individual's kinship network is what Bott describes
J30  77 as *'close-knit**', in which there are many relationships, independent
J30  78 of the individual concerned, among the component units of his kin
J30  79 universe. ^In many *'families**' there is generally at least one
J30  80 person who is acknowledged by most other family members to be the
J30  81 expert on genealogical connections. ^The existence of such recognized
J30  82 experts is particularly common among *'families**' long settled in the
J30  83 area, other members of which tend to rely on them for details of
J30  84 genealogical connections and to refer the investigator to them when
J30  85 approached for kinship information.
J30  86    |^Firth refers to such experts as pivotal kin, *'relatives who act
J30  87 as linking points in the kinship structure**' and who *'hold more
J30  88 threads of genealogical connections in their heads than anyone
J30  89 else**'. ^I prefer to differentiate between experts and pivotal kin,
J30  90 and to reserve the latter term for those individuals who act as
J30  91 connecting relatives, irrespective of whether they are also experts.
J30  92 ^The significance of pivotal kin as connecting links is usually
J30  93 greater if they are also experts, as is often the case. ^But many
J30  94 pivotal kin are elderly men who, in general, know less about kinship
J30  95 connections than their daughters or nieces; and it is often found that
J30  96 individuals remain pivotal kin after their death. ^Not only do their
J30  97 graves sometimes form the pivot round which kin ties tenuously
J30  98 revolve, but the dead are often used by living informants as foci from
J30  99 which genealogical connections stem. ^This is particularly the case
J30 100 when the dead person lived to a great age or had high prestige for
J30 101 some reason among his kindred or in the locality.
J30 102    |^Most pivotal kin who are also experts are elderly women who, from
J30 103 their personal knowledge of dead kin of previous generations, maintain
J30 104 links of information and social contact between their own and their
J30 105 siblings' descendants and the descendants of their parents' and
J30 106 grandparents' siblings. ^In theory, and often in practice, this means
J30 107 that such women carry in their heads kinship knowledge of six
J30 108 generations depth and extending laterally among consanguineal kin as
J30 109 far as the grandchildren of second cousins. ^When economic and other
J30 110 social factors reinforce relatively remote kinship connections, the
J30 111 lateral extension among consanguineal kin may go further: the
J30 112 grandchildren of pivotal kin may recognize as cousins of unspecified
J30 113 degree the descendants of the pivotal kin's second or third cousins.
J30 114 ^The same factors often lead to knowledge of, and contact with,
J30 115 affines being very extensive.
J30 116    |^There are many individuals in the Vale who are able to identify
J30 117 between 200 and 500 living and dead relatives, about the majority of
J30 118 whom they can provide at least such information as sex, marital state,
J30 119 place of residence and occupation. ^Most of these individuals are
J30 120 people long settled in the area, by which I mean people who, in the
J30 121 main, were born in the Vale and one or both of whose parents, and
J30 122 often whose grandparents, were also born there. ^By contrast, there
J30 123 are other individuals who show a very much more restricted range of
J30 124 kin recognition of the order of about 50 relatives in all. ^Some of
J30 125 these individuals have always lived in the area but most of them are
J30 126 relatively recent immigrants, that is, adults who were born outside
J30 127 the Vale, often in urban areas, and who have only moved into the
J30 128 locality since 1945. ^In both instances, in spite of the great
J30 129 differences in size of the average kinship universe, it is rare for
J30 130 the depth of generations over which kin are recognized to exceed seven
J30 131 or to be less than four. ^Again, while the number of kin with whom an
J30 132 individual may have some kind of periodic contact tends to vary with
J30 133 the size of the kinship universe, the number of kin with whom an
J30 134 individual has frequent and intimate contact is usually little
J30 135 different for those with large kinship networks from those with small.
J30 136    |^Degree of physical mobility is only one of a number of
J30 137 interdependent social factors which act directly or indirectly to
J30 138 influence the size of an individual's kinship universe. ^These factors
J30 139 are also related to the amount of contact the individual has with his
J30 140 extra-familial kin and to the differentiations he makes among them;
J30 141 the most important are occupation, economic resources, ownership of
J30 142 property and degree of social mobility. ^In some cases religious
J30 143 affiliations and level of education also seem significant. ^The
J30 144 decisions which an individual makes in choosing how far to observe or
J30 145 disregard in any particular set of circumstances the sentiments,
J30 146 obligations and expectations which are involved in the recognition of
J30 147 extra-familial kin ties appear to be influenced by the interplay of
J30 148 such factors as these. ^It is within the framework provided by them
J30 149 that idiosyncratic preferences operate.
J30 150    |^The same factors also tend to affect the degree to which
J30 151 marriages reinforce already existing ties of kinship and affinity and,
J30 152 among certain sections of the population, the scarcely less
J30 153 significant ties between kith, that is, between friends and neighbours
J30 154 of approximately the same perceived social status. ^Indeed, kith may
J30 155 be described as consisting of those who are an individual's potential
J30 156 affines.
J30 157    |^The multiplicity of roles which every individual fills both
J30 158 successively in his lifetime and simultaneously at any given time is a
J30 159 sociological truism which needs no labouring. ^In any attempt to study
J30 160 the functions of kinship in a highly complex society it is
J30 161 nevertheless all too easy to lose sight of the importance for social
J30 162 behaviour of role-relationships other than those based on kin ties.
J30 163 ^Any analysis of a system of social relations necessarily involves the
J30 164 overemphasis, for heuristic purposes, of lines of demarcation between
J30 165 particular aspects of behaviour. ^In fact it is often very difficult
J30 166 for the observer to disentangle the kinship network of an individual
J30 167 from the wider social network of which it forms a part. ^This is most
J30 168 clearly seen in the case of farmers and their families who, together
J30 169 with those whose occupations are largely dependent on agriculture and
J30 170 who come, in many cases, of local farming stock, form one of the
J30 171 significant sections of Vale society. ^At the same time it is possible
J30 172 to demonstrate the importance of the social factors mentioned earlier
J30 173 in relation to the structure and functions of extra-familial kin ties.
J30 174    |^Among farmers the degree of physical mobility is relatively low.
J30 175 ^Although most farmers in the Vale are tenants, holdings relatively
J30 176 rarely become vacant other than through the death or retirement of the
J30 177 tenant, when it is the traditional policy among landowners and their
J30 178 agents to give preference among applicants for the new tenancy to the
J30 179 sons of the previous tenant. ^The vast majority of farmers are the
J30 180 sons and grandsons of farmers and most farmers' wives are the
J30 181 daughters of farmers. ^Those children of farmers who are socially
J30 182 mobile tend to maintain close links with their relatives who are still
J30 183 farming. ^There is a high degree of interconnectedness in the kinship
J30 184 and social networks of farmers; there is also considerable variation
J30 185 between individual farmers in the recognition of extra-familial kin
J30 186 ties, according to the age of the individuals concerned, the stage of
J30 187 development in its life-cycle reached by the elementary family to
J30 188 which they belong and the social context of contacts between them.
J30 189 ^The result is that it is often almost impossible to know whether
J30 190 social relations between individuals in particular instances should be
J30 191 classified as taking place between kin or between non-kin.
J30 192 *# 2002
J31   1 **[325 TEXT J31**]
J31   2    |^*0The *1reticent users *0were asked simply, as described above,
J31   3 to state the methods they had ever used and the stage in family
J31   4 building when they started these practices. ^They were not asked for
J31   5 further details in view of their original reluctance to admit to
J31   6 practice.
J31   7    |^In this attempt to elicit contraceptive histories, attention was
J31   8 directed towards minimising any embarrassment. ^The relevant questions
J31   9 were put at the end of the questionnaire to allow time for the
J31  10 interviewer to gain the informant's confidence and the list of
J31  11 contraceptives included both medical and colloquial names for the
J31  12 various contraceptive methods. ^The use of the card with its numbered
J31  13 list prevented the informant from having to mention the methods by
J31  14 name.
J31  15    |^In the event interviewers found little difficulty with these
J31  16 birth control questions; reports from supervisors suggest that once an
J31  17 informant had embarked on the questionnaire, he or she co-operated to
J31  18 the end. ^Only 17 refused to say whether or not they had ever
J31  19 practised any form of birth control, and a further 20 informants, who
J31  20 were found to have taken some action to control conception, refused to
J31  21 indicate the methods they had used; one commented: ^*"I think it is a
J31  22 very private matter and would rather not discuss it.**" ^This bears
J31  23 out the American study experience: only 10 of the 2,713 wives who were
J31  24 interviewed were unwilling to answer the questions about their
J31  25 attempts to avoid conception; this was less than the refusal rate for
J31  26 their questions about income and the usual refusal rate for income
J31  27 questions in other sample surveys.
J31  28    |^Despite the apparent ease of the interview situation and the low
J31  29 refusal rate on these birth control questions, possibilities for error
J31  30 and reticence exist. ^As mentioned in Part *=1 of this paper, nearly
J31  31 half the informants were interviewed in the presence of relatives,
J31  32 friends or children; although it seems that the presence of these
J31  33 people did not seriously affect the response to questions on
J31  34 contraceptive practice, they may occasionally have been an inhibiting
J31  35 factor, even though informants were not required to mention methods by
J31  36 name. ^Also, although the informants seemed to understand the terms on
J31  37 the card showing the list of contraceptives, it is possible that
J31  38 incorrect answers were given by a few who only knew a different
J31  39 colloquial name for the method used. ^The following analysis shows
J31  40 that a large majority of the informants only ever used one
J31  41 contraceptive method or group of methods simultaneously; however, it
J31  42 is possible that a few informants, weary at this stage in a long
J31  43 interview, may not have taken the trouble to outline their whole
J31  44 contraceptive history and only mentioned the method they considered
J31  45 the most important. ^Lastly, the interviewers, though skilled and
J31  46 experienced at questioning diverse people on a wide range of topics,
J31  47 were not specifically trained as those engaged in the Lewis-Faning and
J31  48 the American study had been for this almost clinical aspect of the
J31  49 inquiry.
J31  50 *<*2DIFFERENTIAL RESPONSE BY MALE AND FEMALE INFORMANTS*>
J31  51    |^*0One or more of the above may account for the surprising finding
J31  52 that, in every cohort and social class, birth control practice was
J31  53 mentioned more often by men than by women. ^Some 74 per cent of the
J31  54 male informants married since 1930 reported practising contraception
J31  55 in their first marriages against only 65.1 per cent of the female
J31  56 informants.
J31  57    |^The questions had been designed (see \0p. 122) to obtain each
J31  58 couple's contraceptive practice and not just the action taken by the
J31  59 informants alone, and hence similar results were anticipated from male
J31  60 and female informants. ^Perhaps this was a naive expectation, since
J31  61 psycho-sexual factors, particularly in this culture may tend to
J31  62 inhibit women on the subject and possibly in turn lead men in some
J31  63 cases to overstate their practices. ^A complete understanding of this
J31  64 differential sexual response is obviously impossible, but a clearer
J31  65 examination of the method of questioning suggests some explanation and
J31  66 makes possible an assessment of the significance of this finding on
J31  67 the validity of the results on birth control methods.
J31  68    |^Questioning on family planning opened with an inquiry about
J31  69 attitudes. ^\0Q.182*1a*0: ^*"Many married couples do something to
J31  70 limit the size of their families and to control when their children
J31  71 come. ^How do you feel about this?**" ^Replies showed that male
J31  72 informants married since 1930 fully approved of birth control more
J31  73 frequently than female informants; in all 68.9 per cent of the men
J31  74 against 63.9 per cent of the women, but the differences were
J31  75 especially marked amongst those married in the 1940s, where 72.2 per
J31  76 cent of men approved against only 60.2 per cent of women.
J31  77    |^This questioning on personal attitudes was followed by the
J31  78 enquiries about practice described above. ^Response to the first
J31  79 question shows the main sex differential; 57.5 per cent of the male
J31  80 informants married since 1930 answered positively (in our terminology
J31  81 declared themselves to be *1avowed users*0) as against 47.2 per cent
J31  82 of the female informants; this differential operated in all cohorts
J31  83 and classes, but, as with the attitude question, was more marked in
J31  84 the 1940-49 cohort (62.1 per cent of male informants to 46.1 per cent
J31  85 of female informants) and particularly amongst the skilled manual and
J31  86 other manual workers in this cohort. ^It was only when informants had
J31  87 declared their use of contraception in this way that they were asked
J31  88 the methods they had used and were shown the full list of appliance
J31  89 and non-appliance methods. ^At this stage the same proportion of each
J31  90 sex reported using only non-appliance methods including withdrawal,
J31  91 but the female informants reported less use of appliance methods.
J31  92 ^Closer examination revealed, as was to be expected, that as many
J31  93 female informants as male informants had reported use of the cap;
J31  94 hence the difference lay essentially in reports of the sheath.
J31  95    |^We had expected the difference to lie in reports of *"male**"
J31  96 methods since it seems possible that some female informants who
J31  97 disapproved of birth control might quite reasonably have denied
J31  98 practice if their husbands were responsible for the methods used, and
J31  99 particularly as the request for information on the *1couple's
J31 100 *0methods was not specifically repeated in the wording of the question
J31 101 on methods used (\0Q.188); but we thought this difference would show
J31 102 up more in the proportion reporting withdrawal. ^However, in all
J31 103 cohorts as many women as men married since 1930 had, by this stage in
J31 104 the questioning, reported the practice of withdrawal. ^But perhaps,
J31 105 and Freedman and Whelpton mention this possibility, women responded to
J31 106 the positive suggestion of *"husband is careful, withdraws**" and some
J31 107 reported this method when in fact their *"careful**" husbands had used
J31 108 the sheath.
J31 109    |^It will be remembered from \0p. 123 (\0Q.186) that all those
J31 110 denying birth control practice were shown a numbered list of
J31 111 non-appliance methods and asked to state, by number which, if any,
J31 112 they had used. ^In some of the cohorts and classes where the sex
J31 113 differential in the proportion of *1avowed users *0was most marked
J31 114 some of the leeway was made up by a greater proportion of women
J31 115 admitting to the use of these non-appliance methods (in our
J31 116 terminology declaring themselves to be *1reticent users*0),
J31 117 particularly in the 1940-49 cohort where a further 21.1 per cent of the
J31 118 female informants became reticent users as against only 16 per cent of
J31 119 the male informants (the proportion for the *"other manual**" group
J31 120 showed an excess of 10 per cent for women over men). ^It should be
J31 121 remembered here that for these informants this was the first time they
J31 122 had been shown a list of methods and also that this list only included
J31 123 non-appliance methods. ^Interestingly, at this point, more women than
J31 124 men mentioned use of withdrawal and significantly more in the
J31 125 seriously affected 1940-49 cohort, supporting the theory that some of
J31 126 the sex differential on *1avowed use *0was due to the failure of women
J31 127 to report practice when their husbands had taken the contraceptive
J31 128 action. ^Also, since these informants were confined to non-appliance
J31 129 methods, it is possible that some women reported withdrawal when in
J31 130 fact their husbands had used the sheath.
J31 131    |^The combined answers of the *1avowed *0and *1reticent *0users
J31 132 together give us the total extent of eventually admitted birth control
J31 133 practice. ^This shows a steady differential in all cohorts including
J31 134 the 1940s, of approximately 10 per cent more admitted practice for
J31 135 male informants than females; the difference lies, particularly in the
J31 136 1940-49 cohort in the proportion of male and female informants
J31 137 reporting use of appliance methods.
J31 138    |^From the probably genuine sex differential in personal attitudes
J31 139 to contraception, through the intensive, carefully worded but perhaps
J31 140 too closely defined method of questioning, some female informants may
J31 141 have failed to reveal their birth control practices, particularly
J31 142 where their husbands were responsible for the contraceptive measures,
J31 143 and others may have recorded *"husband is careful**", {0i.e.}
J31 144 withdrawal, when in fact he used the sheath.
J31 145    |^In assessing the significance of this, particularly in relation
J31 146 to the analysis of patterns of contraceptive practice to follow, it
J31 147 seems most relevant to examine the effect on the internal consistency
J31 148 of the *1all user *0group, and more particularly the *1avowed user
J31 149 *0group. ^Here we find that the differential response by male and
J31 150 female informants has not seriously disturbed the balance of methods
J31 151 reported by the two sexes. ^Amongst the *1all user *0group the
J31 152 proportions reporting any appliance method and using only
J31 153 non-appliance methods show an unbalance for the sexes only in the
J31 154 1940-49 cohort, and even these differences are barely significant at
J31 155 the 5 per cent level. ^The pattern for the *1avowed users *0is even
J31 156 better; in all cohorts and classes the frequency of methods reported
J31 157 by male and female informants is similar.
J31 158    |^Since the analysis of birth control methods and contraceptive
J31 159 histories is concerned essentially with the patterns of methods
J31 160 reported by the users and particularly the *1avowed users, *0we have
J31 161 felt it justified to continue the analysis of birth control methods
J31 162 for all informants, male and female combined.
J31 163    |^The above poses obvious questions about the completeness of the
J31 164 data to follow. ^Undoubtedly the results understate the actual extent
J31 165 of practice and probably the use of some methods; nevertheless, this
J31 166 is a first attempt to get at the birth control experiences of a
J31 167 national sample and the findings appear to be consistent in their
J31 168 trends, and at least point to changes over time in contraceptive
J31 169 behaviour, even if they do not provide an absolutely complete history
J31 170 of birth control experiences throughout the population.
J31 171 *<*2USE OF DIFFERENT BIRTH CONTROL METHODS*>
J31 172    |^*0The informants who admitted to the practice of birth control,
J31 173 whether at once or after probing, indicated the various contraceptive
J31 174 methods they had used during their married lives. ^Many reported that
J31 175 two or more methods had been used, either simultaneously or in
J31 176 succession, so the number of reports of methods exceeds the total of
J31 177 users. ^To show the extent to which the various methods are used and
J31 178 their changing popularity over the period, Table 1 treats each method
J31 179 separately and gives the proportion of users reporting each method.
J31 180 ^It also contrasts the Marriage Survey with the American study.
J31 181 **[TABLE**]
J31 182    |^Table *=1 shows the overwhelming importance among Marriage Survey
J31 183 users of the two male methods: the sheath is reported by almost half
J31 184 these users and withdrawal by 44 per cent. ^The next most popular
J31 185 method is *"safe period**" but it is only reported by 16 per cent of
J31 186 the informants, followed by cap (11 per cent) and pessary and gels (10
J31 187 per cent). ^Comparison of the three cohorts shows some changes. ^There
J31 188 is a significant trend away from withdrawal and towards the cap; the
J31 189 increase in the proportion of sheath users is not quite significant.
J31 190    |^The American data can be compared with the Marriage Survey totals
J31 191 column. ^Although the sheath is the most popular method in both
J31 192 countries, the frequency of other methods is significantly different.
J31 193 ^Withdrawal, Britain's next most frequently adopted method, is used by
J31 194 only 15 per cent of the American sample, and instead there is greater
J31 195 reliance on the *"female**" methods: cap, safe period and douche.
J31 196    |^In Britain there are nearly twice as many reports of the use of
J31 197 *"male**" methods as *"female**" (92.8 per cent to 48.2 per cent),
J31 198 whereas in the {0U.S.A.} the proportions are reversed.
J31 199 *# 2015
J32   1 **[326 TEXT J32**]
J32   2 ^*0Hogben's paper is thus of some value as a counsel of scientific
J32   3 caution, but adduces no fundamental objections to the theory.
J32   4    |^In the preceding pages an attempt has been made to clarify the
J32   5 issues and gain some idea of the influence of genetic factors in one
J32   6 aspect of language, the sound structure. ^This has been taken broadly,
J32   7 and the sound-producing apparatus and its results, whether in the
J32   8 individual, the group, or the population, the complement of sounds of
J32   9 a language and of the languages of a population, and the changes in a
J32  10 sound complement, have all been considered. ^Each of these should have
J32  11 a genetic component. ^The development, structure and functioning of
J32  12 the vocal apparatus are clearly determined in part by genes, and hence
J32  13 the nature and the limits of the continuum of sound production
J32  14 possible to this apparatus must be likewise. ^And following from this,
J32  15 in the last analysis, any vocal sound produced by an individual,
J32  16 whether in speech or not, and if in speech, whether significant or
J32  17 not, will be of the nature that it is, in part at any rate, because of
J32  18 the particular genetic composition of that individual. ^Similarly the
J32  19 complement of sounds used by a group in the vocalisation of its
J32  20 language and the total complement of sounds used by the various groups
J32  21 of a population in the vocalisation of their languages will be of
J32  22 their characteristic natures, in part, because of the particular
J32  23 genetic composition of that group or population.
J32  24    |^And it would seem that genetic factors must play some part in
J32  25 changes in a sound complement. ^This is not only in the sense that the
J32  26 intermediate stages in any case of sound change must have some genetic
J32  27 component, but also in the sense that the motivations which induce a
J32  28 community of speakers to make the change derive from those speakers,
J32  29 and hence axiomatically reflect, to some extent, their genetic
J32  30 composition. ^The most important of these motivations has been taken
J32  31 to be the tendency to economy of effort, a tendency which is known to
J32  32 be operative in a wide range of human activities, and which itself
J32  33 must be largely genetic in its determination*- there is after all no
J32  34 difficulty in imagining its evolution in a species under conditions of
J32  35 natural selection. ^But even those changes which seem to be mainly the
J32  36 result of cultural influences of one sort or another will have a
J32  37 genetic component. ^The speakers of a dialect borrow, imitate, or
J32  38 learn sounds from other dialects, partly, perhaps, as I have suggested
J32  39 above (\0p. 205) in accordance with their own preferences, but mainly,
J32  40 it is usually assumed, because of their impulses to conform with what
J32  41 seems a desirable norm. ^Such impulses will in theory also have a
J32  42 genetic component. ^They vary, as is common knowledge, from individual
J32  43 to individual and they doubtless vary also, in terms of mean values,
J32  44 from group to group.
J32  45    |^The result of this investigation has been to develop in more
J32  46 detail the hypothesis of genetic influence in the sounds of language,
J32  47 particularly with regard to the extent of its field of operation and
J32  48 to the nature of the way in which this influence is exerted. ^For the
J32  49 reasons given, it seems that the existence of a genetic component of
J32  50 language as such is {6*1a priori} *0to be accepted; the question
J32  51 which remains then is whether the further hypothesis of the extent and
J32  52 the nature of the genetic influence such as has been outlined in the
J32  53 preceding pages is valid. ^The answer to this must primarily depend on
J32  54 the success with which it is considered that this hypothesis may be
J32  55 applied to and shed new light on the observed data of the subject, and
J32  56 suggest further constructive work.
J32  57    |^There can be no doubt of its applicability to a considerable
J32  58 amount of the material in linguistics and its ancillary disciplines.
J32  59 ^It can be applied to the individual and to the particular rate,
J32  60 method, and accuracy of his acquisition of his sound complement, to
J32  61 the uniqueness of this, and to its aberration from the group mean. ^It
J32  62 can be applied to the group, to the mean of the group rate and method
J32  63 of acquisition, to the uniqueness of the group sound complement, and
J32  64 to the relations between overlapping groups and their dialects.
J32  65 ^Further, it can be applied to the population, to the uniqueness of
J32  66 the total sound complement of a population, to the widespread
J32  67 similarities in the sound complements of its various constituent
J32  68 groups, and to the particular distributions of the sounds and sound
J32  69 features of that total sound complement.
J32  70    |^It also provides a basic factor in the causation of phonetic
J32  71 change, clarifying the nature and the role of the tendency to economy
J32  72 of effort in this phenomenon, and offers an explanation of many of its
J32  73 observed characteristics, including some, such as the parallel
J32  74 developments in related languages spoken by related peoples, or the
J32  75 long continued drifts in a sound complement, which have been
J32  76 peculiarly resistant to explanation in the past.
J32  77    |^And it suggests a number of lines of investigation which should
J32  78 be fruitful in the further development of the subject. ^Some of the
J32  79 most obvious of these may now be considered briefly in turn.
J32  80 *<*2GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION OF SOUND FEATURES*>
J32  81    |^*0The most obvious and important linguistically is the
J32  82 geographical distribution of sounds and sound features. ^The cases
J32  83 discussed in this book have been discovered largely by trial and
J32  84 error, and an adequate series of maps of the distributions of the main
J32  85 types of articulations is a prime desideratum. ^Besides articulations
J32  86 in the strict sense, it would seem likely that there may be much of
J32  87 interest in the distribution of such features as type of syllabic
J32  88 structure, liaison and juncture phenomena, the restrictions on
J32  89 occurrence of specific sounds and sound types*- practically all the
J32  90 languages of Europe from Dutch to Russian, for example, permit no
J32  91 voiced plosive in word final position*- and so on. ^And further, among
J32  92 less detailed phenomena, the establishment of the distribution of
J32  93 languages with lexical tone would seem valuable in this connexion. ^At
J32  94 the moment we have very little idea of the distributions of such
J32  95 features, and the lines of research which they may suggest.
J32  96    |^The historical development of such distributions opens a new
J32  97 field in that the appearance of a specific sound type in one language
J32  98 need not be an event which is solely the result of conditions internal
J32  99 to that language; it may be related to the occurrence of sounds of
J32 100 similar type in other languages, of the same or different family, in
J32 101 the same region. ^I have suggested in a previous article (Brosnahan,
J32 102 1959), for instance, that the development of affricate articulations
J32 103 in the Old High German consonant shift is part of a larger, but
J32 104 geographically limited phenomenon, a remarkable development of
J32 105 affricates over the last two thousand years and centred in the area
J32 106 now occupied by the Western Slavonic languages, Hungarian and
J32 107 Albanian. ^Our understanding of language and the deeper-lying factors
J32 108 in its development is likely to be very greatly extended by
J32 109 investigation along these lines.
J32 110    |^A further possibility is the comparison and mapping of acoustic
J32 111 features or characteristics of representative samples of different
J32 112 languages. ^With modern methods of recording, it is not difficult to
J32 113 devise techniques to determine, say, the mean distribution of energy
J32 114 over the range of frequencies used in speech. ^Such mean distributions
J32 115 should vary from language to language with differences in their sound
J32 116 complements, and with differences in the relative frequency of
J32 117 occurrence of specific types of articulation. ^The mapping of such
J32 118 distributions may also be informative in bringing to light unexpected
J32 119 correspondences at the sound level among different languages.
J32 120 *<*2THE MECHANISM OF HEARING*>
J32 121    |^*0This leads to another field of investigation. ^The discussion
J32 122 of the vocal apparatus in this work has been confined to that of the
J32 123 sound-producing mechanism. ^But it is not unreasonable to expect that
J32 124 the capacities of the sound reception mechanism may also have exerted
J32 125 some influence on the development of the sound aspect of language. ^It
J32 126 is true there is little evidence that the auditory distinctiveness of
J32 127 specific sounds has much effect on their selection in a sound
J32 128 complement (\0p. 12 \0f. above) but other possibilities exist. ^The
J32 129 capacity of the ear and its mean sensitivity to different ranges of
J32 130 acoustic frequency are likely to vary from group to group and
J32 131 population to population of the earth's surface in accordance with
J32 132 differences in the genetic composition of the peoples involved, and it
J32 133 is not impossible that the general or average *"set**" of a language
J32 134 in the frequency scale shows some sort of correlation with this
J32 135 capacity. ^A case that springs to mind in this connexion is that of
J32 136 languages with lexical tone, and an investigation into audiograms of
J32 137 speakers of these languages and comparison with those of speakers of
J32 138 other types may be of interest.
J32 139    |^Some possible indications of a close connexion between vocal
J32 140 language and the hearing mechanism have been found. ^The mechanical
J32 141 resolving power of the cochlea with regard to frequency, measured as
J32 142 the extent of the shift of the point of maximum response along the
J32 143 cochlear partition for a given ratio of frequency change, is
J32 144 practically independent of frequency in most animals. ^In the human
J32 145 ear, however, this resolving power is relatively low up to about 300
J32 146 cycles per second and then shows an abrupt increase, reaching a
J32 147 relatively high value by 1,000 cycles per second (\von Be*?2ke*?2sy
J32 148 and Rosenblith, 1951). ^Since the range of frequencies most important
J32 149 for intelligibility seems to be that above 1,000 cycles per second, it
J32 150 is tempting to regard the human variation from the pattern in other
J32 151 animals as the result, at least in part, of adaptation in the course
J32 152 of evolution to these important frequencies of human vocal
J32 153 communication. ^If language or its forerunners has exerted such
J32 154 influence on the phylogenetic development of the hearing mechanism, it
J32 155 is not unlikely that this mechanism has also exerted some influence on
J32 156 the frequencies of language.
J32 157 *<*2THE ACQUISITION OF SPEECH*>
J32 158    |^*0A field in which the influence of genetic factors is likely to
J32 159 be more easily recognised is that of the acquisition of a sound
J32 160 complement in the process of learning to speak. ^A real need is more
J32 161 work of the nature of that done by Irwin and his associates covering
J32 162 adequate numbers of children and carried out by investigators with
J32 163 standardised techniques, to determine in detail the norms of this
J32 164 acquisition in other communities and with other languages. ^Besides
J32 165 their importance in demonstrating the influence of the heredity of the
J32 166 group, such norms would be of considerable value in pediatrics and
J32 167 child development generally as well as in speech therapy. ^They may be
J32 168 expected to vary, not only on the grounds of genetic theory, but also
J32 169 in accordance with our existing knowledge of child development: thus,
J32 170 for example, the recent investigations by Geber and Dean (1957) have
J32 171 indicated that the general development of young East African children
J32 172 is some months ahead of that of European children of corresponding
J32 173 ages.
J32 174    |^Another field here, which would seem to be very important, but
J32 175 which as far as I know has hardly been touched, is the environment in
J32 176 which the child acquires its sound complement. ^Though some
J32 177 information is available as to the nature and frequency of the sounds
J32 178 which the child produces, no attempt seems to have been made to
J32 179 determine the nature and the frequency of the sounds which the child
J32 180 hears at this period of its life. ^Difficult though such research may
J32 181 be to plan and execute, it should not be neglected. ^It may well be
J32 182 that some correlation will be found between the nature of the stimulus
J32 183 from the environment and the nature of the child's development, and
J32 184 this must be considered in assessing the role of the genetic component
J32 185 in the process. ^Investigation of this topic may also be of value by
J32 186 giving precision to the conception of the representative sample of the
J32 187 sound complement, which, it was suggested above (\0p. 140), could be
J32 188 taken as the actual norm of the group in the experience of the
J32 189 individual.
J32 190 *# 2009
J33   1 **[327 TEXT J33**]
J33   2 *<*6THE GRAMMATICAL INTERPRETATION OF RUSSIAN INFLECTED FORMS USING A
J33   3 STEM DICTIONARY*>
J33   4 *<*0by *2\0J. M*0c*2DANIEL *0and *2\0S. WHELAN, *0National Physical
J33   5 Laboratory, Teddington, England*>
J33   6 *<*2INTRODUCTION*>
J33   7    |^THE {0NPL} *0Russian-English automatic dictionary is organised
J33   8 on a stem-paradigm basis wherein there is for most nouns and
J33   9 adjectives a single entry for all their inflected forms and for most
J33  10 verbs only one or two entries. ^This is in contrast to the full-form
J33  11 type of dictionary organisation wherein each inflected form of every
J33  12 word has a separate entry. ^The decision to organise our dictionary on
J33  13 this basis was made so as to be able to accommodate it on the magnetic
J33  14 tape store available to us on the {0*2ACE} *0digital electronic
J33  15 computer of our laboratory and, further, to minimise the look-up time
J33  16 per word on the computer without complicating the look-up procedure
J33  17 too much or investing too much programming effort in its compilation.
J33  18 ^The word content of the dictionary initially is to be 15,000 words
J33  19 from the Harvard University Automatic Dictionary. ^Our dictionary will
J33  20 have an average of about 1.5 entries per word, whereas a full-form
J33  21 dictionary would have about ten times that average.
J33  22    |^The operation of our stem-paradigm dictionary involves two extra
J33  23 processing steps as compared with the full-form type dictionary.
J33  24 ^Firstly, words referred to the dictionary are reduced to their stems
J33  25 so that they may be matched against the corresponding dictionary stem
J33  26 entries and, secondly, after matching of stems, that part of the
J33  27 referred word split off to give the stem requires interpretation to
J33  28 determine its grammatical significance for that stem. ^The first
J33  29 process is known as affix-splitting and consists of matching the end
J33  30 of a referred word against a list of recognised affixes having
J33  31 grammatical significance. ^The process is fully described in a
J33  32 companion paper to this. ^We shall refer to the results of these
J33  33 papers where necessary. ^The second process, affix interpretation, is
J33  34 the subject of this paper. ^The extra grammatical properties of the
J33  35 referred word revealed by affix identification, in addition to those
J33  36 identifiable in the stem of the word are as follows, for nouns,
J33  37 adjectives and verbs:*-
J33  38 *<*2NOUNS:*-*>
J33  39 ^*0Number and case
J33  40 *<*2ADJECTIVES:*-*>
J33  41 ^*0Number, case, gender, short or long form
J33  42 *<*2VERBS:*-*>
J33  43 ^*0Person, number, tense, gender, mood, voice, and, for participles
J33  44 only, case and short or long form.
J33  45    |^Of course, not all combinations of these properties can occur.
J33  46 ^The majority of pronoun forms are treated like adjectives. ^The
J33  47 remaining pronoun forms and all indeclinable words are referred to
J33  48 full-form type dictionary entries, and do not participate in affix
J33  49 identification, although they undergo the splitting process.
J33  50    |^Affix interpretation is necessary for all stem type entries as
J33  51 its results form the basis of systems of syntactic analysis designed
J33  52 to improve a word-for-stem type *"translation**" of Russian into
J33  53 English. ^Rules of English inflection, insertion of prepositions and
J33  54 auxiliaries, suppression of Russian equivalents and variations of word
J33  55 order will all require the affix interpretation results.
J33  56 *<2. *2PRINCIPLE OF INTERPRETATION*>
J33  57    |^THE *0splitting process consists in matching the endings of text
J33  58 words against a list of affixes, and splitting off any matched
J33  59 affixes, so that the interpretation problem may be stated as the
J33  60 problem of giving a grammatical significance to each of these
J33  61 recognised affixes when they are found. ^Now some of the affixes will
J33  62 have varying significance depending on the stem from which they have
J33  63 been split. ^For instance, one of the affixes in the list is -A, and
J33  64 this can have five different interpretations:*-
J33  65 **[BEGIN INDENTATION**]
J33  66    |1. Genitive singular when split from some masculine noun stems.
J33  67    |2. Genitive singular and nominative plural when split from some
J33  68 other masculine noun stems and from neuter noun stems.
J33  69    |3. Nominative singular when split from feminine noun stems.
J33  70    |4. Feminine short form when split from adjective and participle
J33  71 stems.
J33  72    |5. Present Gerund when split from verb stems.
J33  73 **[END INDENTATION**]
J33  74    |^So for these ambiguous affixes (they are mostly noun affixes) it
J33  75 is necessary to check the stem type from which the affix has been
J33  76 split before giving the grammatical significance.
J33  77    |^There is a further check, on the *1validity *0of a given split,
J33  78 which can be conveniently made during interpretation. ^This is to
J33  79 check that the matched dictionary stem includes the split-off affix in
J33  80 the declension or conjugation intended to be associated with it in the
J33  81 dictionary compilation stage. ^We call this check reconciliation of
J33  82 stem and affix, and it is necessary because of the occurrence of stem
J33  83 homographs and also because of the possibility of a text word whose
J33  84 true stem is not entered in the dictionary being falsely split and the
J33  85 resulting stem matching with a dictionary stem.
J33  86    |^We combine interpretation and reconciliation in one operation,
J33  87 making use of a paradigm indicator associated with each stem, and one
J33  88 or more role indicators associated with each affix. ^By speaking of
J33  89 the paradigm of a stem, we mean that set of our recognised affixes,
J33  90 all of which combine with that stem to form valid inflectional forms
J33  91 of one Russian word. ^Thus each stem entry in the dictionary contains
J33  92 a computer word, known as the paradigm indicator word ({0*2PIW}),
J33  93 *0which indicates by a binary pattern the paradigm of that stem.
J33  94 ^There are three different formats for the {0*2PIW} *0for noun,
J33  95 adjective and verb stems. ^The verb format is used for two types of
J33  96 verb stems, but in each case it represents a different set of endings.
J33  97 ^This was only necessary in practice because one computer word ( the
J33  98 {0*2ACE} *0word is 48 binary digits (bits) long) is not long enough
J33  99 to represent all the verbal affixes. ^We shall consider the noun
J33 100 format of the {0*2PIW} *0as a specific example.
J33 101    |^The word is divided into fields, one for each of the case and
J33 102 number combinations of nouns. ^Accusative plural is excluded, as its
J33 103 endings follow those of nominative plural or genitive plural depending
J33 104 on the animation of the noun. ^In each field, a bit position is
J33 105 associated with each affix that conveys the significance of that field
J33 106 with a noun stem. ^The noun format is shown in *1Figure 1. ^*0(# is
J33 107 our symbol for the null affix). ^In the accusative singular field,
J33 108 only the feminine affixes are shown, the masculine and neuter affixes
J33 109 being implicit from the nominative singular, and genitive singular
J33 110 fields and the animation marker in bit position 43. ^We could have
J33 111 repeated the masculine and neuter, nominative and genitive singular
J33 112 endings in the accusative singular field, but this would have required
J33 113 more bit positions than are available in an {0*2ACE} *0word. ^So
J33 114 simply by indicating the animation of a noun stem, we can restrict the
J33 115 paradigm format to within one {0*2ACE} *0word.
J33 116    |^The {0*2PIW} *0for a particular noun stem is formed in general
J33 117 by inserting a binary digit 1 in the bit position corresponding to the
J33 118 appropriate affix in each field. ^For example, consider the stem entry
J33 119 and {0*2PIW} *0resulting from the Russian word whose nominative
J33 120 singular is \11*2STOL *0(table). ^The stem entry will be \11*2STOL*-
J33 121 *0and the set of affixes which give all the inflected forms of
J33 122 \11*2STOL *0is #, {11*2A, U, E, OM, Y, OV, AM, AKH, AMI}. ^*0The
J33 123 {0*2PIW} *0will thus have *"ones**" in positions 1, 11, 15, 19, 21,
J33 124 26, 32, 37, 39 and 41.
J33 125 **[FIGURES**]
J33 126 ^The absence of a *"one**" in bit position 43 indicates the inanimate
J33 127 nature of the stem and hence implicitly indicates the accusative
J33 128 singular and accusative plural endings. ^A stem which takes
J33 129 alternative affixes in a given field will have *"ones**" in the bit
J33 130 positions of both affixes {0e.g.} the stem \11*2VOLOS (*0hair) has
J33 131 the alternative affixes \11Y and \11A in the nominative plural form.
J33 132 ^Where a stem is not common to all inflected forms of a word, only
J33 133 those fields to which that stem applies will have a *"one**" in them
J33 134 {0e.g.} the stem \11*2BRAT- *0(brother) applies to the singular
J33 135 inflected forms only (1, 11, 15, 19, 21, 43) while the stem
J33 136 \11*2BRAT'- *0applies to the plural forms (29, 33, 36, 38, 40, 43).
J33 137    |^The formats for adjectives and verbs are shown in *1Figure 2
J33 138 *0and in principle are similar to the noun format. ^They all have more
J33 139 fields than the noun format, but have much less variety of affixes
J33 140 within each field. ^The two verb formats have identical fields, but
J33 141 mostly different affixes in those fields. ^They include fields for
J33 142 participle affixes, but the affixes in these fields are only the
J33 143 participle stem-building affixes. ^However, as participle adjectival
J33 144 endings follow a perfectly regular pattern, they need not be
J33 145 explicitly stated in the {0*2PIW}.
J33 146    |^*0Nearly all nouns and adjectives will require only one stem and
J33 147 {0*2PIW} *0to represent all their inflected forms. ^Approximately
J33 148 2/3 of Russian verbs will need only one stem, most of the rest
J33 149 requiring two stems, and only the irregular verbs more than two.
J33 150    |^The {0*2PIW} *0are compiled by the computer from data sheets
J33 151 (dictionary entry forms) one of which is manually completed for each
J33 152 word to be entered into the dictionary. ^There is a different data
J33 153 sheet for each of several broad classes of noun declension, so as to
J33 154 limit the linguistic decisions to be made in completing the sheets,
J33 155 but all noun data sheets refer to the one standard format for the noun
J33 156 {0*2PIW}. ^*0There are similar data sheets for adjectives and the
J33 157 two types of verbs, in these cases only one type of data sheet per
J33 158 format, because of the lesser variety of inflection.
J33 159    |^With the provision of a {0*2PIW} *0in each stem entry in the
J33 160 dictionary, the problem of interpretation of an affix which has
J33 161 occurred on a given stem as a text word, is resolved into spotlighting
J33 162 the occurrences (if any) of that affix in the {0*2PIW} *0for that
J33 163 stem and noting the fields (grammatical properties) in which they
J33 164 occur. ^This is most easily done by having, for that affix, a masking
J33 165 pattern containing a *"one**" bit corresponding to each occurrence of
J33 166 it in the {0*2PIW} *0format. ^Then, by performing a *"logical and**"
J33 167 operation between this mask and the {0*2PIW} *0of the given stem,
J33 168 the result will contain a *"one**" bit in each field where that affix
J33 169 has significance for the given stem. ^Of course, if the result was
J33 170 zero, this would mean that the affix and stem were incompatible
J33 171 {0i.e.} the stem did not combine with the affix in any meaningful
J33 172 inflection. ^This situation may arise with stem homographs and with
J33 173 words whose true stems are not yet compiled into the dictionary and
J33 174 are falsely split. ^In the latter case the {0*2PIW} *0would not
J33 175 contain the falsely split affix.
J33 176    |^The masking pattern referred to above we call the role indicator
J33 177 word ({0*2RIW}) *0for the given affix. ^Some affixes have
J33 178 significance with more than one of the {0*2PIW} *0formats, and for
J33 179 these there will need to be more than one {0*2RIW} {0*0e.g.} \11I
J33 180 has significance for and appears in each of the four {0*2PIW}
J33 181 *0formats, so it will have four {0*2RIW}. ^*0In order to be able to
J33 182 match the appropriate {0*2RIW} *0to a given {0*2PIW} *0in an
J33 183 interpretation, the format types are given a type number (digits 47
J33 184 and 48) and the {0*2RIW} *0which relate to these types are given the
J33 185 corresponding type \0no. ^There are identical \11I and \11E verb
J33 186 {0*2RIW} *0for each of 10 verbal affixes {11*2(U, JU, I, J, ', JTE,
J33 187 'TE, A, JA, ENN)} *0and so we save some space in storing the
J33 188 {0*2RIW} *0by having only one verb {0*2RIW} *0for each of these 10
J33 189 and indicating its dual utility.
J33 190    |^Let us consider two examples of interpretation of noun forms
J33 191 \11*2AVTOMOBILI *0and \11*2NEDELI, *0which would be matched against
J33 192 the dictionary stems \11*2AVTOMOBIL- *0and \11*2NEDEL- *0respectively,
J33 193 with \11I *0as the affix to be interpreted in both cases. ^The
J33 194 {0*2PIW} *0for the noun stem \11*2AVTOMOBIL- *0and the noun type
J33 195 {0*2RIW} *0for \11I would be as shown in *1Figure 3. ^*0The
J33 196 *"logical-and**" of these two computer words would give a *"one**" bit
J33 197 in position 28 only {0i.e.} in the nominative plural field. ^The
J33 198 {0*2PIW} *0for \11*2NEDEL- *0is also shown in *1Figure 3 *0and the
J33 199 result of *"anding**" this word with the {0*2RIW} *0for \11I would
J33 200 be a *"one**" bit in positions 14 and 28 {0i.e.} in the genitive
J33 201 singular and nominative plural fields.
J33 202 *# 2004
J34   1 **[328 TEXT J34**]
J34   2 ^*0By the former view the categories are common by definition and
J34   3 {6*1a priori}, *0by the latter empirically and by reason of a more
J34   4 or less similar semantic range {6*1a posteriori}. ^*0But while many
J34   5 modern linguists would subscribe to the latter view there remains
J34   6 still a common core of syntactic terms, common by definition among
J34   7 those making use of them, not from any content or semantic meaning,
J34   8 but from the method of establishing them within each language. ^Terms
J34   9 like Nucleus, Expansion, Cohesion, Endocentric, and Exocentric are
J34  10 general (though not necessarily universal) categories, by reason of
J34  11 the common operations by which sentences in a language are compared
J34  12 and classed together as regards the formal inter-relations of their
J34  13 components. ^These operations and the criteria employed need not be in
J34  14 detail the same between any two linguists, but the overall operational
J34  15 similarity in their use is obvious.
J34  16    |^*"General syntax**" thus allows two possible interpretations, and
J34  17 different answers may be given to the question of generality on each
J34  18 of the two.
J34  19    |^(4) What is the relationship between syntax and morphology? ^To
J34  20 some extent the answer to this question is conditioned by one's answer
J34  21 to question (1) above. ^If the morpheme, not the word, is the minimal
J34  22 unit of syntax, the role of morphology, no longer concerned with
J34  23 syntagmatic word structure, is correspondingly reduced; and there are
J34  24 those who say that the distinction between these two traditional parts
J34  25 of grammar is of little value today. ^But assuming that the
J34  26 distinction is maintained one may ask which is to be analytically
J34  27 prior: in which domain do we establish the majority of the principal
J34  28 categories first? ^Are syntactic structures set up to explain the use
J34  29 of the morphological form classes, or are form classes dependent on
J34  30 their role in syntactic structures for their grammatical significance?
J34  31 ^This question may be, and has been, answered either way irrespective
J34  32 of the degree to which logic or *"meaning**" are admitted as criteria
J34  33 in grammatical analysis; in traditional terms it involves the relative
J34  34 priority of such class concepts as noun and verb as against such as
J34  35 subject and predicate.
J34  36    |^(5) What is meant by *"structural**" syntax? ^*"Structural**" is
J34  37 an epithet few linguists would deny of their work today, as it carries
J34  38 connotations of up-to-dateness and scientific thinking, however varied
J34  39 its applications may be. ^*"Structural**" is, in fact, consistent with
J34  40 a number of otherwise divergent approaches to language. ^Trubetzkoy's
J34  41 phonology as well as Pike's or Trager and Smith's phonemics is
J34  42 structural; morphological analyses based on the *"meanings
J34  43 expressed**" by the forms can be worked out structurally, and equally
J34  44 the purely formal morphemic analysis of Harris is structural.
J34  45 ^Semantics can, at least in part, be treated structurally on the lines
J34  46 of the \de Saussure-inspired *"field theory**", or on the statistical
J34  47 models suggested by Wells and others, and Firth's theory of context of
J34  48 situation, framed so as to cover the whole of the semantic analysis of
J34  49 utterances as far as this can fall within general linguistics, is
J34  50 essentially structural.
J34  51    |^Applied to general linguistics as a whole, *"structural**" has a
J34  52 fairly definite comprehensive meaning, namely that the elements and
J34  53 categories of linguistic statement and analysis are established and
J34  54 explained by reference to their relations with one another within the
J34  55 system or systems of the language concerned, rather than as units of
J34  56 an aggregate each carrying its own independent formal constitution or
J34  57 value. ^Applied to syntax, perhaps, the term adds less than to the
J34  58 other levels of linguistic analysis. ^In a sense syntax has always
J34  59 been structural, as it has concerned the relations of the parts of
J34  60 sentences to each other, whether as exponents of the logical
J34  61 constituents of propositions in the traditional view, or as the
J34  62 expression of the psychological components of *"Judgments**", or, in
J34  63 formal terms, as the elements of a number of patterns to which
J34  64 sentences of a particular language can be shown to conform.
J34  65    |^These considerations are all pertinent to the reading of
J34  66 Tesnie*?3re's recently published extensive work on syntax. ^His
J34  67 \*1E*?2le*?2ments, *0in manuscript at the time of his death in 1954
J34  68 and now published with an explanatory preface by \0J. Fourquet (\0pp.
J34  69 3-7), arose from his dissatisfaction, especially from the teacher's
J34  70 point of view, which is constantly kept to the fore, with traditional
J34  71 grammar and its preoccupation with morphology as the basis of
J34  72 grammatical instruction and the learning of languages. ^For
J34  73 Tesnie*?3re syntax is the centre of grammar and the proper foundation
J34  74 for grammatical categories like word classes, morphology being the
J34  75 study of some of the markers of such categories and of the syntactic
J34  76 functions of words in the sentence (Chapters 15-6). ^In language
J34  77 description syntax is the heart of the grammar, not something added at
J34  78 the end to explain the uses of the morphologically different forms.
J34  79 ^This emphasis on syntax, or sentence structure, in grammar, rather
J34  80 than on word form, morpheme shapes, and paradigms, is to be welcomed,
J34  81 and is in agreeable contrast to an excessive devotion to purely
J34  82 morphological problems among some modern linguists as well as more
J34  83 old-fashioned ones. ^Tesnie*?3re shares with the more rigidly formal
J34  84 American linguists a reaction against tradition, but as Fourquet
J34  85 remarks he owes little to their work, and his theories are, more
J34  86 perhaps than with most writers, his own. ^One may, however, ask
J34  87 whether he has gone far enough in rejecting traditional ideas, and
J34  88 whether despite his insistence on the autonomy of syntax (\0p. 42) he
J34  89 has not, in fact, retained certain of them that look like convenient
J34  90 {6*1points d'appui} *0for his theory but themselves lack a secure
J34  91 basis in language itself.
J34  92    |^Tesnie*?3re's syntactic theory is general in the first sense
J34  93 mentioned above; language expresses thought (\0p. 12), and grammatical
J34  94 categories are {*1ide*?2es ge*?2ne*?2rales} *0and
J34  95 {*1classificateurs} *0of the innumerable {*1ide*?2es
J34  96 particulie*?3res}; *0they may vary from language to language and are
J34  97 not identical with the {*1cate*?2gories de la pense*?2e} *0which are
J34  98 said to be the same for all men (how do we know this?), but have close
J34  99 links with them and often coincide, and always {*1rele*?3vent de la
J34 100 se*?2mantique} *0(Chapter 24). ^An example of this kind of
J34 101 grammatical approach is found in the way Tesnie*?3re defines the
J34 102 various types of subordinate clause (causal, final, conditional,
J34 103 concessive, \0etc., Chapters 254-65) by their meanings, and then
J34 104 exhibits examples of the *"same**" types differently realized in
J34 105 different languages (\0e.g. Chapter 243, *?137; 259, *?1315; 262,
J34 106 *?1323). ^Though he elaborates his work mainly with reference to
J34 107 written French, with a bias towards the language of literature, and
J34 108 his illustrations are drawn largely from European languages (note that
J34 109 all the American-Indian languages are lumped together typologically!,
J34 110 \0p. 33), he regards the basic elements of his syntax as universal.
J34 111    |^Words as written are the units he works with, but he recognizes
J34 112 the difficulties of word delimitation and the occasional inadequacies
J34 113 of traditional orthographic divisions (Chapter 10). ^Where what he
J34 114 considers to be the same sort of syntactic process (\0e.g. a
J34 115 \*1translation, *0see below) is carried out in one language by a
J34 116 separate word and in another by an affix, he does not for that reason
J34 117 analyse it differently (\0p. 361).
J34 118    |^Tesnie*?3re's syntax is based on the \*1noeud, *0and sentences
J34 119 consist wholly of \*1noeuds *0hierarchically arranged, the minimal
J34 120 sentence being a single simple \*1noeud. ^*0Sentences set out in such
J34 121 a way as to reveal their *"nodal**" structuring are called
J34 122 \*1stemmata, *0and abstract \*1stemmata ({phrases virtuelles},
J34 123 *0Chapter 33) represent sentence types with the lexical differences of
J34 124 the component words ignored. ^Sentences in familiar languages are
J34 125 usually based on a verbal \*1noeud, *0but other \*1noeuds *0(nominal,
J34 126 adjectival, and adverbial) are possible as entire sentences,
J34 127 especially in conversational discourse (\0p. 15). ^\*1Stemmata
J34 128 *0represent the sentence structure, and the *"real sentence**"
J34 129 syntactically; speaking a language is transforming it into a linear
J34 130 succession of words, and conversely understanding is recovering the
J34 131 sentence structure from such a succession (Chapter 6). ^The following
J34 132 examples illustrate, (*1a*0) and (*1b*0) a single \*1noeud, *0and,
J34 133 (*1c*0) a hierarchy of \*1noeuds *0in a \*1stemma *0(\0pp. 14-15):
J34 134 **[DIAGRAM**]
J34 135    |^Subordination, the dependence of the governed on the governor,
J34 136 represented by its occupying a lower line in the \*1stemma, *0is
J34 137 fundamental, since the \*1noeud *0is defined as {*1un re*?2gissant
J34 138 qui commande un ou plusieurs subordonne*?2s} *0(Chapters 2, 3),
J34 139 though the concept does not appear to be fully defined. ^Adjectives
J34 140 depend on nouns, and adverbs on verbs or adjectives, and {*1tout
J34 141 subordonne*?2 suit le sort de son re*?2gissant} *0(\0p. 14), just as
J34 142 in Bloomfieldian terms words are grouped into endocentric
J34 143 constructions because they behave syntactically like their head
J34 144 component. ^But Tesnie*?3re also subordinates *"subject**" nouns to
J34 145 verbs, as is seen in the examples cited above, where \*1parle
J34 146 *0governs *1Alfred *0as well as *1Bernard, *0and so on. ^We are not
J34 147 told why; is it because in some languages ({0e.g.} Latin) the verb
J34 148 by itself can form a complete sentence (\*1cantat, *0of which {*1vir
J34 149 cantat} *0is an expansion)? ^In French \*1chante *0is not a complete
J34 150 sentence of the same type as {*1Alfred chante}, *0but {*1il
J34 151 chante} *0is, and such a sentence, wherein \*1il *0is a {*1mot
J34 152 vide} *0and a mere \*1indice, *0is regarded as a single semantic unit
J34 153 (\*1nucle*?2us), *0though a \*1noeud *0of head and subordinate
J34 154 (Chapter 22, \0cp. \*1stemma *033, \0p. 56). ^If this is the argument,
J34 155 it is not made clear by Tesnie*?3re.
J34 156    |^Words are divisible into the categories of *"full**"
J34 157 (\*1pleins*0) and *"empty**" (\*1vides*0) on semantic grounds, full
J34 158 words bearing a separate meaning, empty words only a grammatical use
J34 159 (Chapter 28). ^This is familiar ground, and it is hard to see how the
J34 160 distinction can be rigorously carried through; *"having an independent
J34 161 meaning**" is probably equivalent to the fact that a gloss can be
J34 162 given by a native speaker to the word in isolation, and this is likely
J34 163 to be a matter of degree rather than of a binary division into two
J34 164 classes. ^Tesnie*?3re follows the full/ empty division with the more
J34 165 formal division of {*1mot constitutif} *0and {*1mot subsidiaire}
J34 166 *0(Chapter 29), the former being able to constitute the head of a
J34 167 \*1noeud, *0while the latter can only appear as a subordinate member
J34 168 of one. ^The divisions full/ empty and constitutive/ subsidiary are
J34 169 nearly though not quite coextensive in membership (\0p. 57).
J34 170    |^Although the full/ empty division is the less satisfactory of the
J34 171 two, it is this that is used subsequently in word classification, and
J34 172 within full words four classes (each of which can be the head of its
J34 173 own \*1noeud) *0are recognized and distinguished by their class
J34 174 meanings ({*1contenu cate*?2gorique}, *0Chapter 32):
J34 175 **[TABLE**]
J34 176    |^Defined thus these classes are general, but not universal,
J34 177 because, astonishingly, we read that the noun/ verb distinction is
J34 178 predominantly European, and that the majority of other languages show
J34 179 only nominal \*1noeuds *0as the basis of their sentences, and
J34 180 *"conceive of process as a substance**" (\0p. 61).
J34 181    |^{*1Mots vides} *0are either *"junctives**", joining
J34 182 grammatically equivalent words and word groups together, or
J34 183 *"translatives**", which convert the grammatical class of one word
J34 184 into that of another or convert a sentence or word group into the
J34 185 grammatical equivalent of a single word. ^Thus *1and *0and *1but
J34 186 *0(traditionally coordinating conjunctions) are junctives;
J34 187 prepositions are translatives converting nouns into adverbs (*"first
J34 188 degree \*1translation**", \0*0pp. 386-7), and the traditional relative
J34 189 pronouns and subordinating conjunctions are translatives of the second
J34 190 degree (conjunction + verbal \*1noeud *0= adverb, relative pronoun +
J34 191 verbal \*1noeud *0= adjective). ^\*1Translation *0(in Tesnie*?3re's
J34 192 sense), which may be marked by separate {*1mots vides}
J34 193 (\translatifs), *0by affixes or word form changes, or be unmarked, is
J34 194 what gives languages their universal suppleness and utility (Chapter
J34 195 153), and its importance in grammar is emphasized throughout the book.
J34 196 ^In fact approximately the second half of it is devoted to the
J34 197 theoretical exposition and copious exemplification of the various
J34 198 types of \*1translation, *0and includes double (and triple and
J34 199 upwards) \*1translations, *0as when, for example, a de-adjectival noun
J34 200 or nominal expression is adverbialized ({0e.g.} French (\*1trancher)
J34 201 {dans le vif}, \0*0pp. 474-5).
J34 202    |^The four classes of full words always preserve their class
J34 203 meanings and their consequent grammatical status, and an apparent
J34 204 atypical use ({0e.g.} adverb with a noun head, {*1un homme bien, un
J34 205 vin extra,} {15owi pa*?2lai a*?2nthropoi}, *0Chapter 197) is
J34 206 explained as a \*1translation *0adjective to adverb without overt
J34 207 mark; conversely, morphological form, if in apparent contrast to
J34 208 syntactic function, has no effect on classification (in French
J34 209 {*1tout/ toute} *0in sentences like {*1elle est toute honteuse},
J34 210 *0\0p. 184, is an adverb irrespective of its concordial variability of
J34 211 gender form).
J34 212 *# 2044
J35   1 **[329 TEXT J35**]
J35   2 ^*0The theory has a great sweep about it: language is no conglomerate
J35   3 of single words, but a whole with meaningful division, a
J35   4 super-{6*1Gestalt}*0: conceptual fields shape the raw material of
J35   5 experience and divide it up without overlapping, like the pieces in a
J35   6 completed jig-saw puzzle. ^The individual field, in its turn, is a
J35   7 mosaic of related words or concepts, the individual word getting its
J35   8 meaning only through distinguishing itself from its neighbours, and
J35   9 the field again being divided up completely and without overlapping.
J35  10 ^The concepts in a field, in short, form a structure of interdependent
J35  11 elements. ^A word-form may change without there being any change in
J35  12 the structure of the field, in \*1Sprachinhalte*0; for instance, in
J35  13 the Romance languages, the continuants of \0Lat. \*1coxa *0replaced
J35  14 those of \0Lat. \*1femur, *0weakened by a homonymic clash, without
J35  15 there being any change in the structure of the semantic field. ^Any
J35  16 change in the limits of a concept, on the other hand, will involve a
J35  17 modification of the value of the other concepts in the same field, and
J35  18 of the words which express those concepts.
J35  19    |^Trier sought to illustrate the validity of his hypothesis from
J35  20 his analysis of the intellectual vocabulary of Old and Middle High
J35  21 German. ^The most-quoted example is that of a comparison of a
J35  22 particular field in about {0*2A.D.} *01200 with the corresponding
J35  23 one in about {0*2A.D.} *01300. ^At the beginning of the 13th
J35  24 century, the structural \6*1ensemble *0of the Middle High German
J35  25 *'field**' of knowledge was based, he maintains, on the co-existence
J35  26 of three key terms*- {*1kunst, list} *0and \*1wi*?5sheit *0(very
J35  27 roughly *'art**', *'artifice**' and *'wisdom**'); at the beginning of
J35  28 the 14th century, the key-words were {*1kunst, wizzen} *0and
J35  29 \*1wi*?5sheit. ^*0There had not, however, been a simple substitution
J35  30 of \*1wizzen *0for \*1list *0which continued to be used in a somewhat
J35  31 different sense: what had occurred was a re-organization of the
J35  32 linguistic structure of the field, and above all of the \*1Weltbild
J35  33 *0or *'world-picture**' which the latter reflected. ^In 1200, the term
J35  34 \*1kunst *0was applied to courtly skills, and \*1list *0to non-courtly
J35  35 ones, to techniques and skills other than those of the knightly class.
J35  36 ^Thus, courtly bearing towards adversaries was a \*1kunst *0in a
J35  37 knight; so was the art of writing poetry; so were the liberal arts of
J35  38 rhetoric and music in so far as they contributed to the training of
J35  39 the ideal knight; on the other hand, astronomy, botany, medicine and
J35  40 all the crafts of the artisan were \*1liste. ^*0The difference between
J35  41 \*1kunst *0and \*1list *0was, however, not as clear-cut as that
J35  42 suggests; whereas skill at arms was a \*1kunst *0in a knight, it was
J35  43 only a \*1list *0in a man at arms: {0i.e.}, these branches of
J35  44 knowledge were not appraised objectively, but socially. ^This gulf
J35  45 between courtly and non-courtly at the level of material knowledge was
J35  46 transcended at the spiritual level: the term \*1wi*?5sheit *0embraced
J35  47 \*1kunst *0and \*1list, *0and much else besides, being applied to all
J35  48 kinds of knowledge, divine as well as human. ^There was therefore a
J35  49 close interlocking of concepts within a field of knowledge conceived
J35  50 synthetically; \*1kunst *0and \*1list *0were co-determined in their
J35  51 senses by the links which united them within the wider sphere of
J35  52 personal and divine wisdom.
J35  53    |^The key-terms of the later field did not form a mystic trinity of
J35  54 this type: there was merely a duality between \*1kunst *0and
J35  55 \*1wizzen, \*1wi*?5sheit *0being on quite a different level from them.
J35  56 ^\*1Kunst *0was used to describe certain branches of knowledge, in
J35  57 rather the same way as in modern German*- in opposition to \*1wizzen,
J35  58 *0which was applied to knowledge in general and to technical skills
J35  59 and abilities in particular, but without any social connotation. ^The
J35  60 disappearance of the earlier duality between \*1kunst *0and \*1list
J35  61 *0signified from the spiritual point of view the abandonment of an
J35  62 ethico-social attitude towards the scientific and technical: it had
J35  63 become possible to talk of what a man knew or could do, without a
J35  64 *'social**' appraisal of him as well as of what he was doing.
J35  65 ^\*1Wi*?5sheit *0was no longer used as a semi-alternative for either
J35  66 of the other terms, nor as a synthetic term embracing them both.
J35  67 ^Material knowledge (\*1kunst *0and \*1wizzen*0) had been removed from
J35  68 the sphere of \*1wi*?5sheit, *0which, as spiritual and religious
J35  69 wisdom, had moved to a different plane. ^The use of the terms showed a
J35  70 drastic change in the conception of knowledge, which had been divided
J35  71 up in a more analytical and abstract way. ^Whereas in 1200 no truly
J35  72 objective appraisal of knowledge was possible (it could not be
J35  73 divorced from its social and/or religious connotations), in 1300,
J35  74 spiritual or theological knowledge was dissociated from worldly
J35  75 skills, and the contrast between courtly and non-courtly attainments
J35  76 had been eliminated. ^Trier saw this re-arrangement of the field as
J35  77 reflecting the disintegration of the earlier *'catholic**' conception
J35  78 of knowledge.
J35  79    |^Trier's theories have been strongly criticized as well as
J35  80 praised, in particular by Dornseiff and Scheidweiler in the 1930's and
J35  81 early 1940's, and by \0W. Betz and Els Oksaar in the 1950's; \0W. \von
J35  82 Wartburg and \0S. Ullmann, as I have already mentioned, have
J35  83 criticized certain aspects of them, while remaining generally
J35  84 favourable. ^It is inevitable that I repeat some of the arguments used
J35  85 against Trier by other scholars, but I hope to make a few new points.
J35  86    |^Basically, Trier's field theory depends on the validity of
J35  87 several hypotheses about the nature of language and of thinking and
J35  88 the relationship between the two: firstly, that the whole vocabulary
J35  89 *1is *0organized, as he believes, within closely-articulated fields
J35  90 which fit into each other and delimit each other in the same way as
J35  91 the words within the individual fields, without any overlapping; and
J35  92 secondly, that the single word gets its meaning only through
J35  93 distinguishing itself from its field neighbours. ^The latter follows
J35  94 to some extent, but not, I think, completely, from the first
J35  95 postulate. ^Both points are valid, if they are valid, for any language
J35  96 at any period.
J35  97    |^Let us take the second point first because it can be dealt with
J35  98 more briefly. ^Whatever the validity of the oppositional approach in
J35  99 determining linguistic units such as phonemes and morphemes, it seems
J35 100 doubtful whether word-meanings *1are *0based on oppositions between
J35 101 words in the same conceptual field. ^This idea of the element only
J35 102 deriving its meaning from the system as a whole has to be qualified so
J35 103 much that it really ceases to have much point: {0e.g.}, I can know
J35 104 the Russian for *'to walk (habitually)**' without knowing the Russian
J35 105 verbs for *'run**', *'hop**', *'skip**', or *'jump**' (habitually or
J35 106 otherwise). ^\0W. Pfleiderer makes the point that a child's first
J35 107 properly used word means something to it, but it does not know any
J35 108 fields. ^It certainly seems that when learning a language one
J35 109 fortunately does not have to learn the whole before knowing the parts.
J35 110 ^If it be then argued that one cannot know the system *1properly
J35 111 *0without knowing the whole, I should reply that it depends what one
J35 112 means by both *1properly *0and by *1whole. ^*0Is the whole of the
J35 113 English vocabulary that which is known to or used by that abstraction,
J35 114 *'the man in the street**', or that which is *'deposited**' in the
J35 115 *1New English Dictionary, *0plus Eric Partridge's *1Dictionary of
J35 116 Slang *0and a few other works of that type? ^Nobody knows all the
J35 117 words in those works, {0i.e.}, knows the whole of the system in that
J35 118 sense; is it then the vocabulary used by the *'man in the street**',
J35 119 whoever he may be (with his 2,500 words, or whatever it may be)? ^The
J35 120 newspapers are full of complaints about the inability of
J35 121 school-leavers (or students, or civil servants) to *'use English
J35 122 properly**'. ^At one level, this means that the members of these
J35 123 groups do not express themselves as accurately or as elegantly as
J35 124 their critics do, or think they do. ^At another level, as a statement
J35 125 about English-speakers, it is rather like saying, *'only 2 per cent of
J35 126 the population have normal teeth.**'
J35 127    |^Take any obscurish word*- since I have mentioned teeth, let it be
J35 128 the term *'orthodontics**'. ^As the name of a branch of dentistry, it
J35 129 comes (I assume) into the same field as *'teeth**', and if we assume
J35 130 the validity of the hypothesis, the two help reciprocally to delimit
J35 131 each other's meaning, they are part of the structure of the field*-
J35 132 but only for those who know the word, or for everybody? ^In either
J35 133 case, only a tiny proportion of the English-speaking population of the
J35 134 world is using the term *'teeth**' with an appreciation of its full
J35 135 value*- which is absurd.
J35 136    |^Similar arguments can be brought against the main postulate*-
J35 137 that closely-integrated conceptual fields, expressed in linguistic
J35 138 ones, cover the whole field of experience (and of the vocabulary)
J35 139 without gaps and without overlapping. ^Is this generally true of the
J35 140 way the vocabulary is organized in the consciousness of the
J35 141 individual*- let alone of a vast and heterogeneous group of
J35 142 individuals? ^Basically, the theory is one about the way the mind
J35 143 works*- and as such, would be better tackled by psychologists than by
J35 144 linguists. ^Things are not made any easier by the fact that Trier does
J35 145 not make an absolutely clear division between his conceptual and his
J35 146 lexical *'fields**': he does not always separate them at all, but when
J35 147 he does, he seems to indicate that conceptual divisions are expressed
J35 148 in linguistic ones, and not, as has been somewhat more plausibly
J35 149 maintained, that the structure of a language and the vocabulary
J35 150 *'transmitted**' to a given individual to some extent determine his
J35 151 modes of thought.
J35 152    |^What evidence is there to support the view that the vocabulary is
J35 153 organized in the manner suggested by Trier? ^There are Trier's own
J35 154 analyses which are open to a number of criticisms: as Scheidweiler
J35 155 points out, Trier himself makes statements about the use of words
J35 156 which seem to run counter to his own theories. ^For instance, on \0p.
J35 157 150 of his {6*1magnum opus}, *0he speaks of a completely
J35 158 *1unarticulated *0field of *'the positive assessment of value**'; he
J35 159 tells us that the famous terms \*1kunst *0and \*1list *0are applied
J35 160 interchangeably by the author of the \*1Pilatus, *0and so on. ^There
J35 161 is no uniformity in the usage of different authors: it is true that
J35 162 Trier speaks of transition conditions under which the field becomes
J35 163 fluid (*'{das Feld zuna"chst einmal in ein sta"ndiges Fliessen
J35 164 gera"t}**'), but in that case, Scheidweiler comments, the whole
J35 165 period investigated by Trier must have been one of transition. ^From
J35 166 his own examination of the texts used by Trier, Scheidweiler finds it
J35 167 impossible to support the former's conclusions about the values of the
J35 168 terms \*1kunst *0and \*1list, *0while with regard to \*1wi*?5sheit
J35 169 *0he points out that the term \*1Weisheit *0is still used in Modern
J35 170 German with the sense of *'knowledge**' in such phrases as *'{ich bin
J35 171 mit meiner Weisheit zu Ende**', *'er besass keine umfangreiche
J35 172 Buchweisheit**', *'woher hast du deine Weisheit}?**' and so on.
J35 173 ^Trier would probably counter by saying that he was concerned with
J35 174 *1conceptual *0fields and that his view could not be disproved by the
J35 175 survival of lexical fossils. ^This would perhaps be a valid argument,
J35 176 but the extent of the disagreement between Trier's findings and
J35 177 Scheidweiler's goes far deeper, and seems to justify caution with
J35 178 regard to Trier's findings. ^Trier himself, judging by his various
J35 179 qualifications and his references to *'transition states**' found the
J35 180 evidence less clear-cut than he might have desired. ^In Scheidweiler's
J35 181 opinion, usage in mediaeval German texts provided no support for any
J35 182 theory that words or concepts were organized in *'fields**' without
J35 183 overlapping: even the same author used the same words with totally
J35 184 different meanings, and so forth, in a way that we should find
J35 185 intolerable (Scheidweiler quotes examples). ^One of his general
J35 186 conclusions is that these early texts are an unsuitable testing-ground
J35 187 for such a theory because of the lack of precision in the use of terms
J35 188 in mediaeval times. ^It seems to me that that judgement damns the
J35 189 theory for the wrong reason. ^Lack of precision in the use of
J35 190 terminology cannot indefinitely be explained as the product of
J35 191 *'transition**' from one world-view to another, one system to another:
J35 192 the fact that lasting imprecision exists itself seems to disprove
J35 193 Trier's hypothesis.
J35 194 *# 2021
J36   1 **[330 TEXT J36**]
J36   2 ^*0Plato envisaged the need for an examination system not essentially
J36   3 different from ours. ^Of his potential *'Guardians**' he wrote:
J36   4 **[BEGIN QUOTE**]
J36   5    |^We must find out who are the best Guardians.... ^We shall have to
J36   6 watch them from earliest childhood and set them tasks.... ^We must
J36   7 also subject them to ordeals of toil and pain and watch for [their]
J36   8 qualities. ^And we must observe them when exposed to the test... put
J36   9 them to severer proof than gold tried in the furnace.... ^If we find
J36  10 one bearing himself well in all these trials... such a one will be of
J36  11 the greatest service to the commonwealth as well as to himself.
J36  12 **[END QUOTE**]
J36  13    |^The purpose of Plato's tests was to be of service to the
J36  14 commonwealth as well as, and more than, to the individual. ^He held
J36  15 that social life depended on specialization of function and he
J36  16 believed that each person was best fitted by congenital constitution
J36  17 and education for a particular role. ^Education not only helped to
J36  18 train a person for his particular function, it also revealed native
J36  19 constitution: response to education predicted capacity for future
J36  20 achievement. ^The educational system was inevitably also a selection
J36  21 system, and Plato's tests were only more refined instruments of
J36  22 screening than the educational process itself.
J36  23    |^This dual function of educational systems*- to educate and to
J36  24 assign people to roles*- is a perennial source of difficulty. ^Both
J36  25 functions are necessary, but it is not easy to carry them out
J36  26 together, and the temptation is to welcome one and to reject the
J36  27 other. ^\0Dr. Wiseman refers in his foreword to those who, rightly
J36  28 valuing education, reject the necessity of selection, and take up the
J36  29 position he condemns as *'therapeutic extremism**'. ^Plato may be
J36  30 accused of having gone to the other extreme, for it seems that having
J36  31 selected his Guardians he has little interest (in the *1Republic*0) in
J36  32 the education of the rest. ^The American public school system has
J36  33 accepted the function of education and on the whole rejected that of
J36  34 selection: selection is left to the college and the university, to the
J36  35 {0M.A.} and the {0Ph.D.} stage rather than to anything resembling
J36  36 the *'11-plus**' and the {0G.C.E.} ^In England 11-plus selection has
J36  37 been deplored because of its adverse effects on education in the
J36  38 primary school. ^A distaste for the selection function may be
J36  39 discerned also in the Crowther Report's desire, on behalf of secondary
J36  40 schools, to make the {0G.C.E.} a school-leaving and *'qualifying**'
J36  41 examination and to dissociate it from the selection of university
J36  42 students. ^Distasteful though the function of selection may be,
J36  43 however, it is one which the educational system cannot escape, for as
J36  44 Plato pointed out educational achievement is not only the means to,
J36  45 but an indispensable index of capacity for, service to the
J36  46 commonwealth.
J36  47    |^The screening function has not been pressed upon educational
J36  48 systems with equal insistence at all times and in all places. ^In so
J36  49 far as social and vocational roles are predetermined by race, caste,
J36  50 or family, the assessment of the abilities of the individual is of
J36  51 less significance. ^The possibility of selection on the basis of
J36  52 individual differences presupposes some degree of social mobility, and
J36  53 it is arguable that it is at times and places where social mobility is
J36  54 greatest that the interest in examinations and tests has been
J36  55 strongest. ^\0Mr. Morris has noted that Imperial China, with its
J36  56 dictum ^*'Employ the able and promote the worthy**', developed a
J36  57 highly complex system of examinations, whereas in the comparatively
J36  58 closed society of medieval Europe the interest in examinations was
J36  59 limited and sporadic. ^Bentham, intent on widening and improving
J36  60 recruitment to the Civil Service, was characteristically interested in
J36  61 examinations. ^The development of public examinations since the 1850's
J36  62 has been closely connected with the extension of elementary,
J36  63 secondary, technical and university education and of access to the
J36  64 crafts and professions. ^The more recent institution of the Diploma in
J36  65 Technology and the work of the Associated Examination Board are
J36  66 obviously related to the increasing esteem which technical skills and
J36  67 abilities command. ^Plato in fourth century Greece noted (with
J36  68 disapproval) the similar upward mobility of craftsmen and its
J36  69 connection with an interest in qualifications*- with philosophy if not
J36  70 with the doctorate of it:
J36  71 **[BEGIN QUOTE**]
J36  72    |^Philosophy... is dishonoured by unworthy interlopers... when any
J36  73 poor creature who has proved his cleverness in some mechanical craft
J36  74 sees here an opening for a portentous display of high-sounding words
J36  75 and is glad to break out of the prison of his paltry trade and take
J36  76 sanctuary in the shrine of philosophy. ^For as compared with other
J36  77 occupations, philosophy, even in its present case, still enjoys a high
J36  78 prestige.
J36  79 **[END QUOTE**]
J36  80    |^Values in educational achievement change. ^Plato valued
J36  81 philosophy and despised crafts that enslaved men; we value
J36  82 technologists more than philosophers; but whatever kind of specialist
J36  83 one has most use for one seeks to select and promote; and the greater
J36  84 the freedom to rise the more one uses tests and examinations to refine
J36  85 the screening function which the educational system performs. ^It is
J36  86 because democratic ideals and economic needs at the present time put a
J36  87 premium on the emergence of ability that we are specially interested
J36  88 both in education and selection.
J36  89    |^As new kinds of *'service to the commonwealth**' are demanded,
J36  90 new kinds of education have to be established, or old kinds have to be
J36  91 adapted; and examinations at once define and support them. ^It is
J36  92 often said that examinations maintain standards in education; it
J36  93 should not be overlooked that they sometimes help to create them. ^The
J36  94 Diploma in Technology not merely preserves standards, it sets
J36  95 objectives and stimulates the effort to achieve them. ^The reform of
J36  96 university examinations in the nineteenth century did not preserve
J36  97 standards, it helped to establish higher standards of education for
J36  98 service to Church and State. ^Examinations defined standards which
J36  99 supported the development of secondary education for girls in the same
J36 100 century and that of the maintained grammar schools in the twentieth
J36 101 century, and if they did not create sixth forms in these they at least
J36 102 stimulated their growth. ^The examination of general studies is
J36 103 helping to produce a situation in which such studies have a greater
J36 104 chance of survival in the sixth form.
J36 105    |^It is the value systems of the commonwealth which likewise confer
J36 106 on examinations their force as incentives to learning. ^Plato alone*-
J36 107 and he in theory only*- removed the economic incentive to learning.
J36 108 ^His Guardians were to be motivated in their arduous studies by
J36 109 disinterested service to the commonwealth: ^*'They alone of all the
J36 110 citizens are forbidden to touch and handle silver or gold.**' ^It is
J36 111 hardly to be supposed that the incentives he proposed would appeal
J36 112 strongly to the candidate in 11-plus, {0G.C.E.} or university
J36 113 examinations: ^*'Whenever we find one who has come unscathed through
J36 114 every test in childhood, youth, and manhood, we shall set him as a
J36 115 Ruler to watch over the commonwealth; he will be honoured in life, and
J36 116 after death receive the highest tribute of funeral rites and other
J36 117 memorials.**' ^It may be true that pupils do not always have clearly
J36 118 in mind the long-term advantages of passing examinations, and that it
J36 119 is rather the teacher or parent who is moved by them. ^Even so the
J36 120 incentive which is felt by the pupil through them is derived
J36 121 ultimately from the demands of the commonwealth for particular kinds
J36 122 of developed ability: the examination merely focuses these demands.
J36 123 ^The pupil's educational values are at least indirectly those of the
J36 124 society in which he will find his role. ^It may be suspected that the
J36 125 {0G.C.E.} candidate, for example, has a shrewd idea of the relative
J36 126 values of passes in English Language, Scripture Knowledge, Physics and
J36 127 Art. ^The trends in the number of entries for {0G.C.E.} examinations
J36 128 to which \0Dr. Petch draws attention suggest a quick appreciation of
J36 129 the social and economic evaluation of different studies.
J36 130    |^The most radical method of increasing social mobility so far
J36 131 devised has been the use of intelligence tests. ^The education system
J36 132 educates and selects, but as we have seen the two functions are not
J36 133 easily reconciled. ^If selection can interfere with education, so can
J36 134 education, or the lack of it, interfere with selection. ^It has long
J36 135 been recognized that there are *'mute inglorious Miltons**'*- mute and
J36 136 inglorious because uneducated and {6*1a fortiori} *0unselected. ^In
J36 137 twentieth-century England there may be few who have not had the
J36 138 opportunity of education, but opportunities have varied; and as
J36 139 parents, teachers and communities cannot be equalized opportunities
J36 140 are long likely to vary. ^Yet democratic ideals and the economic need
J36 141 to exploit the scarce commodity of talent alike impel us to seek out
J36 142 ability even where it has not been fully developed by education. ^No
J36 143 reputable psychologist has claimed that he can measure some pure
J36 144 hypothetical *'intelligence**' which has not been affected by
J36 145 environment and education, but psychologists have been highly
J36 146 successful in constructing tests which are less affected by
J36 147 differences in educational opportunity than are most tests of
J36 148 educational attainment. ^The psychologists' success has naturally been
J36 149 looked upon with disfavour by those who could command educational
J36 150 opportunity though not intellectual capacity. ^Their tests have also
J36 151 been the object of abuse from those who believe that a person is made
J36 152 by collective society and who cannot on ideological grounds accept
J36 153 that the individual (or for that matter wheat) has any characteristics
J36 154 which he does not owe to society. ^Neither group objects to selection
J36 155 or to selection tests: each merely wishes to select persons who meet
J36 156 his own specifications, which are not solely in terms of the qualities
J36 157 of the individual. ^It is to be hoped that the uninformed and
J36 158 doctrinaire attacks on the judicious use of intelligence tests will be
J36 159 stoutly resisted. ^They are not a panacea, but they can be highly
J36 160 competent instruments for use in the open society. ^It is significant
J36 161 that, as \0Dr. Wiseman points out, such tests first became widely
J36 162 acceptable in the American army in the First World War, when it was
J36 163 acceptable that military rank and function should depend on individual
J36 164 rather than social, economic or racial differences. ^Tests and
J36 165 examinations are instruments which a free and open society has need
J36 166 of.
J36 167    |^It must be admitted that selection on the basis of the abilities
J36 168 of the individual has been criticized by not illiberal persons. ^There
J36 169 are dangers in the selection of the able but badly educated. ^{0T.
J36 170 S.} Eliot has suggested in effect that an e*?2lite may have
J36 171 intelligence but lack culture. ^The emergence of angry young men may
J36 172 be taken to support his argument. ^He probably underestimates,
J36 173 however, the assimilative power of education. ^Men do not remain
J36 174 young, or necessarily angry, and their children, faced with fewer
J36 175 obstacles to selection, may be more open to the influences of culture.
J36 176 ^The evidence in the Crowther Report shows that the first generation
J36 177 of the more educated seeks still more education for its children, so
J36 178 that culture as it were accumulates at compound interest. ^The
J36 179 selected have also been depicted as a *'meritocracy**'. ^One can
J36 180 sympathize with the guilty feeling that it is in some ways distasteful
J36 181 that some people should be endowed with greater gifts than others. ^It
J36 182 might have been better if it were true that all men are equal*- though
J36 183 it would detract from the interest of, for example, the Olympic Games.
J36 184 ^The facts being what they are, however, it is incumbent on the
J36 185 objectors to *'meritocracy**' to say what alternative they would
J36 186 propose*- aristocracy, plutocracy, caste, nepotism, party membership,
J36 187 or what? ^Until a rational non-escapist alternative is offered, the
J36 188 only way seems to be to make intelligence tests, examinations and
J36 189 other instruments of selection as effective as possible for their
J36 190 purposes, while minimizing as far as possible any harmful effects they
J36 191 may have on the main function of the educational system, that of
J36 192 education.
J36 193    |^There is no denying that the inevitable process of selection can
J36 194 have deleterious effects on the more essential process of education.
J36 195 ^At every stage of the educational process where selection becomes
J36 196 prominent, the latter affects the former, usually in some respects to
J36 197 its disadvantage. ^\0Dr. Wiseman has discussed in particular the
J36 198 educational effects of 11-plus selection, where the problems have been
J36 199 recognized and fully debated.
J36 200 *# 2013
J37   1 **[331 TEXT J37**]
J37   2    |^*0Nevertheless, during the sixteenth century several factors were
J37   3 to be instrumental in establishing those secure foundations on which
J37   4 the brilliant scientific achievements of the succeeding century could
J37   5 be built. ^First among these factors was a more emphatic appeal for
J37   6 acceptance of that philosophical outlook which has been so favourable
J37   7 to progress in science, namely, recourse to observation and
J37   8 experiment, and substitution of rationality for authority. ^In 1536
J37   9 Peter Ramus (1515-1572) started the revolt against Aristotle's tyranny
J37  10 with his {0M.A.} thesis at Paris University that *"all that
J37  11 Aristotle has said is false**". ^Marcellus Palingenius Stellatus
J37  12 voiced the same sentiment in his {Zodiacus vitae} (Venice 1531) in
J37  13 which he affirmed:
J37  14 **[BEGIN INDENTATION**]
J37  15    |^*"{1Whatever Aristotle saith, or any of them all, I passe not
J37  16 for: since from the truth they many times doe fall.}**"
J37  17 **[END INDENTATION**]
J37  18    |^In 1560 Barnaby Googe published his English translation of this
J37  19 work which contained, amidst a mass of characteristic moralising,
J37  20 references to the vacuum, light, the elements, heat, motion, \0etc.
J37  21 ^His translation was widely read as a textbook in Elizabethan grammar
J37  22 schools.
J37  23    |^The scientific attitude is also discernible in the writings of
J37  24 Leonard and Thomas Digges. ^From passages in the Pantometria (1571) it
J37  25 would appear that Leonard Digges, of University College, Cambridge,
J37  26 was conversant with the principles of the telescope. ^In his
J37  27 Dedicatory Epistle to the Stratioticus (1579) Thomas Digges, who also
J37  28 studied at Cambridge, mentions
J37  29 **[BEGIN INDENTATION**]
J37  30    |*"{1having spent many of my yeares in reducing the Sciences
J37  31 Mathematicall from Demonstrative Contemplations, to Experimentall
J37  32 Actions ....}**"
J37  33 **[END INDENTATION**]
J37  34    |^\0Dr. John Dee (1527-1608), of \0St John's College, Cambridge,
J37  35 likewise sings the praises of {Scientia Experimentalis} in his
J37  36 Preface to an English translation of Euclid (1570). ^In 1550 Dee read
J37  37 public lectures on Euclid's elements *"{mathematice*?3, physice*?3,
J37  38 et Pythagorice*?3}**" in the College of Rheims. ^His audience became
J37  39 so large that many had to listen at the windows. ^Dee also wrote on
J37  40 mechanics, perspective and on *"burning mirrors.**"
J37  41    |^The brilliant achievements of Galileo, of Stevin, of Gilbert and
J37  42 of others were the fruits of putting into practice of this *"modern**"
J37  43 experimental scientific attitude. ^The creation of the science of
J37  44 dynamics as we know it today is principally due to Galileo
J37  45 (1564-1642), Professor of Mathematics at Pisa and Padua Universities.
J37  46 ^He pointed out that all bodies fell at the same rate and that the
J37  47 distance covered by falling bodies varied as the square of the time.
J37  48 ^He showed that the path of a projectile was a parabola, and he
J37  49 understood centrifugal force. ^He gave precise definitions of
J37  50 momentum, velocity and kinetic energy. ^It was he who formulated the
J37  51 principle of the parallelogram of forces, and he was familiar with
J37  52 what later came to be known as Newton's first two laws of motion.
J37  53 ^Besides discovering the isochronism of the pendulum, he showed that
J37  54 the time of oscillation varied as the square root of its length.
J37  55    |^William Gilbert (1540-1603), *"the father of the magnetic
J37  56 philosophy,**" was the author of that great textbook of magnetism and
J37  57 electricity, the *"{De Magnete},**" which was published in London in
J37  58 1600. ^His contempt for the methods of the schoolmen crops up
J37  59 everywhere in this book. ^He is full of the importance of
J37  60 experimentation, as for instance, when he warns that
J37  61 **[BEGIN INDENTATION**]
J37  62    |*"men of acute intelligence, without actual knowledge of facts,
J37  63 and in the absence of experiment, easily slip and err.**"
J37  64 **[END INDENTATION**]
J37  65    |^Gilbert was the first to use the now familiar terms *"electric
J37  66 force**", *"electric attraction**", magnetic *"pole**", \0etc.
J37  67    |^By the time of the sixteenth century considerable industrial and
J37  68 commercial expansion was taking place, and this resulted in a greater
J37  69 demand by the rising middle classes for a more utilitarian education
J37  70 biased towards science and mathematics, for substitution of a more
J37  71 realistic approach to life for the aloofness of the cloister. ^The
J37  72 increasing tempo of the new economic world could no longer afford to
J37  73 dispense with mechanics, hydrostatics, optics, navigation, \0etc.
J37  74    |^It was in order to cater for the needs of a society growing
J37  75 increasingly more conscious of the vital part that science could play
J37  76 in technology that Gresham's College was founded in London in 1596 for
J37  77 gratuitous instruction in the seven liberal arts and sciences. ^The
J37  78 celebrated physicist Robert Hooke was Professor of Geometry here for a
J37  79 time. ^Lectures were given at the College*- which, incidentally, was
J37  80 the first home of the Royal Society*- till 1768, when they were
J37  81 delivered at the Royal Exchange until 1841, the year when the present
J37  82 Gresham College was erected. ^It was for precisely the same reason
J37  83 that during the second half of the century a new type of school, or
J37  84 academy, came into existence to give a wider education, including
J37  85 practical mathematics and physics, than that provided by the
J37  86 conservative public and grammar schools whose sole preoccupation was
J37  87 with the classics. ^Sir Humphrey Gilbert (1539-1583) proposed the
J37  88 erection of such an Academy in London in 1572.
J37  89    |^By now the discovery of printing had come into its own and this
J37  90 led to the writing, in the vernacular, of numerous popular compendia
J37  91 of knowledge. ^The numerous editions through which many of these
J37  92 compendia and encyclopaedia went indicates the thirst of the people of
J37  93 those times for knowledge. ^The best known of these was probably the
J37  94 *"Pearl Philosophic**" (*"{Margarita Philosophica}**") of Gregorius
J37  95 Reisch, which was first printed in 1503. ^The subjects of astronomy,
J37  96 natural philosophy, chemistry, optics, \0etc., are treated in this
J37  97 encyclopaedia which was illustrated and intended as a textbook for
J37  98 young students.
J37  99    |^In his book on *"Natural Magic**" Giambatista Porta (\0c.
J37 100 1541-1615) dealt with such topics as optical experiments, mirrors,
J37 101 experiments on statics such as those of Nicholas of Cusa, and
J37 102 pneumatic experiments similar to those of Hero. ^An English edition of
J37 103 this book was published in London in 1658.
J37 104    |^The Reformation, too, had an influence on the progress of
J37 105 science. ^The refusal to submit to a single spiritual authority
J37 106 carried over to other fields and helped to emancipate physics from
J37 107 Aristotle's *"tyranny**".
J37 108    |^In 1535 the students of \0St. John's College were permitted to
J37 109 receive instruction from a lecturer in Natural Philosophy, who was to
J37 110 receive two shillings a week, half that sum being paid by the College
J37 111 and the other half by his audience.
J37 112    |^The Edwardian Code of July 1549 enjoined that disputations were
J37 113 to be held regularly. ^The disputations in mathematics, dialectics and
J37 114 in natural philosophy were to be held on Thursdays, Fridays and
J37 115 Sundays. ^We are given some idea of the nature of these university
J37 116 disputations from Izaak Walton's life of Sir Henry Wotton (1568-1639).
J37 117 ^He writes that Sir Henry:
J37 118 **[BEGIN INDENTATION**]
J37 119    |*"{1about the nineteenth year of his age, he did proceed Master
J37 120 of Arts, and at that time read in Latine three Lectures {de Oculo}:
J37 121 wherein he having described the Form, the Motion, the curious
J37 122 Compositione of the Eye and demonstrated, how of these very many,
J37 123 every humour and nerve performs its distinct office .... ^After these
J37 124 Observations he fell to dispute this Optique Question, Whether we see
J37 125 by the Emission of the Beams from within, or Reception of the Species
J37 126 from without.}**"
J37 127 **[END INDENTATION**]
J37 128    |^By the visitation of 1549 a Reader in Natural Philosophy was
J37 129 provided for All Souls College, Oxford. ^In 1551 Michael Renninger (or
J37 130 Rhanger, 1530-1609) was appointed to lecture on natural philosophy at
J37 131 Magdalen College, Oxford.
J37 132    |^The sixteenth century is significant for the publication of
J37 133 several educational treatises that paved the way for a new
J37 134 presentation of studies not only in the university curricula but also
J37 135 in that of the schools and which encouraged realism in education in
J37 136 distinction to scholastic formalism. ^The writings of Ramus, Francis
J37 137 Bacon, Sir Thomas Elyot, Rabelais, Vives and Melanchthon all catch a
J37 138 glimpse of the future reserved to scientific education, to a study of
J37 139 Nature by inductive speculation, to a study of things instead of the
J37 140 worship of words.
J37 141    |^For the traditional quadrivium Ramus would substitute
J37 142 mathematics, physics (including astronomy), metaphysics and ethics.
J37 143 ^The textbook to be used in physics was his own treatise, *"Studies in
J37 144 Physics,**" which, in spite of his criticism of Aristotle, was based
J37 145 on the latter's Physics, on Pliny's Natural History and on Virgil's
J37 146 Georgics.
J37 147    |^In the {De Tradendis Disciplinis} (1531) Vives advocated the
J37 148 study of physics, even in the schools. ^But the subject still needed
J37 149 to be systematised and simplified before it lent itself to instruction
J37 150 of the young.
J37 151 **[BIBLIOGRAPHY**]
J37 152 *<Chapter *=3*>
J37 153 *<*2THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY*>
J37 154    |^*0As a result of the genuine scientific curiosity of the true
J37 155 natural philosopher, of the curiosity of the gentleman of leisure in
J37 156 search of diversions, of the Puritans' looking at the phenomena of
J37 157 God's creation, and of the monetary interests of the manufacturer, the
J37 158 miner, the engineer, the alchemist, physics made great advances.
J37 159 ^Experimentation increased from a mere trickle into what was soon to
J37 160 become a flood; in fact, so much so that science was in danger of
J37 161 being reduced *"to a worship and idolisation of experiment as an end
J37 162 in itself.**" ^The achievements of earlier physicists were crowned by
J37 163 the brilliant work of Galileo and Torricelli in Italy, of Guericke in
J37 164 Germany, of Huygens and Snell in Holland, of Mariotte and Descartes in
J37 165 France, and of Boyle, Hooke, Halley and Newton in England. ^Their
J37 166 advances marked the end of the era of doubt and confusion and
J37 167 proclaimed the birth of *"modern**" physics.
J37 168    |^Newton's (1642-1727) *"\Principia**" was published in 1687 in
J37 169 Latin and in this he defined mass, force, momentum, acceleration,
J37 170 \0etc., clearly for the first time, and worked out his laws of motion.
J37 171 ^In 1668 Newton constructed the first reflecting telescope. ^Eight
J37 172 years earlier he had begun his experiments on the incidence of white
J37 173 light on a prism. ^Newton also investigated the colours of thin plates
J37 174 and coloured rings, the bending of light and the coloured fringes at
J37 175 narrow slits. ^His observations on double refraction in Iceland spar
J37 176 laid the foundations for the theory of the polarisation of light. ^In
J37 177 the controversy over the theory of light Newton threw his great
J37 178 authority on the emission theory, with the result that the wave theory
J37 179 of Hooke and Huygens was in abeyance for over a century.
J37 180    |^It was in 1658 that Robert Boyle (1627-91) invented his improved
J37 181 air pump with which he performed his classic experiments on the
J37 182 weight, pressure and elasticity of the air, and on the part played by
J37 183 air in respiration and in acoustics. ^Boyle encouraged study of
J37 184 experimental physics by writing (in 1663) *"{1Some considerations
J37 185 touching the Usefulnesse of Experimental Naturall Philosophy .... by
J37 186 way of Invitation to the Study of it,}**" and by writing (in 1664)
J37 187 *"Experiments and Considerations touching colours**" in which he
J37 188 deliberately gave a simple and popular outline of the subject in order
J37 189 to encourage more readers, including the fair sex.
J37 190    |^Boyle's assistant, Robert Hooke, propounded his law*- {ut
J37 191 tensio, sic vis}*- about 1658. ^In 1666 he measured the force of
J37 192 gravity by the swinging of a pendulum. ^The fixing of the thermometric
J37 193 zero at the freezing point of water is due to him. ^In 1666 he
J37 194 demonstrated magnetic lines of force using iron filings and a small
J37 195 movable magnetic needle. ^In his \Micrographia (1665, \0p. 7) he
J37 196 advocated increased study of the new experimental physics in the place
J37 197 of *"discourse and disputation,**" since:
J37 198 **[BEGIN INDENTATION**]
J37 199    |~*"{1These being the dangers in the process of humane Reason, the
J37 200 remedies of them all can only proceed from the *1real, *0the
J37 201 *1mechanical, *0the *1experimental *0Philosophy.}**"
J37 202 **[END INDENTATION**]
J37 203    |^Remarkable advances were also made in applied science, {0e.g.}
J37 204 the invention of a steam engine by Edward Somerset (1601-67), second
J37 205 Marquis of Worcester, though the first practical steam engine was made
J37 206 only in 1698 by Thomas Savery (1650-1715).
J37 207    |^Scientific instruments were now available on a large scale for
J37 208 the first time. ^Among these may be mentioned barometers,
J37 209 thermometers, telescopes, microscopes, the {6camera obscura}, lenses
J37 210 and prisms. ^A new profession*- that of mathematical and scientific
J37 211 instrument maker*- arose to supply the demands of the new experimental
J37 212 sciences. ^James Moxon, who lived on Ludgate Hill, was one such;
J37 213 another was John Yarwell, who sold his scientific apparatus at *"The
J37 214 Archimedes and Three Golden Prospects near the great North-Door in
J37 215 \0St. Paul's Church-yard, London.**"
J37 216    |^The advances in science and in applied science were largely the
J37 217 fruits of substituting observation and experiment for dogmatism and
J37 218 for the {a-priori} methods of Aristotelian physics.
J37 219 *# 2007
J38   1 **[332 TEXT J38**]
J38   2 *<*4First Investigation*>
J38   3    |^*0In the endeavour to sort out some of the intricacies of this
J38   4 problem the Foundation carried out two small investigations. ^A number
J38   5 of primary schools assisted in these studies and their help and
J38   6 co-operation is gratefully acknowledged.
J38   7    |^The first investigation was carried out in a Junior school in
J38   8 which the children were streamed by age*- that is, they were grouped
J38   9 in classes according to age in the contributing Infant school and the
J38  10 Junior Headmaster accepted these groupings and maintained them
J38  11 throughout his school. ^In order to obtain a measure of performance,
J38  12 all the children in each of the four years of the Junior school were
J38  13 given, in the Spring Term 1959, the Foundation's Sentence Reading Test
J38  14 1. ^The median raw and standardised scores together with mean ages and
J38  15 age ranges of the four year groups are given in Table *=1.
J38  16 **[TABLE**]
J38  17    |^Class 5 was an exception to the rule of *'streaming**' by age
J38  18 since it contained all the poor readers from the 2nd year group.
J38  19    |^The standardised scores (mean 100, {0S.D.} 15) contain an age
J38  20 allowance determined from the sample on which the test was
J38  21 standardised. ^The median standardised score for each year group was
J38  22 then used to determine what would be the expected median raw score for
J38  23 each class within the year group. ^This expected median raw score was
J38  24 then compared with the observed median raw score. ^If the classes had
J38  25 been grouped by age only*- that is, within each class there was a full
J38  26 range of ability*- then the observed and expected median raw scores
J38  27 should be approximately the same. ^Similarly, of course, the median
J38  28 observed standardised score for each class within a year group should
J38  29 be approximately equal to that for the year group as a whole. ^The
J38  30 results are given in Table *=2. ^In order to complete the analysis the
J38  31 children from Class 5 were distributed into Classes 3 and 4 according
J38  32 to their age.
J38  33 **[TABLE**]
J38  34    |^It will be seen from Table *=2 that there was not a great deal of
J38  35 discrepancy between expected and observed scores for Classes 1 and 2
J38  36 in the first year group. ^The observed scores for Class 3, however,
J38  37 are well below expectation, while those for Class 4 are well above.
J38  38 ^The difficulty with Class 5 may have contributed to this discrepancy,
J38  39 but the same phenomenon occurs with the three classes in the 3rd year
J38  40 group and also with the two classes in the 4th year group.
J38  41    |^However, it will be seen that the age *'streaming**' is by no
J38  42 means exact*- there is considerable overlap in the age ranges for each
J38  43 class in a year group. ^This was due to the presence of a few children
J38  44 only and therefore the results for the 3rd year group were
J38  45 re-calculated and the analysis confined to those children falling
J38  46 within a five month group in each class. ^The results are given in
J38  47 Table *=3.
J38  48 **[TABLE**]
J38  49    |^It is still clear from the figures in Table *=3 that Class 8 is
J38  50 doing considerably better than their average age indicates and Class 6
J38  51 not as well.
J38  52    |^A satisfactory explanation for these differences could not be
J38  53 found in any differential treatment of the various classes within a
J38  54 year group. ^That is to say, all classes within a year group in the
J38  55 school were treated as *'parallel**' and a careful balance of the
J38  56 teaching strength was always maintained. ^Indeed the only plausible
J38  57 explanation seemed to be one associated with the length of schooling.
J38  58 ^Information was obtained on this variable for most of the children in
J38  59 the 3rd year group and this showed that for the most part Class 6 had
J38  60 received 13 terms previous schooling and Class 8, 15 terms.
J38  61    |^It must be made clear that this investigation was carried out in
J38  62 only one school and a relatively small number of children were
J38  63 concerned. ^However, the results showed that in a school where
J38  64 children were *'streamed**' by age, older children scored higher on
J38  65 the average on a reading test than might have been expected according
J38  66 to their age, while younger children did not perform as well.
J38  67 ^Furthermore, the findings were in the direction expected from the
J38  68 hypothesis that an extra term or two of schooling would result in
J38  69 improved performance.
J38  70 *<*4Second Investigation*>
J38  71    |^*0Following an article in an earlier issue of this Journal on the
J38  72 *1Effects of Streaming *0a number of primary school head teachers
J38  73 interested in this topic wrote to the Foundation expressing their
J38  74 willingness to co-operate in any relevant research. ^Although the
J38  75 problem of length of schooling was distinct from that of streaming,
J38  76 these schools together with others, readily agreed to participate in a
J38  77 further investigation which, it was hoped, would provide more definite
J38  78 evidence. ^Six Junior schools in all were asked to administer Sentence
J38  79 Reading Test 1 to all children in their four year groups, and to
J38  80 obtain for each child a record of the number of completed terms
J38  81 previous schooling up to the time of testing. ^A total of 1,604
J38  82 children were tested and the relationship examined between reading
J38  83 performance and the number of terms previous schooling.
J38  84    |^Before considering any effect due to the age of the children, it
J38  85 was found that, within schools, there was a highly significant
J38  86 regression effect of raw scores on the reading test, on the number of
J38  87 terms previous schooling. ^Using this regression the expected mean
J38  88 reading scores for given lengths of schooling may be calculated and
J38  89 the results of this are given in Table *=4.
J38  90 **[TABLE**]
J38  91    |^Quite clearly reading test performance is affected by the length
J38  92 of previous schooling. ^After the effects of the age of the children
J38  93 has been eliminated, however, the regression of test score on length
J38  94 of schooling becomes statistically non-significant (taking the usual
J38  95 5% significance level). ^The predicted reading scores for different
J38  96 number of terms schooling *1after the elimination of the age effect
J38  97 *0are given in Table *=5.
J38  98 **[TABLE**]
J38  99    |^A comparison of Tables *=4 and *=5 shows that the change in score
J38 100 that may be expected for an increase of one term's schooling has
J38 101 decreased from approximately 1.46 to 0.50 points of score, when age is
J38 102 eliminated. ^This second figure is no longer large enough to be
J38 103 described statistically as significantly different from zero.
J38 104    |^The regression analysis was also carried out on the results for
J38 105 each school separately. ^It was found that the regression of reading
J38 106 score on length of schooling remained statistically significant, after
J38 107 the elimination of age, in only one of the six schools. ^This was a
J38 108 large three-stream school which, for the most part, *'streamed**' by
J38 109 age within each year group. ^The regression for this school was found
J38 110 to be significant at the 5% level, while the results for the remaining
J38 111 five schools agreed with those obtained on the total.
J38 112    |^These results indicate that while length of schooling is
J38 113 obviously related to reading performance (r = 0.539) there is such a
J38 114 close correspondence between length of schooling and age (r = 0.979)
J38 115 that, to allow for age when considering test score also allows for
J38 116 differences in length of schooling.
J38 117    |^This analysis seemed conclusive enough; there remained the
J38 118 possibility, however, that any residual effect from the length of
J38 119 schooling might only be apparent during the early years of the Junior
J38 120 school and that by carrying out analyses over all four years the
J38 121 effect was masked. ^These regression analyses were repeated,
J38 122 therefore, covering the first two and the last two years of the Junior
J38 123 school separately. ^Two schools were omitted from these calculations,
J38 124 since their data were incomplete.
J38 125    |^The first repeat analysis was carried out on the first and second
J38 126 years of the Junior school. ^Before the ages of the children were
J38 127 considered, it was again found that, within schools, there was a
J38 128 highly significant regression of raw reading score on the number of
J38 129 terms previous schooling. ^However, when the effect of the ages of the
J38 130 children was removed, it was found that no statistically significant
J38 131 regression remained.
J38 132    |^This regression analysis was also carried out on the first two
J38 133 years of each school separately, but the same result was found for
J38 134 each. ^Thus it is clear that variations in length of schooling have no
J38 135 residual effect on reading performance during the first two years of
J38 136 the Junior school once the effects of differences in age are allowed
J38 137 for.
J38 138    |^For the third and fourth years the regression of reading score on
J38 139 the number of terms previous schooling was also highly significant
J38 140 before age was considered. ^When the effects of age were eliminated,
J38 141 again the regression was no longer statistically significant. ^The
J38 142 repeat of the analysis for each school separately, however, gave
J38 143 results for two of the schools which agreed with those for the totals,
J38 144 but for the other two schools the number of terms previous schooling
J38 145 still had a significant effect on reading scores, even after the
J38 146 elimination of age.
J38 147    |^It will be recalled that most of the schools participating in the
J38 148 investigations were interested in the problem of streaming and in fact
J38 149 only one of the four schools in the last analyses was streamed by
J38 150 ability. ^In this school there was no residual effect of length of
J38 151 schooling. ^One other school practiced no streaming at all. ^It was a
J38 152 large school and except for one *'fast**' class in both the third and
J38 153 fourth years, in all other classes the children were grouped at
J38 154 random. ^This school also showed no residual effects of length of
J38 155 schooling. ^In the other two schools, however, streaming, not by
J38 156 ability but by age, was practiced **[SIC**] and in both these schools
J38 157 the residual effect of length of previous schooling on reading
J38 158 performance was significant after the elimination of age. ^It is
J38 159 interesting to note that this result agrees with the first
J38 160 investigation reported above, in which the school concerned also
J38 161 streamed by age.
J38 162 *<*4Discussion of Results*>
J38 163    |^*0The number of schools participating in this investigation was
J38 164 fairly small and since the results seem to depend upon the type of
J38 165 streaming practiced **[SIC**] in each school the findings must be
J38 166 reviewed with caution. ^There appears to be evidence, however, to
J38 167 suggest that under the usual circumstances pertaining in most schools,
J38 168 if due allowance is made for the age of each child when tested, then
J38 169 due compensation will also be given for any differences that might
J38 170 exist in length of previous schooling. ^Where the practice of grouping
J38 171 children into classes according to their age is adopted, the evidence
J38 172 from both investigations reported here suggests that even after due
J38 173 allowance is made for the age of the children, their reading
J38 174 performance still varies according to the length of previous schooling
J38 175 they have received, although this residual effect appears only to be
J38 176 noticeable during the latter part of the Junior school.
J38 177    |^The explanation of these results is not easy to find. ^The fact
J38 178 that this residual effect only appears in the latter part of the
J38 179 Junior school makes the hypothesis that it is due purely to length of
J38 180 previous schooling questionable. ^If the latter is to have an effect
J38 181 on test scores after age has been considered, then it would surely be
J38 182 more noticeable with younger children, that is, in the early years of
J38 183 the Junior school. ^It will be observed, however, that under these
J38 184 circumstances of *'streaming**' by age, the older children in a year
J38 185 group, who happen also to be those who have received a longer
J38 186 schooling, perform better than is expected of children of their age,
J38 187 while the younger children in the year group perform below the
J38 188 expectation for their age. ^The possibility must be considered,
J38 189 therefore, that the differential performance effect is not due to any
J38 190 differences in length of schooling, but to the fact that the children
J38 191 are *'streamed**' by age. ^Some evidence has already been obtained
J38 192 that one of the effects of streaming is to increase the *'spread**' of
J38 193 test performance. ^That is, under the circumstances of ability
J38 194 streaming, more high scores and also more low scores are produced than
J38 195 would be the case were the children not streamed.
J38 196    |^The suggestion here is that since older children of a year group
J38 197 will be doing more advanced work than the younger one, simply by
J38 198 reason of their age, an older stream will give the appearance of being
J38 199 *'better**' than a younger stream.
J38 200 *# 2027
J39   1 **[333 TEXT J39**]
J39   2 ^*0A new type of ratepayers' secondary school began to establish
J39   3 itself in the nineties.
J39   4    |^Not only this, but in London the School Board, ever short of good
J39   5 pupil-teachers, found itself at length in friendly competition with
J39   6 the {0*2T.E.B.} *0in the field of teacher training. ^There were
J39   7 pupil teacher centres; and a *'college**' in the Greystoke Place
J39   8 building off Chancery Lane began to undertake this work in a manner
J39   9 which the leader of the {0*2L.C.C.} *0has in more recent times
J39  10 publicly described as illegal. ^On the same occasion he referred in
J39  11 quite different terms to the {0*2T.E.B.} *0as taking *'a wide and
J39  12 generous view of its duties**' in its first plans for the London Day
J39  13 Training College. ^In this field, as in the initiatory stages of
J39  14 various other institutions destined to have a place in the life of
J39  15 London University, the Webb influence may be seen. ^The two powerful
J39  16 democratic agencies, the two Boards, were thus at various points in
J39  17 rivalry with one another for the custom of the teen-agers; and in
J39  18 several spheres the School Board was undercutting the institutions
J39  19 supported by the Technical Education Board, of which Sidney Webb was
J39  20 the driving force.
J39  21    |^The dominion of the London School Board was at length overthrown
J39  22 as a result of a decision of the public auditor, strongly backed by
J39  23 the courts of appeal, that the Board had grossly exceeded its
J39  24 parliamentary powers in spending ratepayers' money on evening and
J39  25 continuation work. ^In the uncomfortable atmosphere created by this
J39  26 challenge, all school boards now found themselves in hazard. ^Their
J39  27 friends had diminished in numbers, but they made up in the vigorous
J39  28 expression of outraged feelings for their growing sense of inferiority
J39  29 in face of onslaughts from Tory supporters of Church schools and in
J39  30 face of the criticisms of the social engineers playing earnestly with
J39  31 their one and two-tier models in the back rooms of the Fabian Society.
J39  32 ^One embarrassing complication which tested the pliable diplomacy of
J39  33 the Webbs arose out of the membership of the London School Board of
J39  34 their reforming associate Graham Wallas, passionately disposed as he
J39  35 was to defend it on the highest grounds of free-thinking principle.
J39  36 ^This old friendship with a fellow Fabian was for a long while in
J39  37 jeopardy. ^But Graham Wallas stood fast, whereas in this great
J39  38 struggle most of the School Board supporters, with their only staunch
J39  39 reserves in the rallying ground of the susceptible nonconformist
J39  40 conscience, were frequently in disarray because never quite sure
J39  41 whether they had all the hostile forces correctly identified. ^These
J39  42 forces were numerous enough, and even now after sixty years it is hard
J39  43 to find anyone whose sympathies can be enlisted for them against those
J39  44 who emerged with the battle honours and the consequent good press.
J39  45    |^The London School Board had been a gallant success against many
J39  46 odds from the beginning (in 1871), when Thomas Huxley drafted the
J39  47 first curriculum reform. ^And he and his colleagues were succeeded by
J39  48 a line of most able men and women of a quality which would bring
J39  49 outstanding distinction to the London County Education Committee today
J39  50 were they equipped with such talents. ^The School Board had undertaken
J39  51 to civilize one of the most backward and barbarous and misgoverned
J39  52 urban committees in Christendom; it had carried through what \0Dr.
J39  53 Lowndes had aptly described as a silent social revolution. ^In the
J39  54 course of their constitutional development the school boards taught
J39  55 the country for the first time to use the machinery of a ratepayers'
J39  56 democracy*- a democracy of women as well as men*- and moreover to use
J39  57 it in defence of public principles wider than the restraint of petty
J39  58 corruption. ^Their champions have been few. ^And all but the ugly name
J39  59 of the schools they administered has passed into oblivion. ^How far
J39  60 were the Webbs responsible for their demise?
J39  61    |^That an {6*1ad hoc} *0education authority, with powers limited
J39  62 (the Courts now declared) to little more than instruction in the three
J39  63 Rs, *1must *0be an anachronism was becoming evident to all at the
J39  64 close of the nineteenth century. ^And it was undoubtedly the
J39  65 administrative triumph of the {0*2T.E.B.} *0in so completely filling
J39  66 a new set of gaps in education that made the County Councils the final
J39  67 take-over claimants, as all-purpose authorities for the elementary and
J39  68 secondary sectors.
J39  69    |^Still, it would be wrong to suppose that the {0*2L.C.C.} *0and
J39  70 the {00*2L.S.B} *0had a war to the knife on their hands. ^Both were
J39  71 dismayed to see the national colouring their rivalry had assumed. ^The
J39  72 {0*2L.C.C.} *0almost fell over backwards, repeatedly. ^It showed no
J39  73 greed for the rich inheritance, with its awful responsibilities, so
J39  74 different in their complexity from those offered by street markets and
J39  75 outfall sewers. ^Whilst this rather ugly chapter in national politics
J39  76 was unfolded, whilst the grinding of axes and the scuffles and squeaks
J39  77 of burrowing intriguers in the higher ranges of administration could
J39  78 often be heard above the sound of the Westminster traffic, the
J39  79 dominant wish of the county councillors in Spring Gardens was that
J39  80 somehow the face of the School Board should be saved.
J39  81    |^Matters first came to a head during the absence of Sidney and
J39  82 Beatrice on an extensive tour abroad. ^Garnett was successful in
J39  83 swiftly adopting a new Whitehall administrative provision which was
J39  84 now used to make the {0*2T.E.B.} *0the grant-distributing authority
J39  85 for London of national Science and Art payments. ^This outraged the
J39  86 School Board, for, as Garnett astutely observed, it made *1his
J39  87 {0*2L.C.C.} *0Board the effective authority for secondary classes.
J39  88 ^*'The ball which had been set rolling... did not stop**', he wrote
J39  89 later, *'until the Education Acts... had revolutionised...
J39  90 administration... throughout the country**'.
J39  91    |^William Garnett and Robert Morant (who drafted the Bill of 1902
J39  92 and was rapidly promoted to become first permanent secretary of the
J39  93 new Board of Education) have shared the same friendly biographer; and
J39  94 it has long been known that these two men were at the centre of the
J39  95 network of political activity within which steps were taken to ensure
J39  96 that the ball went on rolling. ^What is much less clear is how far
J39  97 Sidney Webb was responsible for the direction taken by affairs in 1901
J39  98 and 1902, and how closely he worked with Morant, with whom he and
J39  99 Beatrice were of course later to quarrel over social insurance.
J39 100 ^Beatrice's Diaries provide a certain amount of information and give
J39 101 us light on her views. ^Sidney had little or nothing to do with the
J39 102 incidents connected with the famous Cockerton judgment on the misuse
J39 103 of the school-board fund. ^But it is certain both that the Fabian
J39 104 tract **=106, *1The Education Muddle and the Way Out *0(1901) was
J39 105 essentially the fruit of Sidney's thinking and that this tract and the
J39 106 lobbying pressures brought to bear by Sidney greatly influenced the
J39 107 drafting of the Education Bill. ^Tract **=106 itself made the case
J39 108 first for local control of education, next for a *1unified *0control,
J39 109 and finally for the claims of the large all-purpose authority the form
J39 110 and frame of which existed since 1888 in the county and county borough
J39 111 councils. ^This important document (largely penned by Webb) in which a
J39 112 theory of educational administration is set out and related with the
J39 113 utmost assurance to the principle of the full development of every
J39 114 child's faculties, is one of the few major texts on the subject which
J39 115 is available for profitable scrutiny by the student of the period.
J39 116    |^There has been a conspiracy of modesty about Sidney's real claim
J39 117 to be the father of the Bill of 1902; and thus perhaps the ancestor of
J39 118 so many of our subsequent achievements and woes. ^Avoiding one counsel
J39 119 of the Fabian tract, that a few of the larger school boards might well
J39 120 be saved for limited purposes because of their superior efficiency,
J39 121 the Government came out for their abolition. ^In fact the argument for
J39 122 Sidney's paternity for the measure of 1902 is in places weak, and even
J39 123 the word God-father would be unfortunate in the circumstances*-
J39 124 though, if the voluntary schools were protected by angels, Sidney for
J39 125 reasons which do him credit was on their side. ^The idea of using the
J39 126 Education Bill of 1902 to aid denominational schools came to Sidney
J39 127 Webb before it came to Robert Morant, as \0Mr. Brennan has pointed
J39 128 out. ^Much of the real agony of creation in this tremendous piece of
J39 129 reconstruction was of course experienced by Morant. ^Professor Eric
J39 130 Eaglesham has now brought this out quite clearly. ^What can be said is
J39 131 that, after a number of gestures, some friendly, some ambiguous,
J39 132 towards the School Board in its hour of crisis, Sidney became
J39 133 confirmed in the belief which he must for some time have privately
J39 134 nourished that a monolithic education authority was appropriate for
J39 135 all areas having County Councils, and that London's County Council,
J39 136 which had been omitted from Balfour's measure as far too tricky a
J39 137 proposition to handle with the rest, ought to go into the Bill, as the
J39 138 sole governor of the schools within its area.
J39 139    |^In maintaining the latter view Sidney was part of an unsuccessful
J39 140 minority, hard as he seems to have tried to make it a successful
J39 141 majority; and it was thus necessary for the whole process of
J39 142 wire-pulling and lobbying to be repeated when the problem of education
J39 143 in London came before Parliament for separate consideration in the
J39 144 following session. ^But perhaps it was from that preceding summer,
J39 145 when the general Bill was fought through many embittered weeks, that
J39 146 Sidney began to lose his assured touch in London county politics.
J39 147 ^Democratic feeling no longer supported him. ^He got no help from the
J39 148 Labour following of Ramsey MacDonald, always a little suspicious of
J39 149 *1higher *0education and of the Webbs as promoters of the
J39 150 self-regarding motives of London's middle classes. ^Sidney himself was
J39 151 now distrustful of his old party the Progressives, and quite out of
J39 152 sympathy with the angry radical dissenters who would gladly have upset
J39 153 the education apple-cart to cheat the Anglicans and Romans of access
J39 154 to the rates. ^Having lost the chairmanship of the Technical Education
J39 155 Board, Sidney failed to get re-elected. ^It is reasonable to suppose
J39 156 that at this point Beatrice's views, opposing what she called *'pure
J39 157 materialism**' as a national philosophy to be inculcated by school
J39 158 masters, had begun vigorously to assert themselves. ^Certainly they
J39 159 both wished to prevent the animosities and frictions hitherto
J39 160 encouraged by the dual system from becoming more severe or from
J39 161 wrecking the future of secondary education; and so she for religious
J39 162 reasons and he because he believed in fairness and hated the bigotry
J39 163 of secularists, and because he thought efficiency would be served by
J39 164 having Roman Catholic and Anglican schools within the fold of public
J39 165 education rather than outside it, favoured the maintenance of
J39 166 voluntary schools out of local taxation.
J39 167    |^Yet the Webbs had their triumph, and incidentally Sidney lost
J39 168 even more of his radical support, with the shaping of the London
J39 169 Education Act of 1903, with which the Unionist House of Commons
J39 170 completed the task of reconstruction. ^This measure reached its
J39 171 revised and final form only after the party leaders had terrified
J39 172 nearly every vested interest in London by the threat to create a new
J39 173 authority in the shape of a large {6*1ad hoc} *0body of nominated
J39 174 members on the pattern of the Metropolitan Water Board, at the same
J39 175 time offering much power and influence in school provision to the
J39 176 recently created metropolitan boroughs. ^The situation in the spring
J39 177 of 1903 has such a startling topicality in relation to the current
J39 178 proposals of the Royal Commission on Greater London that it is
J39 179 difficult to comment on one without expressing views on the other.
J39 180 ^The Webbs in any case knew what they wanted, and, although the whole
J39 181 thing was perhaps less of a one-man battle than is hinted at in
J39 182 Beatrice's diaries, Sidney got his way for London; and this was a
J39 183 county authority*- an authority formally charged with responsibility
J39 184 for all educational activity on the public vote within its boundaries,
J39 185 save the University of course.
J39 186    |^There was not the least bit of *1ad hoccery *0here. ^It was a
J39 187 triumph for the Webb principle, as currently promulgated at the
J39 188 beginning of the century, of a consolidated all-purpose local
J39 189 responsibility vested in the County; although it was decidedly against
J39 190 the general trend followed in the management of London's water, road
J39 191 transport, harbour facilities and so on, which all slipped out of the
J39 192 control of municipal socialism.
J39 193 *# 2054
J40   1 **[334 TEXT J40**]
J40   2 ^*0Perhaps because they operated a peripheral weapon, they thought
J40   3 more in order to justify its being and expansion. ^But they, too, were
J40   4 just as guilty as their superiors of over-estimating their weapon's
J40   5 effectiveness and dreaming of its potential. ^On the other hand, the
J40   6 same people were apt to divert power from their own programme by
J40   7 boasting. ^The claims of airshipmen, it appears, helped create the
J40   8 vast anti-Zeppelin forces which were maintained in England in the
J40   9 First World War. ^It did not take a very astute man to realize that
J40  10 what could be done to the enemy if we had the equipment might well be
J40  11 done to us when he had it, particularly if invulnerability, which the
J40  12 German airships possessed at first, was claimed for the delivery
J40  13 system. ^Between them the enthusiasts and the reactionaries created a
J40  14 vast feeling of insecurity, and faced with this the responsible
J40  15 authorities generally erred towards the safe side.
J40  16    |^Any new weapon will have its small band of disciples. ^But if it
J40  17 is to be used effectively, more personnel must be recruited.
J40  18 ^Volunteers may be hard to come by owing to the lure of actual combat
J40  19 and the uncertainty of the future with a new-fangled device. ^Thus the
J40  20 expanded staff is apt to be short on experienced career men and long
J40  21 on Hostilities Only or draftee recruits. ^This places the weapon at a
J40  22 disadvantage in the battle of Whitehall where it may have difficulty
J40  23 breaking the thin red tape, and in peacetime it will be out of favour,
J40  24 but in a commanding position as far as wartime development is
J40  25 concerned for it may well acquire decidedly more brains than the
J40  26 normal unit. ^The undisciplined will be quite prepared to test
J40  27 regulations and equipment and by empirical means come to new
J40  28 conclusions in both technology and technique, as the Naval Air Service
J40  29 did with not only air equipment, but also with armoured cars and
J40  30 tanks. ^This is particularly important where an entirely new element
J40  31 is being investigated. ^Airships presented many unknowns to be solved
J40  32 and these ranged from metallurgical questions to matters of
J40  33 aerodynamics.
J40  34    |^The new weapon also presents all decision-makers with the problem
J40  35 of the evaluation of intelligence from both the enemy's and one's own
J40  36 work. ^In this respect, too, there arises the question as to what is
J40  37 the acceptable percentage of failure? ^In the case of airships, should
J40  38 all the money have been put into one *1Mayfly? ^*0While the answer in
J40  39 1908-9 was probably *1yes, *0in 1924 it should have been *1no. ^*0In
J40  40 almost any programme, the construction of but one prototype is bound
J40  41 to lead to delay, confusion, and losses if there is a disaster. ^And
J40  42 the likelihood of such is by no means eliminated by the present
J40  43 advances in technology. ^Yet the combination of psychological and
J40  44 politico-economic forces in Britain still persists in an approach
J40  45 which may well be called into question where real economics are
J40  46 concerned. ^It is highly unscientific to place too many innovations in
J40  47 any one test vehicle, if for no other reason than it attenuates the
J40  48 whole testing period. ^Ideally, merely one change at a time should be
J40  49 tried until proven, and this was well demonstrated in *1R101.
J40  50 ^*0Moreover, every new weapon needs at least three prototypes: one for
J40  51 operational research, one for technical modifications, and one for
J40  52 experimental use as a testbed for the next-generation ideas. ^Thus the
J40  53 building of only one prototype provides policy-makers with the rather
J40  54 appalling fact that they may have to accept a 100 per cent failure
J40  55 rate, and yet still have to justify continuing expenditure on such
J40  56 work in order not to be placed in a disadvantageous position in an
J40  57 international race. ^The loss of *1R38, *0amongst other factors,
J40  58 immediately suspended work on more advanced types as well as
J40  59 discouraging commercial incentive.
J40  60    |^The obverse of this coin is the desire to standardize too soon,
J40  61 for duplication there must be if a weapon is to be handled by average
J40  62 troops and ordinary commanders. ^This was the difficulty of 1916 in
J40  63 the British rigid airship programme: the designers were allowed to
J40  64 seek after perfection to the detriment of operational uniformity,
J40  65 while the Royal Flying Corps had allowed similarity to preclude
J40  66 competitive progress.
J40  67    |^The ministerial head of a service department is always in a
J40  68 difficult position in peacetime. ^In Britain, for instance, the
J40  69 Treasury rules, so only a weapon with either the Prime Minister's or
J40  70 the Chancellor of the Exchequer's approval or diffidence can get
J40  71 sufficient funds. ^After a major conflict the Treasury is most apt to
J40  72 insist on the payment of past debts and the consumption of available
J40  73 equipment before authorizing any new expenditures. ^This it certainly
J40  74 did in the years immediately after the Treaty of Versailles.
J40  75    |^Peace is a dastardly affair where new weapons are concerned.
J40  76 ^There is an immediate erosion of personnel. ^Operations rapidly taper
J40  77 off and even constructional work will be suspended while politics and
J40  78 economics once more take the field to bid for the voters' favour. ^The
J40  79 immediate hope is for some crisis, such as the suspicion that the
J40  80 Germans might not accept the Treaty of 1919, or that the whole concern
J40  81 can be turned over to commercial profit. ^But the latter can be
J40  82 successful only if the entrepreneurs are allowed to obtain for a
J40  83 reasonable sum what would otherwise be scrapped and have facilities
J40  84 and official support to exploit it. ^Moreover, they must feel
J40  85 financially secure and not suspect that the State aims to take over
J40  86 once a service is established. ^The government may well face the
J40  87 choice as it did in 1919 of scrapping the whole business or of
J40  88 subsidizing a commercial operation. ^This creates a situation in which
J40  89 the weapons advocates may be able to divide and conquer. ^However,
J40  90 there are two difficulties*- civilian acumen may be lacking, and the
J40  91 whole may be too peripheral and too much of a gamble for either of the
J40  92 other parties. ^As personnel and material deteriorate, immediate
J40  93 action is essential and this must be topped with a prestigial success
J40  94 which will create political pressure. ^This makes the odds high, and,
J40  95 in the case of airships, it led to *1R34*0's trans-Atlantic flight and
J40  96 to *1R101*0's death.
J40  97    |^How did all this affect the airship programme?
J40  98    |^*1Mayfly *0was initiated in a period of concern with Germany's
J40  99 intentions and collapsed at the end of a severe political crisis in
J40 100 Britain. ^Airship work was revived when another defence scare came
J40 101 along; then cancelled when it was thought that the war would have
J40 102 cleared the air by late 1915. ^The whole programme was revivified
J40 103 during the wide-open war economy and collapsed in the peacetime
J40 104 retrenchment. ^It then became caught up in the conflicting streams of
J40 105 the save-the-Empire movement and the Labour Party's desire to run a
J40 106 successful national transport system. ^The collapse of the economy and
J40 107 the de*?2nouement of *1R101 *0caused airships to be abandoned for
J40 108 economic reasons, which were rapidly reinforced by technological
J40 109 arguments in favour of the aeroplane.
J40 110 *<*1Who Made Airship Policy?*>
J40 111    |^*0The original impetus appears to have come from the Germans
J40 112 through the naval and military attache*?2s to Fisher and the Prime
J40 113 Minister. ^Asquith by his decision in July, 1908 placed the First Sea
J40 114 Lord in a position to implement plans already sketched out by Bacon
J40 115 and other technically astute officers. ^Bacon guided the early design
J40 116 stages of *1Mayfly *0until relieved by Sueter, and the first airship
J40 117 programme then proceeded under its own steam and with the blessing of
J40 118 the Committee of Imperial Defence until the disaster of September,
J40 119 1911. ^Churchill as the new First Lord with {0A. K.} Wilson as his
J40 120 First Sea Lord then decided against any further work.
J40 121    |^The second programme came into being again because of the Germans
J40 122 and through the joint agency of Sueter and Seely, Secretary for War,
J40 123 who chaired the Committee of Imperial Defence sub-committee on
J40 124 aeronautics. ^Thus in mid-1912 a further reappraisal, at least in
J40 125 part, influenced by a change in heart at the Admiralty, came into
J40 126 being with Asquith, as head of the Committee of Imperial Defence,
J40 127 accepting in 1913 the need for another rigid airship. ^And once again
J40 128 Churchill in early 1915 became the one who decided that the whole
J40 129 thing should be abandoned and gave the order to cancel {0*1No.} 9,
J40 130 *0and presumably also earlier, {0*1No.} 14 *0and {0*1No.} 15.
J40 131 ^*0And so it went on.
J40 132    |^After the war, the transfer of lighter-than-air from the
J40 133 Admiralty to the Air Ministry again put Churchill into a policy-making
J40 134 role in regard to airships over which he had exercised some influence
J40 135 as Minister of Munitions from 1917 to 1919. ^As Secretary of State for
J40 136 Air he had to reconcile his fondness for maintaining the Empire with
J40 137 his desire for economy and political success. ^Airships fitted into
J40 138 both patterns. ^At the same time, Churchill was also Secretary of War
J40 139 and gave much of his time to the Army. ^The Under-Secretary of State
J40 140 for Air, Seely, was pro-airships as he had been as the pre-war
J40 141 Secretary for War, while Sir Frederick Sykes as Chief of the Air Staff
J40 142 and then as Controller-General of Civil Aviation was also a supporter.
J40 143 ^Sir Hugh Trenchard, who succeeded Sykes, appears to have favoured
J40 144 airships in their place, and if prestige, the Estimates, and the
J40 145 {0*2R.A.F.} *0could allow for them. ^As Seely resigned and the other
J40 146 Under-Secretaries were not much interested, as long as Churchill
J40 147 remained the Air Minister, he and Trenchard made policy.
J40 148    |^But policy was also made at lower levels. ^In much the same class
J40 149 as Rickover, Whittle, and Dornberger, Sueter guided constructional and
J40 150 design concepts until he was posted. ^In the early years of the
J40 151 {0*2R.A.F.} *0the Director of Research and the Air Member for Supply
J40 152 and Research had their says. ^Maitland as Superintendent of Airships
J40 153 appears to have been left on the fringes as was Masterman after he
J40 154 transferred from the Navy to the {0*2R.A.F.} ^*0It must be recalled,
J40 155 however, that the Director of Research on one occasion made policy
J40 156 when he plumped for cutting *1R38*0's trials to but fifty hours with
J40 157 subsequent unfortunate results.
J40 158    |^In the case of the Imperial Scheme, policy was made by a wide
J40 159 variety of people. ^{0A. H.} Ashbolt and \0Cmdr. Burney provided the
J40 160 primary pressure. ^Trenchard was interested because he saw a way of
J40 161 acquiring military strength for a relatively minor expenditure on the
J40 162 Estimates while at the same time mollifying the Admiralty, then in the
J40 163 process of being denied a naval air arm and the destruction of the
J40 164 {0*2R.A.F.} ^*0Sir Samuel Hoare was openly in favour and this was in
J40 165 keeping with his character as a publicity-conscious Air Minister. ^But
J40 166 in the case of the Conservative Burney Scheme there was one of those
J40 167 rare instances of the monarch helping make policy by taking a personal
J40 168 interest in a particular development. ^Into this picture then was
J40 169 catapulted Lord Thomson, an obvious enthusiast, who told the Air Staff
J40 170 to *"screw up**" the Conservative scheme. ^He and his Under-Secretary,
J40 171 a Bradford alderman and pacifist named Leach, knew nothing about
J40 172 airships and little about international commercial organizations. ^In
J40 173 the realm of civil air intelligence their natural advisor was the
J40 174 enthusiastic Sir Sefton Brancker, the Director of the Department of
J40 175 Civil Aviation at the Air Ministry. ^But Brancker was not
J40 176 exceptionally well-qualified to give advice on this subject.
J40 177 ^Moreover, the Secretary and his Under-Secretary called largely upon
J40 178 the serving members of the Air Council for their opinions, then made a
J40 179 scheme and submitted it to the Cabinet without allowing those very
J40 180 advisers time to consider it. ^Thus the latter were forced to the
J40 181 unusual step of drawing up a memorandum for the Cabinet for their own
J40 182 protection. ^Nor was the experienced Chief of the Air Staff adequately
J40 183 consulted. ^The Cabinet then proceeded to accept a programme which had
J40 184 not been approved by the Air Council.
J40 185    |^Yet in this case, while the Aeronautical Research Committee did
J40 186 not have the access to the Cabinet that it had had in 1909, it did
J40 187 have considerable influence. ^It was the findings of the special
J40 188 technical committee on the loss of *3R38 *0which heavily influenced
J40 189 the Thomsonian decision to make this an experimental programme rather
J40 190 than an operational one.
J40 191 *# 2015
J41   1 **[335 TEXT J41**]
J41   2    |^*0Some of the criticism of political expenditure has been
J41   3 directed as much against the goods and services purchased as against
J41   4 the amounts involved. ^Many leading members of the Labour Party
J41   5 dislike, distrust, and sometimes fail to understand, the world of
J41   6 public relations. ^In the words of \0Mr. Gaitskell, there are many in
J41   7 the party who *'feel insulted and humiliated that their desires and
J41   8 wants are being dictated to them regardless of how real they are, or
J41   9 how genuine are the advertisers' claims. ^They feel the whole thing is
J41  10 somehow false.**' ^Alice Bacon, chairman of the \0*2NEC'*0s publicity
J41  11 and political education sub-committee, has denounced the Conservative
J41  12 Party's public relations efforts for having *'introduced something
J41  13 which is alien to our British democracy**'. ^The Conservatives are
J41  14 charged with selling political ideas as if they were detergents.
J41  15    |^Distaste and disgust are strong emotions, but negative ones. ^The
J41  16 Labour Party has been singularly lacking in suggestions about what
J41  17 might be done to prevent the Conservatives from *'subverting**' or
J41  18 *'Americanizing**' the British electorate by public relations
J41  19 techniques. ^A small minority of Labour Party members would probably
J41  20 support a drastic curtailment of advertising by government action, and
J41  21 accept the implications of this for the press as well as for politics.
J41  22 ^Regulation of advertising which did not control it virtually outright
J41  23 would not seriously affect political expenditure. ^If a law could be
J41  24 drafted to prevent politically relevant advertising, one could also be
J41  25 drafted to prevent the expenditure in the first place. ^Parties, if
J41  26 not all their associates, could be prohibited from purchasing
J41  27 advertising space in newspapers and on the hoardings. ^If instead the
J41  28 Conservatives put more money into colour comics like *'Form**', the
J41  29 level of debate would hardly have been raised. ^Much spending to which
J41  30 objections are made*- for instance, the Colin Hurry poll, Aims of
J41  31 Industry press releases, the Economic League's factory gate speakers*-
J41  32 does not take the form of purchasing space; only *+445,000 of the
J41  33 *+1,435,000 credited to business groups in the Nuffield study was
J41  34 spent on buying advertising space.
J41  35    |^Efforts to control the content rather than the volume of
J41  36 advertising are foredoomed to failure. ^It would be virtually
J41  37 impossible to discriminate in a statute between political advertising
J41  38 which does or does not lower the tone of debate. ^A promise to
J41  39 increase pensions appears as altruism to some; to others it seems rank
J41  40 bribery. ^An Advertising Council might be created along the lines of
J41  41 the Press Council, to scrutinize advertising and censure offenders;
J41  42 given the model suggested, little could be expected from such a body.
J41  43 ^It would be as difficult for a quasi-judicial tribunal to pass upon
J41  44 the content of political advertisements, rejecting those that were
J41  45 *'unsuitable**', as for the Speaker of the House of Commons to do
J41  46 similarly in parliamentary debates.
J41  47    |^It might not be particularly difficult to attack the advertiser's
J41  48 practice of using market research methods to study the wants of the
J41  49 electorate. ^A law could prohibit pollsters from asking questions on
J41  50 political topics. ^But this would not affect the substantive problem,
J41  51 which arises from the fear that some politicians frame or revise
J41  52 policies simply to win more votes, without regard to the national
J41  53 welfare.
J41  54 *<*=3*>
J41  55    |^All the proposed alterations discussed so far have been
J41  56 restrictive ones, intended to remedy deficiencies in the
J41  57 Representation of the People Act by reducing the amount of money spent
J41  58 on electioneering in the long run. ^But the Act might also be altered
J41  59 in such a way as to increase the scope for political expenditure. ^The
J41  60 foregoing analysis indicates that restrictive amendments to the
J41  61 present Act are not likely to remedy the alleged evils. ^The American
J41  62 experience of fifty years of attempted regulation would confirm this
J41  63 judgment. ^{0V. O.} Key reports:
J41  64 **[BEGIN QUOTE**]
J41  65    |^Legislation purports to require publicity of campaign finance, to
J41  66 limit the amounts spent, to prohibit certain types of contributions to
J41  67 campaigns, and to limit the size of contributions. ^In general, the
J41  68 laws do not in fact limit expenditures, substantially affect the size
J41  69 of contributions, or assure full publicity.
J41  70 **[END QUOTE**]
J41  71 ^If means could be found to level up the resources of Labour and the
J41  72 Liberals, much of the bitterness might be removed from present
J41  73 discussion of election laws, and the practical consequences of major
J41  74 shortcomings of those laws would be greatly reduced.
J41  75    |^One remedy lies within the hands of the Labour and Liberal
J41  76 parties*- it is to collect higher dues from members, a far easier task
J41  77 than greatly expanding present membership. ^In the words of Morgan
J41  78 Phillips, ~*'Labour Party income is still geared to a different and
J41  79 far less expensive political era.**' ^As long as five-sixths of the
J41  80 party's members contribute three farthings a month (9\0*1d. *0a year)
J41  81 to Transport House, Labour leaders can hardly plead that their
J41  82 relative financial weakness is solely the fault of the Conservatives.
J41  83 ^If dues for trade union affiliated members were raised to 1\0*1s. *0a
J41  84 year, Transport House would have an additional *+70,000 to spend
J41  85 annually. ^If trade union members paid the party 2\0*1s. *0a year, as
J41  86 Phillips has suggested, the income of Transport House would be
J41  87 doubled. ^Since the Labour Party proclaims a desire to narrow income
J41  88 differentials, it might consider the membership scheme of the German
J41  89 Social Democratic Party; it is a sliding scale, with contributions
J41  90 graded according to income. ^Nearly 600,000 German socialists gave the
J41  91 party more than *+1 apiece on average (*+720,000) in 1957; dues for
J41  92 those in the highest income bracket were set at *+50 a year. ^The
J41  93 Liberal Party is appealing for mass-membership contributions. ^The
J41  94 appeal leaflet, *1This is Your Party, *0estimates minimum annual needs
J41  95 at *+172,000.
J41  96    |^Another method of increasing party revenue would be to have the
J41  97 state make statutory contributions to the parties. ^At present the law
J41  98 penalizes the candidates who secure less than one-eighth of the vote
J41  99 at parliamentary elections. ^The law could equally give cash bonuses
J41 100 to the candidates who save their deposits. ^Grants are made to
J41 101 candidates in some foreign countries. ^The actual amount given might
J41 102 be determined in one of several ways. ^It could be equal to the sum of
J41 103 money spent in each constituency, or equal to the legally permitted
J41 104 maxima. ^Alternatively, it might be a lump sum of *+500 or *+1,000.
J41 105 ^The grant could be paid after each election or annually. ^(A
J41 106 guarantee of campaign expenses would not only save parties this sum,
J41 107 but would also free them from the need to keep a sizeable cash reserve
J41 108 against the possibility of having to fight two elections in quick
J41 109 succession.) ^A grant paid on the basis of sums spent by candidates in
J41 110 campaigning in 1959 would have brought the Conservatives *+475,000,
J41 111 Labour *+435,000, and the Liberals approximately *+90,000. ^It would
J41 112 be prudent to make such grants to candidates, in order to avoid the
J41 113 difficulty of defining a party, and the possibility of placing the
J41 114 Treasury in a position of having to arbitrate between two factions
J41 115 both claiming one grant. ^The sums of money involved would be small by
J41 116 Exchequer standards, but considerable in political terms; the poorest
J41 117 party, the Liberals, would be aided most in proportion, the richest
J41 118 one, relatively least. ^The Labour Party's dependence upon trade
J41 119 unions for finance could thereby be appreciably reduced.
J41 120    |^Another way of remedying deficiencies, which would also lead to
J41 121 greater expenditure, would be to abolish the present restrictions on
J41 122 spending by candidates. ^*1The Economist *0suggested this in a
J41 123 post-election editorial of 10 October 1959, as a means of preventing
J41 124 the law from being brought into disrepute. ^Liberals, who depend more
J41 125 upon personal appeal and constituency efforts than do others, might
J41 126 gain most from such a step.
J41 127 *<*=4*>
J41 128    |^Most advocates of stricter accounting of political expenditure
J41 129 assume that money buys votes; some charge that it buys votes in
J41 130 sufficient quantities to win elections. ^This assertion is truest when
J41 131 it is most platitudinous: a party cannot operate without money. ^To go
J41 132 further, and say that a party such as the Liberals gains few votes
J41 133 because it has little money is to mistake cause and effect. ^It would
J41 134 be more nearly true to say that a party with relatively few voters,
J41 135 such as the Liberals, has difficulty in raising money. ^As the rise of
J41 136 the Labour Party shows, the necessary minimum is not great, nor is it
J41 137 impossible to secure if the party has strong support in the
J41 138 electorate.
J41 139    |^Many British discussions of political expenditure seem to assume
J41 140 a simple input-output model of electioneering: *3X *0thousand pounds
J41 141 will produce *3X *0or *3X*0/2 or *3X*0/4 or 2*3X *0or 4*3X *0votes.
J41 142 ^*3Y *0inches of advertising space will produce *3Y*0/2 or 2*3Y
J41 143 *0units of political influence. ^(How much of a reduction factor is
J41 144 needed for the 100,000,000 or so leaflets distributed by the Economic
J41 145 League between elections has never been specified.) ^People
J41 146 unaccustomed to dealing with large sums of money might think it
J41 147 incredible that hundreds of thousands of pounds might be spent to no
J41 148 real effect. ^Socialists are further handicapped in viewing the
J41 149 problem if they believe that capitalists are not only wicked but also
J41 150 devilishly clever.
J41 151    |^The determinants of voting behaviour and election results are so
J41 152 infinitely complex that we can rarely separate out any single factor
J41 153 and assign to it a specific amount of influence. ^Since the
J41 154 introduction of the secret ballot, it has been impossible to establish
J41 155 a straightforward cause and effect relationship between expenditure
J41 156 and voting. ^We can only examine what we know about elections and
J41 157 about how money is spent, then make judgments based upon selective
J41 158 empirical data and logical analysis.
J41 159    |^Elections are determined by three interrelated factors*- the
J41 160 material and social environment, individual values, and party
J41 161 activities. ^The influence of an individual party upon a given
J41 162 election result is a limited one; therefore, the value of party
J41 163 spending is likewise limited. ^There is a ceiling (and quite possibly
J41 164 a diminishing margin of utility) for political expenditure. ^The
J41 165 Gallup Poll's graph of the party standings in its monthly polls since
J41 166 1945 suggests that the single most important influence upon voting
J41 167 behaviour is the economic state of the nation. ^This is little
J41 168 affected by the few hundred thousand pounds that the parties spend.
J41 169 ^Long-term environmental changes, important in setting the limits
J41 170 within which parties may manoeuvre, are also outside the control of
J41 171 party treasurers. ^This explains why the richest party does not always
J41 172 win elections in Britain or America. ^The successes of the Labour
J41 173 Party at the polls, particularly in the 1920's, are good evidence of
J41 174 this. ^Money cannot purchase a large political following, although it
J41 175 can purchase attention. ^Lloyd George's fund could underwrite
J41 176 constituency expenses, but it could not ensure the delivery of safe
J41 177 seats. ^In America the Democratic Party achieved five successive
J41 178 victories from 1932 against wealthier opponents. ^Only the most
J41 179 simple-minded materialist would reject Key's statement: ^*'Money is
J41 180 not the sole currency of politics; Roosevelt held counters in the game
J41 181 that outweighed money.**'
J41 182    |^There is, of course, a distinction between buying votes and
J41 183 buying political favours. ^Some Labour criticism of political spending
J41 184 by business firms has fastened upon the allegation that these firms
J41 185 are buying preferential treatment from Conservative governments, as
J41 186 well as seeking to influence all voters to oppose nationalization. ^It
J41 187 has similarly been charged that Labour's failure to press
J41 188 nationalization of insurance was due to its financial links with the
J41 189 Co-operatives, and that its industrial policy, or the absence thereof,
J41 190 is dictated by the unions' power over Labour's purse. ^To note
J41 191 financial links between interested groups and parties is not to prove
J41 192 that government favours are for sale; it only shows that there are
J41 193 some questions of public policy on which a party government cannot be
J41 194 disinterested. ^Only if the Exchequer were made the sole source of
J41 195 party funds, which no one suggests, could parties be made absolutely
J41 196 independent financially of such pressure groups. ^Whether, as in the
J41 197 case of the Labour Party, the economic interest creates the political
J41 198 organization, or whether the party attracts the interests, is beside
J41 199 the point.
J41 200    |^Much of the money that the parties raise is spent on party
J41 201 headquarters and constituency organization; the value of both of these
J41 202 is often overrated by those who are closest to them.
J41 203 *# 2001
J42   1 **[336 TEXT J42**]
J42   2 **[TABLE**]
J42   3    |^*0Apart from South Africa, which does at least have the excuse
J42   4 that its coal is exceptionally cheap, Britain and Soviet Russia now
J42   5 have the dubious distinction of using the most fuel per unit of
J42   6 national product of all countries in the world. ^If you have to run a
J42   7 country on the basis of Marxist economics and the labour theory of
J42   8 value, you must expect something like this. ^No doubt, according to
J42   9 official Marxist doctrine, the more coal you use the more valuable the
J42  10 products you turn out, because more labour is incorporated in them;
J42  11 although even in Soviet Russia common sense sometimes breaks in. ^Our
J42  12 policy, since the industries connected with fuel were nationalised,
J42  13 has not been avowedly Marxist as in Soviet Russia, but has been,
J42  14 perhaps unwittingly, based on many of the same ideas: fuel industries
J42  15 are *'basic industries**', fuel ought therefore to be cheap, and the
J42  16 more that is consumed the better. ^This is the sort of muddled
J42  17 thinking which has already cost the country enormous sums. ^Until the
J42  18 advent of cheap oil in the last three years, the produce of the
J42  19 nationalised coal, electricity and gas industries ought to have been
J42  20 sold at much higher prices, on the one hand in order to bring some
J42  21 revenue to the Treasury, and on the other hand to compel
J42  22 industrialists and consumers to economise as they do in other
J42  23 countries.
J42  24    |^Bernard Shaw was a great dramatist; but nobody now would suggest
J42  25 that his views on economics should be taken seriously. ^Many years ago
J42  26 he explained that the principal reason for nationalising the coal
J42  27 mines was that, as things were then, mines produced coal at a great
J42  28 variety of different costs, and that the primary duty of a national
J42  29 administration would be to average them out. ^Bernard Shaw's ideas,
J42  30 however, had great influence in the Labour Party, and one almost
J42  31 suspects that some of them still linger on in the administration of
J42  32 our nationalised industries. ^Otherwise it is hard to explain their
J42  33 refusal to allow regional differences in prices, or their long
J42  34 hesitation before closing down uneconomic pits.
J42  35    |^It is true that there have been some economies in fuel
J42  36 consumption in Britain during recent years. ^But they have been slow
J42  37 and reluctant compared with the movements in other countries. ^The
J42  38 United States, up to the 1920s, used fuel lavishly, mainly because it
J42  39 was so cheap. ^But consumption per unit of national product is now
J42  40 lower than ours, even though fuel is still comparatively cheap in the
J42  41 United States.
J42  42    |^The detailed industry-by-industry comparison of trends in this
J42  43 country and Germany, reproduced in Table *=4, presents a really
J42  44 alarming picture.
J42  45 **[TABLE**]
J42  46    |^An industry by industry comparison of fuel consumed per unit of
J42  47 product in {0U.K.} and Canadian industry, shown in Table *=5, is
J42  48 also very revealing.
J42  49 **[TABLE**]
J42  50    |^In order to effect most of these economies in fuel consumption,
J42  51 costly investments are not required. ^We have some figures given in an
J42  52 official document, and similar figures were estimated by the late
J42  53 Professor Sir Francis Simon. ^A ton of coal per year for many years
J42  54 into the future could be saved by investing no more than *+7 in
J42  55 economisers and other forms of heat recovery, *+12 or *+13 in new
J42  56 kilns and furnaces and in mechanical stokers, *+17 in replacing and
J42  57 modifying boilers, or *+25 in insulating buildings. ^With coal at
J42  58 anything like its present price, every one of these investments is
J42  59 extremely well worth while. ^Our fuel consumption has now begun to
J42  60 fall, but it has a great deal further to go, judging by the experience
J42  61 of other countries.
J42  62    |^The National Coal Board for many years was unable to meet all the
J42  63 demands upon it, and had to import coal at high cost, which it then
J42  64 re-sold at a much lower price. ^Nevertheless, the Board seemed to like
J42  65 this situation, and in the programme of *'Investing in Coal**' which
J42  66 they published in 1956 they envisaged its indefinite continuance. ^The
J42  67 consumption of fuel, expressed as coal equivalents, had reached 254
J42  68 million tons in 1956. ^The figure subsequently fell, and rose only to
J42  69 264 million tons in 1960; but the National Coal Board expected it to
J42  70 rise to 281 million tons by 1960 and 335 million by 1970.
J42  71    |^To show how steadfastly a Conservative Government supports the
J42  72 administrators of nationalised industries we may quote a statement
J42  73 made by Lord Mills, the Minister of Fuel and Power, as late as 1958,
J42  74 in which, while admitting that consumption had fallen to 250 million
J42  75 tons of coal equivalent for the current year, he still estimated that
J42  76 it would rise again to 300 million by 1965. ^As coal became more
J42  77 difficult to sell, the Government seems to have become more determined
J42  78 to defend the coal industry, quietly blocking imports of cheap oil and
J42  79 of liquefied natural gas (for which the transport technique has
J42  80 recently been discovered).
J42  81    |^It seems all too clear that much of our *'investing in coal**'
J42  82 has been wasted; and we can now see some of the reasons why.
J42  83 *<(*1d*0) *1Electricity*>
J42  84    |^*0Regarding electricity generation, which has taken a substantial
J42  85 share of the country's capital during the last decade, we do not see
J42  86 obvious signs of waste as we do in coal. ^At the same time, there has
J42  87 not been any real reply to the case made by \0Dr. {0I. M. D.} Little
J42  88 in his book *1The Price of Fuel *0that electricity has been sold
J42  89 unduly cheaply to household and commercial consumers, to encourage its
J42  90 use for space heating, which could be more economically done by gas.
J42  91 ^The supposed purpose of nationalisation was to bring about a rational
J42  92 co-ordination between industries, but this certainly does not seem to
J42  93 have been done in electricity and gas (any more than between road and
J42  94 rail transport). ^The administrators of the nationalised electricity
J42  95 undertaking seem to have got their ideas from old-fashioned electrical
J42  96 engineers whose main purpose in life was to drive gas out of business.
J42  97 ^The Government has even permitted the nationalised electricity and
J42  98 gas industries to spend public funds, beyond the amounts reasonably
J42  99 required to make useful new equipment and processes known to the
J42 100 public, in advertising against each other.
J42 101    |^\0Dr. Little's criticisms particularly applied to the fact that
J42 102 the scale of charges for household electricity gives consumers no
J42 103 incentive to economise during the peak hours, when electricity is most
J42 104 costly to the supplying authority, because expensive reserve capacity
J42 105 has to be kept in being to meet peak loads. ^Experience in other
J42 106 countries has shown that there are practicable devices for adjusting
J42 107 meters in order to charge more for peak hour use. ^Our nationalised
J42 108 electricity industry has stubbornly and irrationally refused to adopt
J42 109 them.
J42 110    |^The building of nuclear power stations has been criticized:
J42 111 though this form of investment is, I think, defensible on economic
J42 112 grounds, up to the point where the base or minimum load on the
J42 113 electricity system (probably at 4 {0a.m.} on a summer morning),
J42 114 constituting perhaps one-sixth of total capacity, is all supplied by
J42 115 them. ^It does not serve much purpose to work out a series of
J42 116 comparative costs of thermal and nuclear stations, under various
J42 117 assumptions, in pence per unit. ^The right approach is by an analysis
J42 118 of *'opportunity costs**'. ^A nuclear station of 300,000 \0kw
J42 119 capacity, expected to last for twenty years, costs *+42 million, plus
J42 120 *+8.8 million for its initial fuel charge. ^Such a station obviates
J42 121 the need for a thermal station of similar capacity*- additional
J42 122 capacity is going to be needed, even if not at the rate at which we
J42 123 are building at present. ^The capital cost of the thermal station
J42 124 would be *+15 million, with a life of twenty-seven years; so we can
J42 125 *'credit**' the nuclear station with saving 20/27 x 15 =*+11.1 million
J42 126 capital, and regard its net capital cost as *+39.7 million. ^Running
J42 127 costs other than fuel, which are virtually independent of output, will
J42 128 be *+0.5 million per year for a nuclear and *+0.33 million for a
J42 129 thermal station. ^If the nuclear station works at 80 per cent load
J42 130 factor, which seems a reasonably cautious estimate, it will produce
J42 131 2.1 billion \0kwh per year at a fuel cost of 0.149\0d./ \0kwh, as
J42 132 against 0.420\0d./ \0kwh for a thermal station. ^After allowing for
J42 133 running costs the net saving will be *+2.23 million per year, or 5.6
J42 134 per cent on the net capital cost of *+39.7 million.
J42 135    |^This, however, still only represents costs as seen by the
J42 136 electrical engineer. ^When we take the costs of the National Coal
J42 137 Board into account also, we find a very much greater saving. ^As soon
J42 138 as total output of coal began to go down, during the last few years,
J42 139 the output of coal per manshift worked, which had been stationary for
J42 140 a number of years, leaped upwards. ^This was brought about only to a
J42 141 limited extent by closing pits: mainly, it appears, by the closing of
J42 142 uneconomic seams within mines. ^The movement of the figures of output
J42 143 per manshift appears to indicate that marginal coal may cost as much
J42 144 as *+4 per ton more than average coal. ^If we take this saving into
J42 145 account, as we are fully entitled to do, we obtain an *1additional
J42 146 *0return of 8 1/2 per cent (or less in proportion if the above figure
J42 147 of *+4 is too high) on our investment in nuclear power. ^By all means
J42 148 invest in nuclear power*- but close down more coal mines.
J42 149 *<(*1e*0) *1Roads*>
J42 150    |^*0At a special conference called by the Institute of Civil
J42 151 Engineers recently, a case was made for very large expenditure on both
J42 152 rural and urban roads. ^The economic return on such investments, in
J42 153 the form of faster-moving and less congested traffic, can be fairly
J42 154 precisely calculated, and fully justifies them, probably even to the
J42 155 extent of the *+3,000 million which, it was suggested, should
J42 156 ultimately be spent on our road system. ^But here again, this
J42 157 expenditure should render redundant a considerable part of the railway
J42 158 system, which should be dismantled. ^The expensive *'modernization
J42 159 programme**' for the railways was prepared on quite unjustified
J42 160 assumptions about the amount of traffic which they could attract.
J42 161 ^Demand for transport, measured in ton-miles, has been increasing more
J42 162 slowly than national product, and its future rate of increase is
J42 163 expected to be not much over 1 per cent per year. ^Road transport
J42 164 already carries over three-quarters of the ton-mileage of all traffic
J42 165 other than minerals and at its present rate of expansion will easily
J42 166 provide for this increase, and go on cutting into what remains of the
J42 167 railway traffic too.
J42 168    |
J42 169    |^There can now be no doubt, and no denying, that hundreds of
J42 170 million of pounds have, since the end of the war, been wasted on
J42 171 misdirected *'investment**' in the nationalised coal, electricity and
J42 172 railway industries. ^Because of this waste we have not been able to
J42 173 modernise the road system, cut taxes, or do the other desirable things
J42 174 that could have been done. ^*1There has been plenty of
J42 175 *'investment**', but how much effective growth? ^*0Net capital
J42 176 investment from 1955 to 1959 inclusive was *+8,949 million, which
J42 177 means an addition to the capital stock of 19 per cent. ^But the
J42 178 increase in the real net national product from 1955 to 1959-60 was
J42 179 only 9 per cent. ^Have we been putting our money on the wrong horses?
J42 180 *<*=6. *2THE INTERNATIONAL INVESTMENT *'LEAGUE**'*>
J42 181    |^*0The final section of this booklet might be described, in a
J42 182 certain sense, as an anticlimax. ^After \0Dr. Aukrust's careful
J42 183 analysis of the Norwegian figures, and the extensive figures for other
J42 184 countries quoted above, it is going to be very difficult for anyone
J42 185 seriously to contend that increased investment is a sure way of
J42 186 increasing the rate of economic growth.
J42 187    |^However, there are many people, in responsible positions, who do
J42 188 not reason in this way. ^They reason in a simpler manner altogether.
J42 189 ^The procedure is to construct what is sometimes called a *'League
J42 190 Table**', ranking countries according to the percentage of their gross
J42 191 national product which they devote to investment; and then to set out
J42 192 to show that their position in this table is related to their rate of
J42 193 economic growth.
J42 194 *# 2000
J43   1 **[337 TEXT J43**]
J43   2 ^*0Between those quarters transfer payments rose by an annual rate of
J43   3 $1.9 billion, against which must be set an increase in personal
J43   4 social insurance contributions of $0.5 billion; Federal personal tax
J43   5 payments fell by $3.4 billion, while state and local tax payments
J43   6 rose by $0.3 billion. ^The fall in Federal personal tax payments and
J43   7 the rise in transfer payments were more than enough to offset the fall
J43   8 in personal income before tax and transfer, disposable income rising
J43   9 by $1.0 billion. ^Although the level of personal income before tax
J43  10 and transfer in the second quarter of 1954 was the lowest reached in
J43  11 the recession, disposable income was higher than the pre-recession
J43  12 peak, as was consumption. ^Although small changes from quarter to
J43  13 quarter as shown in the national income accounts must be treated with
J43  14 caution because of the *'statistical discrepancy**', there is every
J43  15 reason to regard as correct the view held at the time in official
J43  16 circles that disposable income and consumption expenditure for goods
J43  17 as well as services was **[SIC**] being well maintained despite the
J43  18 recession. ^As long as this was so the attempt to reduce inventories
J43  19 would succeed and before long inventory liquidation would have to come
J43  20 to a halt, with a consequent increase in total demand and production.
J43  21 ^The danger was that the fall in incomes caused by the reductions in
J43  22 output made in order to reduce inventories might lead to such a drop
J43  23 in consumers' demand that the attempt to liquidate inventories would
J43  24 fail, leading to another round of cuts in output. ^The cut in incomes
J43  25 resulting from the fall in defence expenditure could intensify such a
J43  26 spiral.
J43  27    |^But in the early months of 1954 there was no sign of such a
J43  28 development. ^Retail sales of non-durable goods rose steadily, the
J43  29 total in each month except March being above that for the
J43  30 corresponding month in 1953, and in April equalled the previous high
J43  31 point (July 1953). ^Sales of consumers' durable goods were below the
J43  32 1953 levels throughout 1954, but in February and succeeding months
J43  33 were well above the low point of December 1953 and January 1954. ^The
J43  34 movements of disposable income and retail sales indicated that the
J43  35 fall in production and in incomes derived from it was not causing a
J43  36 deflationary spiral, so that it was likely that the combination of
J43  37 reduced output and stable sales would run down inventories fairly
J43  38 quickly. ^It was reasonable to reach this conclusion in March or April
J43  39 1954.
J43  40    |^The above conclusion indicated that the consumption sector of the
J43  41 economy would be able to get by with the tax reduction already
J43  42 enacted, with the reduction in excise tax rates just to be on the safe
J43  43 side. ^The Administration's approach was cautious; in March and April
J43  44 1954 definite evidence that the trough of the recession had been
J43  45 reached was not yet available and there were no grounds for believing
J43  46 that recovery had begun; the risk of a deflationary spiral still
J43  47 existed. ^The Administration decided to take the risk, which indeed
J43  48 did not appear a large one, in order to avoid risking the inflation
J43  49 that might develop once recovery was well under way if the tax
J43  50 reduction could not be reversed quickly. ^While it was quite
J43  51 legitimate to argue that the risk of inflation should have been
J43  52 accepted and tax rates reduced, it cannot be justifiably asserted that
J43  53 the issue was whether any attention at all should be paid to
J43  54 consumption; talk about *'a massive transfusion of purchasing power**'
J43  55 implied that the consumption sector of the economy was in a much worse
J43  56 state of ill-health than it really was.
J43  57    |^The main tax bill of 1954, that to enact a new Internal Revenue
J43  58 Code, was a measure of revision and reform. ^Indeed, the slow,
J43  59 deliberate progress that it had made since its inception in 1952
J43  60 suggests that its coinciding with a recession was fortuitous, though
J43  61 had there been inflation serious enough to make any tax reduction
J43  62 undesirable it could presumably have been held over for a year or so.
J43  63 ^The majority of the Ways and Means Committee stated in their report
J43  64 on the bill:
J43  65    |^*'This bill is a long overdue reform measure which is vitally
J43  66 necessary regardless of momentary economic conditions and should not
J43  67 be confused with other measures which may be, or might become,
J43  68 appropriate in the light of a particular short run situation....**'
J43  69    |^There was no reason why a tax reduction should not have been
J43  70 added to the reforms if the economic situation rendered this
J43  71 desirable. ^The most contentious provisions were the dividend credit
J43  72 and the more liberal depreciation allowances. ^The latter provided
J43  73 that the taxpayer might use the *'sum of years digits**' method of
J43  74 computing depreciation, or declining balance at double rate ({0i.e.}
J43  75 if the asset had a life for tax purposes of 10 years the annual
J43  76 allowance would be 20 per cent of the value not yet written off). ^The
J43  77 new formulae for computing depreciation allowances were to apply only
J43  78 to depreciable assets acquired after the Act had come into force, and
J43  79 thus were evidently intended as a device for encouraging investment
J43  80 rather than as an improvement in the equity of the tax system. ^The
J43  81 Administration proposed that the first $50 of personal income from
J43  82 dividends should be exempt from tax in 1954 and the first $100 in
J43  83 subsequent years, and that the taxpayer should be allowed to deduct
J43  84 from his tax liability 5 per cent of his income from dividends in the
J43  85 first year after the Act had come into force, 10 per cent in the
J43  86 second year, and 15 per cent in the third and subsequent years. ^The
J43  87 bill reported by the Ways and Means Committee ({0H.R.}8300) followed
J43  88 the Administration's recommendations except that the credit of
J43  89 dividends against tax liability was limited to 10 per cent. ^The
J43  90 dividend credit had no relevance to the immediate economic situation;
J43  91 it was supported on grounds of equity, as a means of providing relief
J43  92 from the *'double taxation**' of dividends.
J43  93    |^The minority report of the Ways and Means Committee denounced the
J43  94 dividend credit as an indefensible discrimination in favour of
J43  95 unearned income and as embodying the *'trickle down**' approach to tax
J43  96 reduction. ^The changes in the depreciation allowances were criticized
J43  97 on the ground that the fuller use of capacity that would result from
J43  98 an increase in consumption demand would be a more reliable inducement
J43  99 to investment, for since much existing capacity was not being fully
J43 100 used tax relief directed specifically to investment would not have
J43 101 much effect.
J43 102    |^The proposal for an increase in the individual exemption from
J43 103 income tax had almost unanimous support from the Democrats, including
J43 104 Representative Rayburn, House Minority Leader, and Senator George, the
J43 105 senior Democratic member of the Finance Committee, which made it
J43 106 *'official**' Democratic policy if anything could. ^There were also
J43 107 signs of Republican support.
J43 108    |^The Administration was sufficiently concerned for the President
J43 109 to make a special broadcast on the subject on 15 March, two days
J43 110 before the bill was due to be debated in the House of Representatives.
J43 111 ^After stressing the need to encourage investors to buy *'lathes,
J43 112 looms, and great generators**' the President expressed hostility to
J43 113 the proposed increase in the individual exemption on the ground that
J43 114 it would exempt a large number of taxpayers from tax liability
J43 115 altogether:
J43 116    |^*'When the time comes to cut income taxes still more, let's cut
J43 117 them. ^But I do not believe that the way to do it is to excuse
J43 118 millions of taxpayers from paying any income tax at all... every real
J43 119 American is proud to carry his share of any burden.... ^I simply do
J43 120 not believe for one second that anyone privileged to live in this
J43 121 country wants someone else to pay his fair and just share of the cost
J43 122 of his Government**'.
J43 123    |^The debate on the bill in the House on 17 and 18 March 1954 took
J43 124 the form outlined above, with sundry Democratic assertions that since
J43 125 their opponents had decided to **[SIC**] something as reckless as to
J43 126 reduce taxation in face of a deficit, it might as well be a more
J43 127 equitable tax reduction. ^The motion to recommit provided that the
J43 128 dividend credit and the depreciation provisions should be deleted and
J43 129 an increase in the individual exemption to $700 inserted. ^It was
J43 130 rejected by 210 to 204, eight Republicans voting in favour and seven
J43 131 Democrats against. ^Not all of those voting in favour of the motion
J43 132 were voting in favour of a reduction of the income tax; if the motion
J43 133 to recommit had been carried it would probably have been the end of
J43 134 the bill for the Session unless the economic situation were to
J43 135 deteriorate. ^Among those whose votes appeared to be influenced by
J43 136 this consideration were the Democrats from Virginia and Representative
J43 137 Cannon. ^There are signs that the President's efforts were effective
J43 138 in whipping-in some of the Republican stragglers; one of these,
J43 139 Representative Ayres, said that he had thus changed his mind.
J43 140    |^When the Senate Finance Committee opened hearings on the bill on
J43 141 7 April 1954 Secretary Humphrey held firmly to the position that the
J43 142 measures already taken, plus the stimulation that the depreciation
J43 143 provisions of the bill would give, were adequate to deal with the
J43 144 recession, and that a further tax reduction would be inflationary.
J43 145 ^The representatives of {0*2NAM} *0and the {0U.S.} Chamber of
J43 146 Commerce supported the Administration's position, but the Chamber's
J43 147 representative recommended that personal income tax should be reduced
J43 148 by 5 per cent of liability and that expenditures should be cut
J43 149 sufficiently to make the tax reduction possible without further
J43 150 unbalancing the budget. ^The trade unions gave vigorous support to the
J43 151 increase in the individual exemption from income tax. ^\0Mr. Reuther
J43 152 said that there was *'nothing wrong in the American economy that an
J43 153 increase in the purchasing power in the hands of the American people
J43 154 will not cure**'. ^There was also the usual pleading for special
J43 155 relief and grinding of axes; the General Counsel to the National
J43 156 Institute of Diaper Services, \0Inc., asked that the cost of
J43 157 *'antiseptic diaper service**' be made a tax deductible expense.
J43 158    |^After the end of the hearings the Finance Committee devoted five
J43 159 weeks to its consideration of the bill, and proposed numerous
J43 160 amendments, none of economic significance in their effect on the
J43 161 revenue. ^Introducing the bill in the Senate of 28 June 1954 Senator
J43 162 Millikin declared that the bill would go part of the way towards
J43 163 restoring *'normal economic incentives**', which was essential since
J43 164 the stimulus given to the economy by abnormal military expenditure was
J43 165 fast disappearing. ^He emphasized the by then apparent fact that the
J43 166 decline had come to an end, arguing that as a result further tax
J43 167 reduction was not necessary to bring about recovery.
J43 168    |^Senator George agreed that the recession had not got as bad as
J43 169 had at one time seemed likely; he therefore proposed an amendment to
J43 170 increase the individual exemption from $600 to $700, instead of to
J43 171 $800 as he had suggested earlier. ^Although his proposal would
J43 172 increase the deficit in the immediate future, he maintained that
J43 173 ~*'There will be a greater deficit if we do not sustain the principles
J43 174 of a sound and expanding economy**' and that it was more important to
J43 175 balance the *'home budget**' than to balance the budget of the Federal
J43 176 government. ^Douglas argued powerfully that the main economic problem
J43 177 at the moment was not lack of productive capacity but lack of
J43 178 effective consumer demand, and that no tax concessions to investment
J43 179 would achieve results if there was no market for the output from the
J43 180 increased capacity. ^The reasoning which underlay the bill was
J43 181 therefore fallacious; it would add to private savings, but would do
J43 182 nothing to add to investment, which was being held back by lack of
J43 183 markets.
J43 184    |^Millikin moved an amendment to provide for a reduction of tax of
J43 185 $20 in tax liability for each taxpayer, a slightly less costly
J43 186 substitute for George's proposal; it was ill received by George and
J43 187 his supporters and was rejected by 49 votes to 46, the vote being on
J43 188 party lines except that Langer voted with the Democrats. ^George's
J43 189 amendment to increase the individual exemption was rejected by 49 to
J43 190 46, the margin of defeat being supplied by the four Democrats voting
J43 191 against it, Byrd, Robertson, Johnson of Colorado, and Holland.
J43 192 *# 2026
J44   1 **[338 TEXT J44**]
J44   2 ^*0As they introduced longer lags in the price variable, the
J44   3 contribution of their demand coefficient steadily increased. ^From a
J44   4 technical point of view, using the method of least squares estimation,
J44   5 we find the principal factor at work to be that the introduction of a
J44   6 lag in the price variable systematically reduces its coefficient,
J44   7 while the other factors remain relatively stable. ^This effect is
J44   8 increased in the formulation of (4.1) where a moving average of price
J44   9 changes is taken. ^In all cases, the overall correlation remains
J44  10 virtually unchanged. ^Empirically, we have been unable to determine a
J44  11 unique lag between wage and price changes, and we have therefore had
J44  12 to rest content with the lag of six months built into the model from
J44  13 {6*1a priori} *0reasoning.
J44  14    |^We are disposed to conclude from our estimates that demand has
J44  15 been an important factor at the bargaining table. ^At the level of
J44  16 aggregation at which we are working, it is the *1general *0state of
J44  17 the demand for labour that is relevant. ^It has been pointed out by
J44  18 {0H. A.} Turner that in 1952-53 recorded unemployment in the cotton
J44  19 industry was as high as 30 per \0cent. of the industry's manpower,
J44  20 whilst the *'unions not only presented to the employers a demand for a
J44  21 general wage increase but persisted to the point of partial
J44  22 success**'. ^The point here is that the unions' hand was strengthened
J44  23 by the existence of alternative employment. ^The kind of effect that
J44  24 we are considering is that of the influence of general unemployment.
J44  25 ^A 200,000 increase in the level of unemployment will doubtless have a
J44  26 greater effect on the change in wage rates if it is spread over all
J44  27 industries equally, rather than concentrated in one industry alone.
J44  28 ^The situation in the cotton industry can then hardly be cited as
J44  29 evidence against the influence of demand.
J44  30    |^The political variable, *1F*;t**;, *0represents the influence of
J44  31 cost-inflation. ^It is sometimes argued that the trade union leader's
J44  32 job is to obtain higher wages for his members, and it matters little
J44  33 how he does this. ^He may rationalize his demand for higher money
J44  34 wages in terms of the cost of living, the level of profits or
J44  35 increases in productivity. ^In the absence of such factors he may push
J44  36 for increases in money wages on principle, the strength of the push
J44  37 depending in part on the extent to which the government of the day can
J44  38 create an atmosphere of restraint. ^In the model, the coefficient of
J44  39 *1F*;t**; *0indicates that in periods when the Conservative government
J44  40 has been in power, unions have been pushing harder to the extent of
J44  41 some three index points per year. ^This is a statistically firm
J44  42 coefficient which may be taken as evidence of the increased importance
J44  43 of autonomous trade union pressure over the second half of our sample
J44  44 period.
J44  45    |^It is extremely difficult on the basis of the evidence, in the
J44  46 form of our estimates, to maintain that over the whole sample period
J44  47 changes in the wage rate index have been *'cost**' rather than
J44  48 *'demand**' induced. ^This result can be rationalized by arguing that
J44  49 to some extent the strength of the *'cost-push**' at the bargaining
J44  50 table is governed by the demand for labour. ^The two complement each
J44  51 other. ^Without the existence of *'excess demand**' for labour, the
J44  52 *'cost-push**' might not go very far; without the *'cost-push**' in a
J44  53 situation of *'excess demand**', workers might be unable to exploit
J44  54 their favourable position. ^To this extent, changes in wage rates are
J44  55 dependent on both *'cost-push**' and the level of *'excess demand**'.
J44  56    |^Several writers have drawn attention to changes in the spread
J44  57 between wage earnings and wage rates, as a criterion to distinguish
J44  58 demand from cost inflation. ^The limited information estimate of
J44  59 equation (4.2) attributes greater significance to hours worked than to
J44  60 productivity, though both can be considered significant. ^The residual
J44  61 terms in this computation were, however, highly autocorrelated. ^The
J44  62 estimate from transformed data has no significant serial correlation
J44  63 in the residuals but gives a different estimate for the relative
J44  64 importance of productivity and hours worked in accounting for the
J44  65 spread. ^The hours worked variable dominates the relation and, if
J44  66 anything, our estimates in (4.2) are over-generous in attributing
J44  67 fluctuations in the spread to fluctuations in productivity.
J44  68    |^Our results are not inconsistent with the hypothesis that the
J44  69 spread is largely influenced by the level of demand. ^If this is
J44  70 correct, fluctuations in the spread could be regarded as an indicator
J44  71 of changes in the level of demand. ^Hours worked constitute a very
J44  72 sensitive indicator of the level of demand, although absolute changes
J44  73 in the hours worked index are small. ^In one sense hours worked
J44  74 contribute to the spread in a purely accounting manner as do, other
J44  75 things being equal, increases in output per man-hour for
J44  76 piece-workers. ^We are unable, however, to separate out the relative
J44  77 importance of these two influences. ^No doubt, overtime, bonus
J44  78 payments, premium rates, and changes in the length of the
J44  79 *'official**' working week, have all been important. ^On the demand
J44  80 side, it is often argued that a high level of demand has led to
J44  81 payments above the *'official**' rates to bid labour away from some
J44  82 firms into others. ^Our results are consistent with either hypothesis
J44  83 alone or a combination of both.
J44  84    |^It is interesting to compare our results with those obtained by
J44  85 the Swedish economists, Bent Hansen and Go"sta Rehn, in their study of
J44  86 the Swedish labour market. ^They start from the assumption that wage
J44  87 rates are fixed institutionally and that the influence of economic
J44  88 forces is reflected in the spread between earnings and wage rates,
J44  89 which they describe as the *'wage drift**'. ^In our model we have put
J44  90 forward the hypothesis that changes in wage rates are influenced by
J44  91 changes in the cost of living, by the demand for labour, and by the
J44  92 political climate.
J44  93    |^The procedure followed by Hansen and Rehn was to take a sample of
J44  94 annual data, 1947-54, for eight main groupings within Swedish
J44  95 manufacturing industry. ^Briefly, their findings suggested that the
J44  96 main influence determining the *'wage drift**' in Sweden over these
J44  97 years has been *'excess demand**'. ^They tested the further influence
J44  98 of *'excess profits**' and the hypothesis that increases in
J44  99 productivity have contributed substantially to the *'wage drift**'.
J44 100 ^Neither was found to be significant.
J44 101    |^The relations estimated were between the rates of change of the
J44 102 *'wage drift**', the level of *'excess profit**', the level of
J44 103 *'excess demand**' and the rate of change in productivity. ^It may be
J44 104 pointed out that in our model productivity makes a significant
J44 105 contribution to the explanation of the spread between earnings and
J44 106 wage rates, when all variables are expressed as levels, but ceases to
J44 107 be a significant factor in our least squares computation in which
J44 108 variables are subjected to a first-difference transformation. ^It
J44 109 would appear, therefore, that our findings are not inconsistent with
J44 110 those of Hansen and Rehn. ^However, it must be re-emphasized that we
J44 111 have included hours worked in our computation, which are an indicator
J44 112 of the direct influence of demand on the spread, but also of other
J44 113 influences, and that our earnings variable is of average weekly
J44 114 earnings and not of hourly earnings. ^Hansen and Rehn, on the other
J44 115 hand, construct an index of *'excess demand**' for labour, in some
J44 116 cases by taking the difference between unfilled vacancies and numbers
J44 117 unemployed. ^Where numbers unemployed were not available for a
J44 118 particular industry, vacancies alone were used.
J44 119    |^It is not clear that the growth of the spread between earnings
J44 120 and wage rates in the {0UK} over the period of our sample can be
J44 121 plausibly explained in *'cost**' terms. ^If it is argued that such a
J44 122 gap is *1automatically *0opened by the rise in piece-workers' earnings
J44 123 as productivity increases, or by changes in the amount of overtime
J44 124 worked, such changes may themselves be traced back to the existence of
J44 125 a high level of demand. ^Equation (4.3) illustrates the close relation
J44 126 between hours worked and the level of industrial production, which
J44 127 itself reflects the level of demand. ^Passing through this chain of
J44 128 causation, it would be plausible to expect a high empirical
J44 129 correlation between changes in the *'wage drift**' and the level of
J44 130 *'excess demand**' for goods and services. ^Under the assumptions
J44 131 implicit in the model, this relationship merely constitutes a derived
J44 132 relation rather than a basic structural equation. ^To estimate the
J44 133 determination of the *'wage drift**' in this form would involve
J44 134 obscuring the underlying chain of relationship. ^It is sometimes held
J44 135 that the changes in the *'wage drift**' are not governed by the level
J44 136 of *'excess demand**', since this would imply some bidding up of
J44 137 payments to workers over the *'official rates**'. ^It is then
J44 138 contended that just as manufacturers have not bid up prices directly
J44 139 in response to *'excess demand**', so they have not bid up wage
J44 140 payments.
J44 141    |^The *'mark-up**' equation (4.4) suggests that earnings have been
J44 142 roughly twice as important at the margin as import prices in
J44 143 determining the general level of consumer prices over the sample
J44 144 period. ^The coefficient of the import price index represents the
J44 145 influence of *'cost-push**' to the {0UK} economy. ^The level of
J44 146 earnings, on the other hand, may represent both the influence of
J44 147 *'cost-push**' and that of demand, for it is through earnings that
J44 148 demand affects the general consumer price level in our system.
J44 149 *<*1The Implications of the Model*>
J44 150    |^*0Our particular model of the inflationary process brings out
J44 151 points that have been raised by different writers and attempts to
J44 152 follow through some interrelated patterns of behaviour in the sphere
J44 153 of wage and price determination. ^The model illustrates the influence
J44 154 of both cost and demand elements. ^It is not unique, as judged by its
J44 155 agreement with observed data, and it contains flaws; nevertheless it
J44 156 appears to be reasonable, and the difficulties that it encounters are
J44 157 inherent in the nature of our basic economic information.
J44 158    |^Our statistical analysis covers the post-war period as a whole.
J44 159 ^As such, it gives a set of average relationships which do not rule
J44 160 out dispersion. ^In the Korean war period, for example, the rise in
J44 161 import prices would appear to have made a much greater contribution to
J44 162 the rise in the general consumer price level than earnings, although,
J44 163 on average over the period as a whole, earnings appear to have been
J44 164 the more important factor.
J44 165    |^This fact limits the usefulness of the model in enabling us to
J44 166 comment on the debate on the character of inflation over such a short
J44 167 period as say 1956-57. ^Our results seem to show that for the period
J44 168 of the sample as a whole it is not possible to assert categorically
J44 169 that we have had either demand or cost inflation. ^The model
J44 170 attributes significance to both cost and demand elements. ^Even
J44 171 Professor Robbins, a firm protagonist of the importance of the
J44 172 influence of demand over the period, is prepared to concede that for
J44 173 the latter half of 1957 and the first half of 1958, the rise in final
J44 174 prices may have been largely *'cost-induced**', as an overshoot from
J44 175 the period of *'excess demand**'.
J44 176    |^Consider, however, the period 1956-57 when price and wage changes
J44 177 were substantial and over which much controversy has raged. ^In 1955
J44 178 and 1956 unemployment had fallen considerably from the relatively high
J44 179 level of 1952. ^If we accept our equation (4.1) as a basic structural
J44 180 relation, then we are virtually committed to accepting the view that
J44 181 the level of *'excess demand**' for labour had a significant effect on
J44 182 wage rate changes in that period.
J44 183    |^It may however be argued that (4.1) places overmuch weight on the
J44 184 influence of average unemployment. ^In the base year our average of
J44 185 registered unemployment, in numbers, was around 350,000. ^If the price
J44 186 level were stationary for sufficiently long so that the influence of
J44 187 that variable in (4.1) were to become zero, then average unemployment
J44 188 in terms of numbers registered unemployed would have to reach only
J44 189 500,000 before the four-quarter change in the wage rate index would
J44 190 become negative (assuming
J44 191 **[FORMULA**] ). ^Many would, however, find this conclusion
J44 192 implausible. ^They would no doubt argue that (4.1) can hardly be
J44 193 considered reversible. ^Wage rates go up but they do not come down.
J44 194 *# 2008
J45   1 **[339 TEXT J45**]
J45   2 ^*0More moderate exponents may grant the sincerity of those who make
J45   3 the claim, but suggest that notions of justice differ so widely that a
J45   4 situation which seems to justify parity in the eyes of one man will
J45   5 justify a differential in the eyes of another.
J45   6    |^The public services, however, are committed to a different view.
J45   7 ^Since the Priestley Commission, the government and the civil service
J45   8 trade unions have been in agreement that the wages and salaries of
J45   9 civil servants should be settled by *'fair comparison with current
J45  10 remuneration of outside staffs employed on broadly comparable work,
J45  11 taking account of differences in other conditions of service**', and
J45  12 the Civil Service Pay Research Unit has been established to provide
J45  13 the information on which these comparisons should be made. ^The
J45  14 Pilkington Commission, the Guillebaud Committee and the Willink
J45  15 Commission have since extended *'fair comparisons**' of one sort or
J45  16 another to the medical and dental professions, to the railwaymen, and
J45  17 to the police.
J45  18    |^It is, of course, possible to argue that this use of *'fair
J45  19 comparisons**' in the public service is only market forces at one
J45  20 remove. ^In a service financed out of taxation the normal processes of
J45  21 the market are not available to determine wages. ^Consequently wages
J45  22 in the public service should be settled by comparison with rates in
J45  23 outside occupations where market forces apply. ^On this view the fair
J45  24 wage means the market rate.
J45  25    |^This view probably lay behind the original formulation of the
J45  26 Fair Wages Resolution of the House of Commons in 1891. ^Fair wages
J45  27 were those *'generally accepted as current**'. ^Trade unionists,
J45  28 however, agitated for many years for a change which was finally
J45  29 accepted in the revision of 1909. ^Fair wages were then defined as
J45  30 *'those commonly recognized by employers and trade societies**'. ^This
J45  31 suggests that the fair wage is the wage settled by collective
J45  32 agreement*- the *'acceptable wage**'.
J45  33    |^I do not think either of these definitions can be accepted as
J45  34 satisfactory. ^The first difficulty is that every detailed study of
J45  35 wages in Britain reveals startling variations and inconsistencies for
J45  36 the payment for what is apparently the same job even within a single
J45  37 town or district. ^Thus the market, or collective bargaining, or both,
J45  38 lead to a whole range of rates, any one of which could be fair. ^If
J45  39 there are grounds for arguing that the public servant should, on
J45  40 grounds of justice, be paid the average of this range of rates, then
J45  41 this average must be the fair wage not only for the civil servant, but
J45  42 also for the workers in comparable outside occupations. ^Those of them
J45  43 who are getting less than the average have, on grounds of equity, a
J45  44 case for an increase to bring them up to that figure.
J45  45    |^A second difficulty is that we sometimes wish to say that a
J45  46 market rate, or even a rate settled by collective bargaining, is
J45  47 *1unfair. ^*0The wages paid to coal-miners and agricultural workers in
J45  48 the 'thirties, for instance, would perhaps have been generally
J45  49 regarded as unfair, but necessary because of the depressed markets for
J45  50 coal exports and for agricultural products. ^The fact that the wages
J45  51 of coal-miners were settled by collective agreement did not, I
J45  52 suggest, make them appear fair in the eyes of the public. ^I would
J45  53 also suggest that it is a common view in modern Britain that wages
J45  54 paid in the manufacture of motor vehicles are unfairly high compared
J45  55 with the wages of other workers, although they are settled by
J45  56 collective bargaining. ^Many of those who hold this view, however,
J45  57 might be reluctant to voice it in public.
J45  58    |^There are therefore grounds for supposing that there is some
J45  59 other way of determining fairness in addition to the *'higgling of the
J45  60 market**', or the process of collective bargaining. ^The four
J45  61 inquiries which I have mentioned seem to accept this supposition and
J45  62 to suggest that the British public holds to certain common standards
J45  63 whereby it can compare one job with another and decide whether the
J45  64 remuneration is fair or not. ^The interim report of the Willink
J45  65 Commission, for example, argues that the pay of the police should be
J45  66 *'based on conditions recognized by the police themselves and by the
J45  67 public as fair and reasonable**'. ^Treasury evidence to the Priestley
J45  68 Commission argued that: *'...if a civil servant can be seen to be
J45  69 getting, as near as may be, what citizens of similar attainments are
J45  70 getting for doing similar work in the country at large, that is a
J45  71 situation which will surely be commended as fair by the civil servant
J45  72 himself, by his outside analogue, and by the taxpayer who foots the
J45  73 bill...**' ^The main difference between the two reports is that the
J45  74 Priestley Commission thought that fairness demanded the same rate of
J45  75 pay as for the *'outside analogue**', whereas the Willink Commission
J45  76 recommended considerably higher rates for the police than for the
J45  77 outside occupations with which they compared them.
J45  78    |^Thus both these reports hold not only that it is possible to say
J45  79 that workers*- or at least some grades of workers*- are fairly paid,
J45  80 but also that there would be general agreement from all sections of
J45  81 society on what would constitute fair payment. ^No evidence is given
J45  82 in support, although it would clearly be possible to devise empirical
J45  83 tests to discover whether there are generally accepted standards of
J45  84 fairness. ^The view is presented as self-evident, or at least as not
J45  85 worth arguing.
J45  86    |^The questions I wish to pursue, therefore, are: can we accept the
J45  87 methods of these four inquiries as satisfactory and dependable
J45  88 procedures for establishing the *'just**' wage; and, if we can, how
J45  89 wide is the scope of their application?
J45  90    |^First, however, it is necessary to set out some information about
J45  91 each of them.
J45  92    |^The job of the Civil Service Pay Research Unit is fact-finding.
J45  93 ^It assists in establishing job comparability by describing *'the
J45  94 similarity or difference in the duties of the grades with which
J45  95 comparison is being made**'; and it discovers *'the pay and conditions
J45  96 of service that attach to jobs regarded as comparable**'. ^Armed with
J45  97 this information the two sides of the appropriate Whitley Council can
J45  98 negotiate what wage or salary is required by *'fair comparison**', or,
J45  99 if they fail to agree, refer the decision to arbitration.
J45 100    |^The Guillebaud Committee's terms of reference were wider than
J45 101 this. ^The Committee was instructed *'to conduct an investigation into
J45 102 the relativity of pay**' of railway workers with other workers, and to
J45 103 *'establish the degree of job comparability**' as well as to discover
J45 104 the rates of pay and other emoluments of the other workers. ^The
J45 105 Committee was also empowered to offer *'general observations and
J45 106 conclusions**' along with *'the ascertained facts**'.
J45 107    |^The terms of reference of the Pilkington Commission were wider
J45 108 still. ^They were asked to consider how the remuneration of doctors
J45 109 and dentists compared with that of other professions, and what, in the
J45 110 light of this comparison, their remuneration should be.
J45 111    |^Finally the Willink Commission has been given no instructions to
J45 112 make comparisons. ^They have been asked to consider: *'the broad
J45 113 principles which should govern the remuneration of the constable,
J45 114 having regard to the nature and extent of police duties and
J45 115 responsibilities and the need to attract and retain an adequate number
J45 116 of recruits with the proper qualifications**', and their interim
J45 117 report rejects the principle of *'fair comparison**' as inapplicable
J45 118 to the police service. ^But it goes on to argue that the pay of the
J45 119 constable should be settled by means of a formula which yields almost
J45 120 70 per cent more than the wage rates in certain selected skilled
J45 121 occupations. ^This process must be based on a comparison of some kind.
J45 122    |^The criteria which justify the same remuneration are, however,
J45 123 simpler than those which justify differences in remuneration, and also
J45 124 logically prior to them; for how could comparisons which reveal
J45 125 differences between jobs be used to justify differences in pay unless
J45 126 comparisons which did not reveal those differences justified the same
J45 127 pay? ^We start therefore with the principle of the rate for the job,
J45 128 the principle that the same job should carry the same rate of pay.
J45 129 ^The Willink Commission have, in fact, annexed this phrase to cover
J45 130 another principle, which they call their *'third principle**'. ^They
J45 131 do not state what the principle is, but they say that *'it relies for
J45 132 its operation very largely on a judgement of the constable's value to
J45 133 the community**'. ^But as I understand it, the phrase has always
J45 134 described the old trade union principle that a fitter must not take
J45 135 less than the fitter's rate, nor a compositor than the compositor's
J45 136 rate, as it stands in the district in which he happens to be working.
J45 137 ^I can see no reason for using it in this novel and imprecise sense.
J45 138    |^The difficulty is to know when two jobs are the same, or rather,
J45 139 since two jobs are never exactly the same, to know which differences
J45 140 can be regarded as negligible for the purpose of settling payment.
J45 141 ^The ingenuity of man can create reasons for additional payments out
J45 142 of everything and out of almost nothing*- out of slight differences in
J45 143 materials, in tools and machinery, or in the product; out of
J45 144 differences in the heat, dirt or noise of working conditions; out of
J45 145 responsibility for men, materials, machinery, or money; and so on.
J45 146 ^Some reason can always be found for paying X more than Y, and
J45 147 probably also for paying Y more than X.
J45 148    |^Before we write the problem off as insoluble, however, we must
J45 149 remember that men have repeatedly cut their way through it over the
J45 150 centuries, and do so constantly today. ^The fitter's rate, or the
J45 151 compositor's rate, is only meaningful because there is agreement about
J45 152 what is the proper work of a fitter and of a compositor, either by
J45 153 rule or by custom. ^Every grading structure, in public and in private
J45 154 employment, decides that certain differences in work warrant
J45 155 differences in pay, and also that the great majority do not. ^The
J45 156 process whereby the National Coal Board reduced something like six
J45 157 thousand daywage job titles to 367 titles, and then grouped these
J45 158 titles into thirteen different wage grades, is but one outstanding
J45 159 example of a common process.
J45 160    |^Such examples show that, in the settlement of salaries and wages,
J45 161 men are willing to neglect many differences between jobs, and also to
J45 162 recognize others as important. ^They do not, of course, prove that
J45 163 there would be general agreement on what should count and what should
J45 164 not. ^We can, however, find some evidence on this point. ^We know, for
J45 165 instance, that many thousands of problems about jobs and about
J45 166 gradings are amicably settled each year. ^Strikes over demarcation
J45 167 disputes or arbitration awards on grading questions only serve to
J45 168 emphasize the wide area of undisputed territory behind them. ^It is
J45 169 hardly possible that this could be so without widespread agreement on
J45 170 which differences count and which do not. ^The experience of the
J45 171 Guillebaud Committee was that *'our team of investigators, coming from
J45 172 widely-varied backgrounds and with different industrial experience,
J45 173 agreed closely among themselves, and their opinions corresponded, in
J45 174 most instances, with those of our Secretaries and ourselves. ^There
J45 175 were no disagreements which could not be settled by discussion**'.
J45 176    |^Whether differences count or not is at least largely a matter of
J45 177 social convention. ^Only empirical tests could discover whether there
J45 178 are generally accepted conventions, but, until such tests are carried
J45 179 out, I submit that these are grounds for supposing that there are some
J45 180 conventions which are fairly widely accepted.
J45 181    |^The Priestley Commission included amongst their criteria of
J45 182 fairness *'the educational or other qualifications required**'. ^In
J45 183 fact, the Civil Service Pay Research Unit seems to have concentrated
J45 184 more on work than on qualifications. ^For the Pilkington and Willink
J45 185 Commissions, on the other hand, qualifications seem to take first
J45 186 place. ^The Pilkington Commission was instructed to consider *'the
J45 187 proper current levels of remuneration**' of doctors and dentists in
J45 188 the light of a comparison with the remuneration of other professions.
J45 189 ^The professions on which they based their inquiry were: accountants,
J45 190 actuaries, barristers, solicitors, architects, surveyors, engineers
J45 191 and university teachers, together with a category entitled *'graduates
J45 192 in industry**'.
J45 193 *# 2006
J46   1 **[340 TEXT J46**]
J46   2    |^Most of these studies are partial, dealing with particular
J46   3 aspects of world trade. ^There is only one that I know of which tries
J46   4 to use the statistical information to formulate a model of world
J46   5 economic development and trade. ^This Professor Lewis did in 1952,
J46   6 based on statistics for 1870-1950, in terms of six world variables:
J46   7 world industrial production, world food production, world trade in
J46   8 manufactures, world trade in primary products, the price of primary
J46   9 products and the price of manufactures. ^The model, although
J46  10 attractively simple, fails to fit developments since 1950 partly
J46  11 because it makes one important assumption not borne out by events*-
J46  12 the assumption that the ratio between world trade in primary products
J46  13 (food and raw materials) and manufactures would remain unchanged. ^In
J46  14 fact, one of the new features of the development of world trade since
J46  15 1950 has been the rapid relative growth of world trade in manufactures
J46  16 and a corresponding relative fall in world trade in primary products.
J46  17 ^This relative fall is particularly marked if oil is excluded.
J46  18    |^The causes of this change have aroused great controversy,
J46  19 controversy which illustrates how difficult it is to interpret
J46  20 significantly this mass of statistical information. ^There is on the
J46  21 one side the argument, put forward strongly by the late Professor
J46  22 Nurkse, that the relative decline in world trade in primary products
J46  23 is mainly due to a fall in demand by industrial countries: a fall due
J46  24 to agricultural protection, a change in the structure of industrial
J46  25 production towards products using less raw materials and the
J46  26 substitution of synthetics for natural products. ^Others, including
J46  27 Professor Cairncross, who spoke on this theme here a few months ago,
J46  28 have argued that one of the main factors inducing industrial countries
J46  29 to use less primary products was a shortage of supply, and that this
J46  30 shortage of supply was, to a substantial degree, the result of the
J46  31 economic policy followed by many primary producing countries. ^The
J46  32 analysis by \0*2GATT *0in successive reports on *"International
J46  33 Trade**" since 1956 has tended to confirm this conclusion. ^\0*2GATT
J46  34 *0classified the non-industrial primary producing countries into two
J46  35 groups: (1) the semi-industrialised countries where industrialisation
J46  36 has already made substantial progress (countries such as Argentina,
J46  37 India and Australia), and (2) the remaining non-industrial countries;
J46  38 and then showed that the bulk of the relative fall in trade came in
J46  39 the first and not in the second group of countries. ^This seemed to
J46  40 lead conclusively to the view that reduced supply had at least been a
J46  41 very important contributory element in the relative reduction in world
J46  42 trade in primary products.
J46  43    |^But since then \0Mr. \0A. Maizels of the National Institute has
J46  44 attempted to show that the results obtained by the \0*2GATT *0analysis
J46  45 are largely fortuitous and do not point to the conclusion which is
J46  46 drawn from them by the authors of the \0*2GATT *0reports. ^\0Mr.
J46  47 Maizels shows that if exports of primary products from
J46  48 semi-industrialised countries are compared with world demand for the
J46  49 same commodities (which he measures by world trade) over the period
J46  50 1937-38 to 1955, then in most cases the semi-industrialised countries
J46  51 have maintained their share of the world total. ^From this he
J46  52 concludes that the relative fall in the trade of the
J46  53 semi-industrialised countries is due mainly to its commodity
J46  54 composition, and the fall in world demand for these commodities; thus
J46  55 confirming the demand deficiency, rather than the supply deficiency,
J46  56 view.
J46  57    |^There is, however, one weakness in \0Mr. Maizel's main
J46  58 calculations. ^In the case of some commodities a substantial part of
J46  59 the total of world trade is accounted for by the trade of the
J46  60 semi-industrialised countries. ^It is hardly surprising that in these
J46  61 cases exports from the semi-industrialised countries on average show
J46  62 much the same movement in volume as world trade as a whole. ^Take wool
J46  63 as an example. ^This appears as an important export for four
J46  64 semi-industrialised countries*- Argentina, Australia, New Zealand and
J46  65 the Union of South Africa. ^But the exports of these four countries
J46  66 between them account for the bulk of world export trade in wool. ^It
J46  67 is hardly surprising therefore that the export volume of wool from
J46  68 these countries, on average, approximates to the world total, some
J46  69 above and some below. ^The nearness of the world total and the figures
J46  70 for the four semi-industrialised countries cannot be taken in this
J46  71 particular case to demonstrate the validity of the demand deficiency
J46  72 view. ^The same point applies to coffee, which appears as an important
J46  73 export of three semi-industrialised countries, Brazil, Colombia and
J46  74 Mexico, which between them account for a substantial part of world
J46  75 trade in coffee.
J46  76    |^Indeed, one inevitably gets into difficulty if one has to use, as
J46  77 so often happens in analyses of world trade, the same figures as
J46  78 representing both world supply and world demand; and when one begins
J46  79 to look at the position of individual semi-industrialised countries,
J46  80 Argentina for example, there seems strong evidence that there has been
J46  81 a reduction in the supply of primary products for export, and a
J46  82 substantial case for arguing that Argentinian economic and commercial
J46  83 policy has been an important element in this reduction. ^I would
J46  84 expect to find differences in the relative importance of changes in
J46  85 demand and supply from country to country, and suspect that any
J46  86 generalisation which attempts to settle this controversy in terms of
J46  87 general figures for world trade is likely to be too sweeping in
J46  88 ignoring the peculiar and divergent experience of individual
J46  89 countries.
J46  90    |^The other major feature of the statistics of world trade that has
J46  91 commanded great attention in recent years, is the rapid growth and
J46  92 changing character of world trade in manufactures. ^In the 1930's and
J46  93 during the war most of those who attempted to look ahead to future
J46  94 developments in world trade in manufactures were inclined to take
J46  95 rather a gloomy view. ^The traditional trade, especially in cotton
J46  96 textiles, was disappearing rapidly as domestic industries were being
J46  97 built up in the newly-developing industrial countries. ^And the
J46  98 opportunities for increased trade between the advanced industrial
J46  99 countries seemed likely to become restricted rather than wider as the
J46 100 character of their industrial development became more and more
J46 101 similar. ^In fact, world trade in manufactures has increased more
J46 102 rapidly than world industrial production compared with 1938, the rise
J46 103 in European trade in manufactures being most remarkable and
J46 104 unexpected. ^Now that we have a mass of regular statistical
J46 105 information, on a standard international classification, about this
J46 106 trade, we can examine its pattern and structure in great detail.
J46 107 ^Familiarity with this statistical detail can no doubt give us a
J46 108 comfortable feeling that we know what is going on in international
J46 109 trade, which lines and markets are expanding or contracting. ^And we
J46 110 can pay particular care, as the Board of Trade does each quarter in
J46 111 the tables in the *1Board of Trade Journal, *0to look at the fortunes
J46 112 of United Kingdom trade in this international competition. ^But I
J46 113 doubt very much myself whether the accumulation of statistics of this
J46 114 kind and the grubbing about among them for significant statistical
J46 115 trends by itself gives us much understanding of what is going on and
J46 116 the forces which are making for change. ^We need much more
J46 117 understanding and analysis of the forces that are behind the
J46 118 statistics. ^It may be, however, that the changes are the result of
J46 119 such a complex interaction of forces and that our analytical tools are
J46 120 so primitive that we cannot yet hope to acquire this deeper
J46 121 understanding and will have to confine ourselves, for the time being
J46 122 at least, to the search for statistical trends which we hope will
J46 123 endure for some time.
J46 124    |^One of the main problems in understanding the significance of the
J46 125 shifting pattern of the world trade in manufactures is to be able to
J46 126 distinguish between changes in the fundamental forces in operation,
J46 127 and the time period which it takes for trade to adjust itself to those
J46 128 forces. ^Take, for example, one of the major changes in British
J46 129 foreign trade over the last 50 years*- the almost complete
J46 130 disappearance of the United Kingdom as a net exporter of cotton
J46 131 textiles. ^Looking back now it could be argued that the fundamental
J46 132 forces which led to this change were already in operation in the years
J46 133 immediately after the first world war*- the acquisition by Japan,
J46 134 India and other countries of the necessary technical and economic
J46 135 experience to enable them to develop efficient cotton textile
J46 136 industries of their own, and the consequential loss by Lancashire of
J46 137 the special comparative advantage that she had had in this field of
J46 138 manufacture for over a century. ^But although the fundamental forces
J46 139 had already changed by 1920, it took many years for the full
J46 140 consequences to work themselves out. ^And because the process of
J46 141 adjustment took so long and was so slow, it was a long time before the
J46 142 change in the underlying situation was recognised. ^Throughout the
J46 143 1920's and 1930's it was still a widely held view that, given the
J46 144 appropriate re-organisation of the industry, Lancashire could regain
J46 145 her pre-1914 world trading position. ^It is obviously not easy to
J46 146 recognise powerful new economic forces affecting world trade when they
J46 147 first emerge. ^It is easier to treat the structure and pattern of
J46 148 world trade as relatively stable and unchanging until change makes
J46 149 itself clearly evident in the statistics.
J46 150    |^I have discussed very briefly only one or two examples of the way
J46 151 in which statistical information about world trade is used in an
J46 152 attempt to understand the main forces making for change. ^But these I
J46 153 think are quite typical and, unfortunately, do not lead to the clear
J46 154 conclusion that this new approach is leading to great enlightenment.
J46 155    |^It is, I take it, hardly necessary for me to sum up my view that
J46 156 we are still far from having, either in theory or in statistical
J46 157 analysis, techniques which enable us to explain satisfactorily the
J46 158 main features of international trade. ^Many of you will no doubt think
J46 159 that I take too gloomy and sceptical a view. ^But in this field of
J46 160 economics, as in many others, however complex our theoretical and
J46 161 statistical models may be, I am impressed, perhaps over-impressed, by
J46 162 their relative crudity and simplicity compared with the intricacy and
J46 163 complexity of the real world.
J46 164 *<*4A Simple Model of Employment, Money and Prices in a Growing
J46 165 Economy*>
J46 166 *<*0By {0*2A. W.} PHILLIPS*>
J46 167 *<*01. *2INTRODUCTION*>
J46 168    |^*0The purpose of this article is to develop a simple aggregative
J46 169 model which may be used to study both the problem of reducing
J46 170 short-period fluctuations of an economy and the problem of attaining
J46 171 longer-term objectives relating to employment, the price level and
J46 172 growth. ^To do this the Keynesian model of employment, interest and
J46 173 money is extended in a number of ways. ^The concept of *"normal
J46 174 capacity output**" is introduced, with the hypothesis that normal
J46 175 capacity output increases continuously as a result of investment in
J46 176 improving productive resources. ^Actual output is then expressed as a
J46 177 proportion of normal capacity output. ^The rate of change of the price
J46 178 level is assumed to depend on the ratio of actual output to normal
J46 179 capacity output and on the rate of change of productivity. ^The rate
J46 180 of interest is assumed to depend on the quantity of money, actual
J46 181 output and the price level. ^Investment demand is made a function of
J46 182 the ratio of actual output to normal capacity output, the expected
J46 183 rate of growth and the rate of interest.
J46 184    |^By defining some variables in the model to be either logarithms
J46 185 or ratios of the usual economic variables, assuming continuously
J46 186 distributed time lags in the behaviour relations and making certain
J46 187 linear approximations, which should be satisfactory for moderate
J46 188 fluctuations in output and employment, the model can be written as a
J46 189 system of linear differential equations. ^The steady state solutions
J46 190 give the paths of the variables in conditions of steady or
J46 191 *"equilibrium**" growth and in particular show the long-run relations
J46 192 between the rate of change of the quantity of money, the ratio of
J46 193 actual to normal capacity output, the rate of change of the price
J46 194 level and the rate of growth of normal capacity output. ^The transient
J46 195 solutions, which show deviations from, or short-period fluctuations
J46 196 about, the *"growth equilibrium**" paths, are used to investigate the
J46 197 stability of the system and the effect of a stabilisation policy.
J46 198 *# 2023
J47   1 **[341 TEXT J47**]
J47   2 ^*01880 may be quite a good watershed for other reasons. ^The Public
J47   3 Health Act of 1875 had enabled local authorities to pass bye-laws
J47   4 regulating the structure of walls and foundations of new buildings on
J47   5 health grounds and not merely on grounds of stability and fire
J47   6 prevention. ^In the late 1870s the Local Government Board published a
J47   7 series of model bye-laws for the guidance of local authorities in
J47   8 these matters. ^A recent estimate suggests that almost a quarter of
J47   9 the dwellings occupied today, some 3 2/3 million, were built before
J47  10 1880. ^To demolish them by 1980 would require a rate of demolition of
J47  11 nearly 200 thousand a year. ^Thereafter, assuming no shortening in the
J47  12 average life, the need for demolition would fall to about 100 thousand
J47  13 a year, since houses were being built at roughly this rate in the
J47  14 twenty-five years before the First World War.
J47  15    |^There is, admittedly, no overriding reason for picking 100 years
J47  16 as the natural term of life for a house, rather than, say, eighty
J47  17 years; nor is there any special reason why the backlog should be
J47  18 cleared in twenty years, rather than in ten or thirty. ^But, given the
J47  19 likely increase in stock required in this period, it should be well
J47  20 within the capacity of the house building industry to deal with a
J47  21 replacement programme of this kind by 1980. ^This aim is not, perhaps,
J47  22 an ambitious one; even if it were achieved, the housing stock in
J47  23 England and Wales might still be one of the oldest in western
J47  24 countries, apart from France. ^To carry out the programme in, say, ten
J47  25 years would mean forcing up the annual rate of house building to
J47  26 something near 500 thousand a year, with a subsequent severe drop.
J47  27 *<*=3. *2POLICY*>
J47  28    |^*0The main housing need, therefore, between now and 1980 is
J47  29 likely to be for the replacement of old houses, not for additions to
J47  30 stock. ^At the moment, the pattern of house building is the reverse.
J47  31 ^Only about 60-70 thousand houses are being demolished each year; so,
J47  32 of the 260-270 thousand houses being built in England and Wales, just
J47  33 on 200 thousand are adding to the stock.
J47  34    |^This pattern can hardly continue for long; it certainly cannot go
J47  35 on up to 1980. ^The stock of houses is rising by some 200 thousand a
J47  36 year; the number of households needing separate dwellings over the
J47  37 next twenty years is likely to increase by an average of around 100
J47  38 thousand a year. ^Vacancies are therefore likely to increase by some
J47  39 100 thousand a year*- this is only a little less than the total number
J47  40 of unfurnished vacancies in 1951 (140 thousand).
J47  41    |^Clearly there is a limit to the proportion of houses which will
J47  42 be allowed to remain vacant. ^Owners of vacant houses will reduce
J47  43 prices or rents in order to sell or get tenants, and the falling price
J47  44 of older houses must eventually depress the prices that are offered
J47  45 for new houses. ^This will cut into building profits, and so slow down
J47  46 new house building by private developers.
J47  47    |^How big the vacancy proportion has to be before this begins to
J47  48 happen is difficult to say: American experience suggests that the
J47  49 critical vacancy level might be about 5 per cent or a little more.
J47  50 ^With the present pattern of house building this vacancy level could
J47  51 be reached in about five years' time. ^Imperfections in the housing
J47  52 market*- the fact that the proportions of old houses and vacancies may
J47  53 be high in the North while demand for additional new houses is heavier
J47  54 in the South*- might insulate new buildings for a while from the
J47  55 depressing effects of high vacancies. ^But if the present pattern of
J47  56 building continues, some time between now and 1970 the critical level
J47  57 of vacancies will certainly be reached. ^Taking the *'maximum**'
J47  58 estimate of household formation instead of the *'medium**' one (page
J47  59 22) and consequently assuming an increase of 125 thousand households a
J47  60 year instead of 100 thousand, the present rate of additions to stock
J47  61 would still bring about a 5 per cent vacancy rate within less than a
J47  62 decade.
J47  63    |^The question therefore is whether resources will be channelled
J47  64 from additions to replacement. ^But it is not easy for the private
J47  65 developer to undertake the demolition and replacement of old houses.
J47  66 ^He has to acquire groups of old dwellings, because of the high cost
J47  67 of individual demolition and because old houses are often so densely
J47  68 packed that perhaps three or four have to be demolished for every new
J47  69 one built. ^The developer may therefore have to negotiate with a large
J47  70 number of owners: ownership of old property is becoming even more
J47  71 fragmented as landlords sell houses on which rent control has been
J47  72 lifted. ^There is also the problem of rehousing the old tenants.
J47  73 ^Finally, when the developer does build, the houses will be much more
J47  74 expensive than houses built on virgin land because of the cost of
J47  75 demolition. ^He may doubt whether clients wealthy enough to buy
J47  76 relatively expensive houses will in fact be tempted back from the
J47  77 suburbs to predominantly working class neighbourhoods.
J47  78    |^If, notwithstanding these difficulties, when old houses are
J47  79 demolished, the new houses (whether built on the same site or
J47  80 elsewhere) are built for those who can afford to buy them, the housing
J47  81 subsidy bill would certainly be kept down. ^This policy would imply
J47  82 that the blocks of old houses in the inner rings of cities, now
J47  83 occupied by the relatively poor, should be rebuilt with houses for the
J47  84 relatively wealthy. ^For it is at most the top third of households in
J47  85 the income scale who are likely to be able to afford to buy a new
J47  86 house out of income in the next twenty years*- though rather more than
J47  87 this would be able to pay the economic rent, if the cost of building
J47  88 was amortised over 60 years (page 27 and table 4). ^Those who
J47  89 previously lived in the centre would move to better but still old
J47  90 houses in outer districts. ^There would be an ordered improvement in
J47  91 standards for households in all income groups, each household moving
J47  92 to a house a little better than the one it previously lived in.
J47  93 ^Housing standards in general would be improved by a process of
J47  94 percolation. ^But this policy would require a great deal of mobility,
J47  95 and this is a further difficulty.
J47  96 *<*4Obstacles to mobility*>
J47  97    |^*0Mobility is high when the household is growing but this rapidly
J47  98 tails off as the parents reach middle age. ^By the time the children
J47  99 are leaving home, the parents are attached to the district by jobs and
J47 100 friends and often by the improvements made to the house and garden.
J47 101 ^When*- as usually happens*- the husband dies first, the widow often
J47 102 stays on her own. ^This is why a four-roomed dwelling*- was, in 1951,
J47 103 the most common size of dwelling for a one-person household.
J47 104    |^There are other obstacles to mobility. ^For the owner-occupier,
J47 105 the fees for selling a *+3,000 house and buying and surveying another
J47 106 at the same price can easily amount to *+160, excluding removal
J47 107 expenses. ^Even on a *+1,000 house fees may well come to *+80 or so.
J47 108 ^It is cheaper for those renting houses to move: here the main
J47 109 obstacle in the next few years will be that tenants of rent-controlled
J47 110 dwellings will be reluctant to leave them. ^Finally, the number of
J47 111 people who can become owner-occupiers is limited: it is difficult to
J47 112 get a mortgage on an old house, and only a small proportion of the
J47 113 population can afford, out of income, to repay the mortgage on a new
J47 114 one (page 27). ^The problem will grow as the supply of
J47 115 privately-rented houses dwindles. ^Old houses are lived in mainly by
J47 116 people who cannot afford to buy and who need to be able to rent;
J47 117 unless, therefore, the replacements of the old houses are also built
J47 118 to let, there is likely to be a serious shortage of rented
J47 119 accommodation which will further hinder mobility.
J47 120 *<*4Economic rent and home ownership*>
J47 121    |^*0On the other hand, if it is the tenants of the pre-1880 houses
J47 122 who are to be rehoused in the new houses, it is only the local
J47 123 authorities who can undertake this operation; for this housing would
J47 124 have to be subsidised substantially. ^The people who live in these old
J47 125 houses cannot*- either now or in 1980*- afford the economic rent of a
J47 126 new house, particularly since the cost of demolition will make the new
J47 127 houses more expensive than most.
J47 128    |^New houses are expensive to buy out of income, partly because,
J47 129 although the life of a house is at least sixty years, the cost usually
J47 130 has to be repaid to a building society over about twenty years. ^For a
J47 131 *+2,500 three-bedroomed house, this makes the total annual cost (at an
J47 132 interest rate of 6 per cent) *+284 (table 4). ^Spreading the cost over
J47 133 sixty years brings down the annual sum required to *+214; this figure
J47 134 can be considered as the economic rent (including rates and
J47 135 maintenance) of a typical local authority new house, since most local
J47 136 authorities assume a sixty-year life. ^Virtually no private developers
J47 137 are building ordinary houses for renting.
J47 138 **[TABLE**]
J47 139 ^Any who did, after forty years of rent control, would probably wish
J47 140 to get their capital back in, say, ten to twenty years; and the
J47 141 economic rent on this basis would be higher than the local authority
J47 142 figures and indeed than the cost of buying.
J47 143    |^The most that a household can normally be expected to pay for
J47 144 housing is probably about a quarter of its income, and most people pay
J47 145 far less. ^The building societies seem to take 25 per cent as the
J47 146 maximum. ^*"A very common rule is that all regular outgoings on
J47 147 account of house ownership shall not exceed 25 per cent of an
J47 148 applicant's basic income (excluding overtime, bonuses and spare-time
J47 149 earnings). ^Both sums are normally considered without taking account
J47 150 of tax.**"
J47 151    |^Even taking this maximum figure of 25 per cent, two-thirds of
J47 152 households still cannot afford to pay the economic rent of a new
J47 153 house, and something like 90 per cent cannot afford to buy one out of
J47 154 income (table 4 and chart 2). ^This is purchase out of income only:
J47 155 rather more than 10 per cent of households have a significant amount
J47 156 of capital*- for instance, over a third of households now own, or are
J47 157 in the process of paying for, a house of some kind. ^Consequently
J47 158 rather more than 10 per cent can afford to buy a new house if they use
J47 159 part of their capital.
J47 160    |^It would, of course, help to extend the range of possible
J47 161 owner-occupation if mortgages could be given for a period nearer to
J47 162 that of the life of a house. ^This would bring the proportion of
J47 163 households who could buy nearer to the proportion who can afford to
J47 164 rent. ^But, even so, it is clear that most of the people who are now
J47 165 living in pre-1880 houses would be unable to buy or pay the economic
J47 166 rent for a new house; for they are, by and large, in the bottom half
J47 167 of income-receivers and are unlikely to have any substantial assets.
J47 168    |^How is the position likely to change within the next twenty
J47 169 years? ^Real incomes might nearly double in that time. ^But new house
J47 170 prices are likely to continue to rise faster than other prices, since
J47 171 productivity in house building increases more slowly than in most
J47 172 other industries. ^For instance, comparing 1960 with 1938, the cost of
J47 173 a local authority house (excluding land) rose appreciably faster than
J47 174 the average household income. ^Longer term comparisons are possible
J47 175 for some other European countries: in those for which information is
J47 176 available*- the Netherlands, France and Ireland*- house building costs
J47 177 rose faster than wages from 1914 to 1956.
J47 178    |^On the other hand, there is considerable scope for productivity
J47 179 rises. ^In a study of traditional houses completed in 1949-1951 the
J47 180 labour costs of the least efficient firms were almost three times as
J47 181 great as those of the most efficient ones. ^Some improvement may come
J47 182 from the better-managed firms ousting some of the less efficient but
J47 183 the fact that so old an industry is still composed of so many small
J47 184 firms, varying so widely in efficiency, argues that the forces of
J47 185 competition are not strong.
J47 186 *# 2034
J48   1 **[342 TEXT J48**]
J48   2    |^*0A notice to quit may name the exact day for the termination of
J48   3 the tenancy, or it may be expressed generally; for example, by such
J48   4 words as *"at the expiration of the year of your tenancy, which will
J48   5 expire next after the end of one half year from the service of this
J48   6 notice**" (*1Addis \0v. Burrows, *0[1948] 1 {0K.B.} 444). ^But if
J48   7 the notice is such as to leave doubt in the mind of the tenant as to
J48   8 when the tenancy will come to an end, the notice is bad.
J48   9    |^Similar rules to those stated above apply in the case of weekly,
J48  10 monthly and other periodic tenancies. ^The period of notice necessary
J48  11 to determine such a tenancy is a period not less than the length of
J48  12 the tenancy; thus in the case of a weekly tenancy at least one week's
J48  13 notice is necessary, to expire at the end of a period of the tenancy.
J48  14 ^A statutory exception to this rule exists in the case of premises let
J48  15 as a dwelling; section 16 of the *1Rent Act, *01957, provides that no
J48  16 notice to quit in respect of such premises shall be valid unless given
J48  17 not less than four weeks before the date on which it is to take
J48  18 effect.
J48  19 *<*6CHAPTER EIGHT*>
J48  20 *<*5Stamping and Registration of Leases*>
J48  21 *<*21.*- STAMPING*>
J48  22    |^*0The *1Stamp Act, *01891, which regulates the payment of stamp
J48  23 duties on instruments, imposes duties upon leases and agreements for
J48  24 leases. ^The relevant sections of the Act will be found in Appendix
J48  25 *=2 (\6*1post *0at \0p. 85).
J48  26    |^An agreement for a lease is chargeable with the same duty as the
J48  27 actual lease and must be stamped accordingly (section 75 (1) of the
J48  28 Act). ^If a lease is subsequently executed which conforms with an
J48  29 agreement for a lease which has been stamped, it is chargeable with
J48  30 duty of sixpence only (section 75(2)), but the agreement must be
J48  31 produced at the time of the stamping of the lease and the lease will
J48  32 then be stamped with a duty paid denoting stamp under section 11.
J48  33    |^The amount of duty payable is set out in the First Schedule to
J48  34 the *1Stamp Act, *01891 (the relevant parts of which will be found in
J48  35 Appendix *=2, \6*1post *0at \0p. 89), taken together with section
J48  36 34(1) of the *1Finance Act, *01958 (see Appendix *=2, \6*1post *0at
J48  37 \0p. 169).
J48  38    |^Although an agreement for a lease must be stamped, a distinction
J48  39 is drawn between an agreement for a lease and a mere proposal for a
J48  40 lease; the latter does not require a stamp.
J48  41    |^As a general rule all stamps are required to be impressed
J48  42 (section 2 of the *1Stamp Act, *01891), but section 78 provides that
J48  43 in certain cases the stamp may be an adhesive stamp; but where an
J48  44 adhesive stamp is used it must be cancelled by the person who first
J48  45 executes the instrument. ^An adhesive stamp may be used in the
J48  46 following instances:*-
J48  47 **[BEGIN INDENTATION**]
J48  48    |(*1a*0) in the lease of a dwelling-house, or part of a
J48  49 dwelling-house, for a term not exceeding a year at a rent not
J48  50 exceeding forty pounds {6per annum};
J48  51    |(*1b*0) in the lease of any furnished dwelling-house or apartments
J48  52 for any indefinite term less than a year.
J48  53 **[END INDENTATION**]
J48  54    |^The duplicate or counterpart of any such instrument may also be
J48  55 stamped with an adhesive stamp.
J48  56    |^The First Schedule to the Act also provides for the payment of
J48  57 stamp duty on duplicates and counterparts of leases. ^They are liable
J48  58 to the same duty as the original lease if the duty on the original
J48  59 lease does not exceed five shillings; in all other cases they must be
J48  60 stamped with a five-shilling stamp.
J48  61    |^Section 15(2) of the Act requires leases to be stamped within
J48  62 thirty days of execution, and if this is not done the lessee is liable
J48  63 to a fine of ten pounds and a further penalty equivalent to the stamp
J48  64 duty unless there is a reasonable excuse for the delay in stamping the
J48  65 lease and the Commissioners of Inland Revenue mitigate or remit the
J48  66 penalty. ^This penalty only applies in the case of leases executed
J48  67 after the 16th May, 1888.
J48  68    |^The effect of failure to stamp a lease or other document is not
J48  69 to invalidate the document; but the document is not admissible as
J48  70 evidence unless and until it is properly stamped and any penalty is
J48  71 paid.
J48  72 *<2.*- *2REGISTRATION*>
J48  73    |^*0In any area in which compulsory registration of title has been
J48  74 introduced the provisions of section 123 of the *1Land Registration
J48  75 Act, *01925, apply. ^By this section the title of a tenant on the
J48  76 grant of a lease for a term of not less than forty years, or on the
J48  77 assignment of a lease having not less than forty years to run, must be
J48  78 registered at the Land Registry. ^The lessee or assignee must apply
J48  79 for registration; and if he fails to do so, he will be deprived of a
J48  80 legal estate. ^At the present time compulsory registration has been
J48  81 introduced in the following areas:*- London, Eastbourne, Hastings,
J48  82 Middlesex, Croydon, Surrey, the City of Oxford, Oldham, Kent, the City
J48  83 of Leicester, and the City of Canterbury.
J48  84    |^A tenant of land not situated in a compulsory registration area
J48  85 may register his title at his own option at any time if he holds a
J48  86 term of which more than twenty-one years remain unexpired; section 8
J48  87 of the *1Land Registration Act, *01925. ^Registration of titles in
J48  88 such areas is not, however, compulsory.
J48  89    |^Registration of titles in the three ridings of Yorkshire is
J48  90 governed by the *1Yorkshire Registries Act, *01884. ^Registration
J48  91 under this Act is not compulsory, and section 28 of the Act provides
J48  92 that leases of property in Yorkshire may be registered unless the
J48  93 lease is for a term not exceeding twenty-one years and is accompanied
J48  94 by actual possession from the making of the lease. ^Failure to
J48  95 register a registrable lease does not invalidate the lease; but
J48  96 registration constitutes notice of it to all persons. ^Section 31 of
J48  97 the Act establishes three deeds registries, which are situated at
J48  98 Northallerton for the North Riding, at Beverley for the East Riding,
J48  99 and at Wakefield for the West Riding. ^Section 125 of the *1Land
J48 100 Registration Act, *01925, provides for the transfer to the Land
J48 101 Registry of any of the business of the Yorkshire deeds registries in
J48 102 the event of an order for compulsory registration under the *1Land
J48 103 Registration Act, *01925, being made in respect of any part of
J48 104 Yorkshire. ^At the present time no such order has been made.
J48 105 *<*6APPENDIX ONE*>
J48 106 *<*5Precedent of a Lease*>
J48 107    |^*2THIS LEASE *0made the... day of... *2BETWEEN [*1lessor*0] of
J48 108 \0etc. (hereinafter called the landlord which expression where the
J48 109 context so admits shall include the reversioner for the time being
J48 110 immediately expectant on the term hereby created) of the one part and
J48 111 [*1lessee*0] of \0etc. (hereinafter called the tenant which expression
J48 112 where the context so admits shall include his successors in title) of
J48 113 the other part
J48 114    |*2WITNESSETH *0as follows:
J48 115    |^1. The landlord demises unto the tenant the premises described in
J48 116 the first part of the schedule hereto (hereinafter called the demised
J48 117 premises) with the exceptions and reservations specified in the second
J48 118 part of the said schedule *2TO HOLD *0unto the tenant from the... day
J48 119 of... for the term of... years
J48 120    |*2YIELDING AND PAYING *0therefor the net yearly rent of *+...
J48 121 clear of all deductions except landlord's property tax and [*1other
J48 122 agreed deductions*0] by equal quarterly instalments commencing on
J48 123 the... day of... and thenceforward on the usual quarter days.
J48 124    |^2. The tenant covenants with the landlord as follows:
J48 125 **[BEGIN INDENTATION**]
J48 126    |(1) To pay the reserved rents on the days and in the manner
J48 127 aforesaid.
J48 128    |(2) To pay all existing and future rates taxes duties assessments
J48 129 and outgoings payable by law in respect of the demised premises either
J48 130 by the owner or the occupier thereof.
J48 131    |(3) To keep the demised premises including the drains and sanitary
J48 132 and water apparatus and all fixtures and additions thereto in
J48 133 tenantable repair and condition throughout the term and to yield up
J48 134 the same in such repair and condition at the determination of the
J48 135 tenancy.
J48 136    |(4) To keep the demised premises insured at all times against loss
J48 137 or damage by fire in the joint names of the landlord and tenant in
J48 138 some insurance office or with underwriters to be named by the landlord
J48 139 in the sum of *+... at least and to make all payments necessary for
J48 140 the above purposes within seven days after the same shall respectively
J48 141 become due and to produce to the landlord or his agent on demand the
J48 142 several policies of such insurances and the receipt for each such
J48 143 payment and to cause all moneys received by virtue of any such
J48 144 insurance to be forthwith laid out in rebuilding and reinstating the
J48 145 demised premises and to make up any deficiency out of his own moneys
J48 146 *2PROVIDED ALWAYS *0that if the tenant shall at any time fail to keep
J48 147 the demised premises insured as aforesaid the landlord may do all
J48 148 things necessary to effect or maintain such insurance and any moneys
J48 149 expended by him for that purpose shall be repayable by the tenant on
J48 150 demand and may be recovered by action forthwith.
J48 151    |(5) Not to use the demised premises otherwise than as a private
J48 152 dwelling-house.
J48 153    |(6) Not to assign or underlet or part with the possession of the
J48 154 demised premises or any part thereof without the written consent of
J48 155 the landlord.
J48 156    |(7) To permit the landlord and his agent with or without workmen
J48 157 to enter upon and view the condition of the demised premises at all
J48 158 reasonable times during the said term and forthwith to execute all
J48 159 repairs and works required to be done by written notice given by the
J48 160 landlord.
J48 161 **[END INDENTATION**]
J48 162    |^3. The landlord hereby covenants with the tenant as follows:
J48 163 **[BEGIN INDENTATION**]
J48 164    |(1) That the tenant paying the rent hereby reserved and performing
J48 165 the several covenants herein on his part contained shall peaceably
J48 166 hold and enjoy the demised premises during the said term without any
J48 167 interruption by the landlord or any person rightfully claiming under
J48 168 or in trust for him.
J48 169    |(2) That the landlord will on the written request of the tenant
J48 170 made... months before the expiration of the term hereby created and if
J48 171 there shall not at the time of such request be any existing breach or
J48 172 non-observance of any of the covenants on the part of the tenant
J48 173 hereinbefore contained at the expense of the tenant grant to him a
J48 174 lease of the demised premises for a further term of... years from the
J48 175 expiration of the said term at the same rent and containing the like
J48 176 covenants and provisos as are herein contained with the exception of
J48 177 the present covenant for renewal the tenant on the execution of such
J48 178 renewed lease to execute a counterpart thereof.
J48 179    |(3) That if the tenant within... years from the commencement of
J48 180 the term hereby created shall give to the landlord... months' notice
J48 181 in writing that he desires to purchase the reversion in fee simple in
J48 182 the demised premises the landlord upon the expiration of such notice
J48 183 and on payment of the sum of *+... and of all arrears of rent up to
J48 184 the expiration of the notice and of interest on the said sum of *+...
J48 185 at the rate of *+... per \0cent. {6per annum} from the expiration of
J48 186 the notice until payment thereof shall convey the demised premises to
J48 187 the tenant in fee simple from incumbrances.
J48 188 **[END INDENTATION**]
J48 189    |^4. *2PROVIDED ALWAYS *0and it is hereby agreed as follows:
J48 190 **[BEGIN INDENTATION**]
J48 191    |^(1) If the rents hereby reserved or any part thereof shall be
J48 192 unpaid for twenty-one days after becoming payable (whether formally
J48 193 demanded or not) or if any covenant on the tenant's part herein
J48 194 contained shall not be performed it shall be lawful for the landlord
J48 195 at any time thereafter to re-enter upon the demised premises or any
J48 196 part thereof in the name of the whole and thereupon this demise shall
J48 197 absolutely determine but without prejudice to the right of action of
J48 198 the landlord in respect of any breach of the tenant's covenants herein
J48 199 contained.
J48 200    |^(2) If either party shall desire to determine the present demise
J48 201 at the expiration of the first... years of the said term and shall
J48 202 give to the other party... months' previous notice in writing of such
J48 203 his desire then immediately on the expiration of such... years the
J48 204 present demise and everything herein contained shall cease and be void
J48 205 but without prejudice to the remedies of either party against the
J48 206 other in respect of any antecedent claim or breach of covenant.
J48 207 *# 2068
J49   1 **[343 TEXT J49**]
J49   2 ^*0In cases where there is no relevant statutory rule, and the rule
J49   3 has to be drawn from cases, and not from a statute, the absence of an
J49   4 unalterable verbal formulation of the rule reduces the importance of
J49   5 the conventions of language, and makes it less natural to talk of
J49   6 *'interpretation**', though sometimes the courts do behave just as
J49   7 they do with a statute, when, for some reason or another, a common law
J49   8 rule has achieved a settled formulation. ^But this is rather
J49   9 exceptional. ^The consequence is that problems of applicability which
J49  10 arise in the courts about Common Law rules cannot be solved by
J49  11 interpretation*- that is by a process of reasoning which attaches
J49  12 particular importance to linguistic considerations*- for there is no
J49  13 text to interpret. ^Solved they have to be, however, but by other
J49  14 types of reasoning. ^So it is that usually arguments as to whether an
J49  15 earlier case should be followed or distinguished do not rest primarily
J49  16 upon linguistic grounds; they rest rather upon the use of analogy, and
J49  17 upon the discovery of factual similarity and difference between cases.
J49  18 ^But just as difficulties of *1interpretation, *0which seem to be
J49  19 difficulties about words, are really difficulties about the
J49  20 applicability of rules to facts, so also are many difficulties
J49  21 involved in the use of precedent. ^Thus even if there is a measure of
J49  22 agreement about the \*1ratio *0of an earlier case, an agreement, that
J49  23 is, as to what rule can be extracted from it, there may still be
J49  24 difficulty in the second task which confronts a court in using
J49  25 precedents*- the task of deciding whether the rule does or does not
J49  26 fit the case before the court. ^Neither being bound by statute, nor
J49  27 being bound by cases, absolves a court from this second task; indeed
J49  28 it is only when a person or a court is to some degree or other bound
J49  29 by a rule that the second task becomes necessary at all.
J49  30 ^*1Distinguishing *0cases, which consists in giving reasons why a rule
J49  31 in a case ought not to be followed or applied in a later case, is
J49  32 often conceived to be an indication that courts are not *'really**'
J49  33 bound; in truth, earlier cases are distinguished, and have to be
J49  34 distinguished, just because they are binding, so that they ought to be
J49  35 followed unless a reason can be given for not following them; in much
J49  36 the same way courts have to interpret statutes just because statutes
J49  37 are binding.
J49  38    |^The comparison between parliamentary and judicial legislation
J49  39 leads on to a second point. ^When we ask in what way Parliament
J49  40 exercised its power to formulate a rule of the legal system, it is the
J49  41 existence of a text which enables an answer to be given without
J49  42 initial difficulty, except in rare and anomalous circumstances, and
J49  43 the lack of such a text which lies at the root of many of the
J49  44 difficulties when the same question is asked in relation to the
J49  45 judicial power of legislation. ^There is a natural temptation to seek
J49  46 for some technique for determining the {*1ratio decidendi} *0of a
J49  47 case which will repair the initial absence of a formal text: some
J49  48 formula such as *'read a Queen's Printer's copy**', which works well
J49  49 enough for Parliament. ^There is a temptation to feel that there ought
J49  50 to be some formula, if only we could find it; after all the whole
J49  51 doctrine of precedent depends upon the conception of the {*1ratio
J49  52 decidendi}, *0and it seems somehow absurd to accept the doctrine of
J49  53 precedent if we have to admit that we are not able to say what is the
J49  54 {*1ratio decidendi} *0of a particular case. ^The difficulty may
J49  55 perhaps be solved if it is realized that there are really two problems
J49  56 involved in the use of cases. ^The first is the problem of *1defining
J49  57 *0the {*1ratio decidendi}, *0that is to say defining what is meant
J49  58 by *'the \*1ratio *0of a case**'. ^A satisfactory definition will
J49  59 indicate what a lawyer is to look for in his case. ^The second is the
J49  60 problem of *1determining *0the {*1ratio decidendi}. ^*0This is the
J49  61 problem of how to look, and not the problem of what to look for. ^It
J49  62 would indeed be odd if it was not possible to formulate a satisfactory
J49  63 *1definition *0of the expression *'{*1ratio decidendi} *0of a
J49  64 case**'; indeed, failure here would indicate that it was high time to
J49  65 abandon the conception. ^It is quite another matter to suppose that
J49  66 there ought to be one technique or one set of rules, or one formula,
J49  67 which will serve as a general solution for the problem of determining
J49  68 what precisely is the \*1ratio *0of a particular case. ^There may
J49  69 indeed by as many ways of finding the \*1ratio *0of a case as there
J49  70 are ways of finding a lost cat; certainly the \*1ratio *0of some cases
J49  71 seems as elusive.
J49  72 *<*2DEFINING THE {RATIO DECIDENDI} OF A CASE*>
J49  73    |^*0In *1defining *0the {*1ratio decidendi} *0of a case, then, we
J49  74 must seek for a definition which will serve as an answer to the
J49  75 question ^*'What am I to look for?**' ^For purely legal purposes we
J49  76 may take it for granted that we should look in cases for a rule or
J49  77 rules of some kind or other. ^Furthermore the term {*1ratio
J49  78 decidendi} *0is normally used to refer to some binding rule (or
J49  79 rules) which is to be found in decided cases*- some rule which a later
J49  80 court (appropriately placed in the hierarchy) cannot generally
J49  81 question. ^Bearing all this in mind, a possible defining technique is
J49  82 to elucidate the judicial power to make binding rules, and to tell our
J49  83 questioner to seek for a rule (or rules) made within the ambit of this
J49  84 power*- such a rule (or rules) will constitute the \*1ratio *0of the
J49  85 case. ^This method of definition will have an obvious advantage, for
J49  86 it will be closely related to the purpose for which the conception of
J49  87 the {*1ratio decidendi} *0has been developed. ^For the conception
J49  88 only serves to point the distinction between the rule-making of judges
J49  89 which is {6*1intra vires} *0a power to make binding rules, and the
J49  90 rule-making of judges which is {6*1ultra vires} *0this power.
J49  91 ^Furthermore the method suggested closely resembles the normal
J49  92 defining technique adopted to isolate the product of other law-making
J49  93 activities*- for example, Acts of Parliament. ^And finally it leads to
J49  94 a very orthodox and unstartling result, for it is not in the least a
J49  95 novel technique.
J49  96    |^What then are the bounds upon the power of rule-making which is
J49  97 vested in judges? ^The most important limitation is to be found in the
J49  98 principle which denies them the power to make binding rules except
J49  99 when those rules are relevant to the determination of actual
J49 100 litigation before the court in which they are empowered to sit.
J49 101 ^Historically this limitation dates from the seventeenth century, when
J49 102 it became recognized that a court ought not to give official opinions
J49 103 upon hypothetical problems*- a convention which has become refined and
J49 104 elaborated since then. ^As this convention came to be accepted an
J49 105 obvious corollary develops; there must be some principle which has the
J49 106 effect of reducing the importance of enunciations of the law which
J49 107 have in fact been delivered by judges*- either accidentally or
J49 108 deliberately*- upon hypothetical issues. ^Thus the conception of
J49 109 {6*1obiter dicta} *0grows up; {6*1obiter dicta} *0are in some
J49 110 sense {6*1ultra vires} *0enunciations of law. ^The distinction
J49 111 between such \6*1dicta *0and the elusive {*1ratio decidendi} *0is in
J49 112 essence a distinction between relevance and irrelevance, and much of
J49 113 the difficulty in elucidating the conception of the {*1ratio
J49 114 decidendi} *0arises from attempts to give a precise meaning to
J49 115 relevance in this context. ^Without some criterion of relevance the
J49 116 judicial power of rule-making seems to have no limit, and in a country
J49 117 wedded to the conception of the rule of law there is naturally a
J49 118 desire to state with precision where the limit lies.
J49 119    |^Limitations upon a rule-making power may be formal or
J49 120 substantial; they may restrict the way in which rules are made, and
J49 121 they may restrict what rules are made. ^The power vested in the judges
J49 122 is subject to both kinds of limitation, but the concept of the
J49 123 {*1ratio decidendi} *0seems to embody only a formal limitation.
J49 124 ^This is that only a rule (or rules) *1acted upon in court *0can rank
J49 125 as a binding rule. ^Once this primary condition is satisfied the rule
J49 126 will so rank, *1unless *0one of the various exceptions to the doctrine
J49 127 of precedent apply*- for example the {*1per incuriam} *0rule. ^The
J49 128 rule becomes binding, subject to exceptions. ^The fact that the rule
J49 129 has been acted upon is the hallmark of relevance, and this may no
J49 130 doubt be expressed in a variety of different ways; thus we talk of
J49 131 *'the rule applied**', *'the reason for the decision**', *'the grounds
J49 132 upon which the decision rested**', *'the basis of the decision**', and
J49 133 there is no particular advantage in adopting one of these formulations
J49 134 rather than another, for they are but variations upon a single theme.
J49 135 ^All state the primary formal limitation upon the judicial power, or,
J49 136 to put it another way, all state the manner and form in which the
J49 137 judicial power is exercised. ^They thus serve as definitions of the
J49 138 source of law under discussion*- the {*1rationes decidendi} *0of
J49 139 cases*- in much the same way as similar *'manner and form**'
J49 140 statements of the parliamentary power serve to define what a statute
J49 141 is.
J49 142    |^But, however we *1define *0the {*1ratio decidendi} *0of a case,
J49 143 we encounter difficulties in applying our definition which are much
J49 144 greater than those which accompany parliamentary law-making. ^The
J49 145 rule-making procedure of Parliament operates on a text*- a definite
J49 146 and settled verbal formulation of a rule or body of rules*- and it is
J49 147 to the rules so drafted that legal validity is attached. ^With case
J49 148 law it is different; we do not require the courts to draft the rules
J49 149 upon which they act. ^Even where a judge does take some peculiar care
J49 150 to formulate a rule accurately and precisely, we do not usually treat
J49 151 such a formulation in the same way as a section in a statute, for the
J49 152 prerogative of judges is not to confer binding force upon a rule by
J49 153 formulating it and submitting the formulated rule to some procedure,
J49 154 but rather to decide cases by acting upon rules, without settling for
J49 155 the future the verbal form of the rule on the basis of a single
J49 156 application of it. ^The minimum required before a judge may be said to
J49 157 act upon a legal rule is that
J49 158 **[BEGIN INDENTATION**]
J49 159    |~(*1a*0) He should have a rule in mind when he decides to act.
J49 160 ~This does not mean that he should have in mind a precise formulation
J49 161 of a rule; a person may act upon a rule without thinking out a draft
J49 162 of the rule.
J49 163    |~(*1b*0) He should decide that the rule is applicable*- that is to
J49 164 say he should decide that some fact or set of facts should be subsumed
J49 165 under the rule, and this will involve a task of classification.
J49 166    |~(*1c*0) He should deliberately so conduct himself that his
J49 167 conduct conforms to the conduct prescribed by the rule.
J49 168 **[END INDENTATION**]
J49 169    |^In everyday life this acting upon a rule may be quite a casual
J49 170 process; in the judicial process the convention is that the judge
J49 171 should *'show his working**', and this produces a reflective *'acting
J49 172 upon a rule**' not so often met with outside the law and other special
J49 173 fields. ^And with this reflective *'acting upon rules**' which is
J49 174 characteristic of the judicial process goes the custom which the
J49 175 courts have adopted of justifying the action taken by an opinion
J49 176 delivered openly in court, which opinion provides the best possible
J49 177 evidence of the rule upon which the court did act. ^It will be noted
J49 178 that to say that a person acted upon a rule is not to assert anything
J49 179 about the psychological motivation of his action. ^Recognition of this
J49 180 has wide implications in legal theory. ^Furthermore, in general, a
J49 181 person may act upon a rule notwithstanding the fact that he may
J49 182 himself be the originator of the rule, as will sometimes be the case
J49 183 in judicial decisions.
J49 184 *# 2004
J50   1 **[344 TEXT J50**]
J50   2 *<*2TRUSTEE INVESTMENTS ACT, 1961*>
J50   3    |^THIS *0Act received the Royal Assent on August 3, 1961, and came
J50   4 into force on the same day.
J50   5    |^Trustees can invest their trust funds only in investments
J50   6 authorised either by the express terms of their trust instrument or by
J50   7 statute. ^Before this new Act the investments authorised by statute
J50   8 did not include any *"equities**" and were a limited range prescribed,
J50   9 in England by the Trustee Act, 1925, and in Scotland by the Trusts
J50  10 (Scotland) Act, 1921, with subsequent statutory extensions. ^Generally
J50  11 speaking, the statutory Trustee List was restricted to stocks issued
J50  12 by the British Government and by the governments of Commonwealth
J50  13 countries and the colonies, stocks guaranteed by the British
J50  14 Government, stocks and mortgages issued by British local authorities,
J50  15 and mortgages of land in Great Britain. ^Most of the investments in
J50  16 the List earn interest at a fixed rate and, with certain notable
J50  17 exceptions, are eventually repayable at par.
J50  18    |^In recent years there have been serious disadvantages in the old
J50  19 List. ^The immediately realisable market values of investments
J50  20 eventually repayable at par have fluctuated widely, with the
J50  21 variations in the prevailing rates of interest; and, in the case of
J50  22 the *"undated**" stocks in the List, market values have declined very
J50  23 seriously. ^Eventual repayment of invested capital at its nominal par
J50  24 value takes no account of inflation and the decline in the value of
J50  25 money, and represents, in real values, a capital loss. ^In the case of
J50  26 a trust fund established twenty or more years ago, with investments
J50  27 limited to the statutory List, the annual trust income may be
J50  28 nominally the same today as when the trust began, although of course
J50  29 the income will buy far less than when the trust began. ^A life tenant
J50  30 depending for his income and standard of living on such a trust would
J50  31 be much worse off today than twenty years ago; and the real value of
J50  32 the trust capital may be disastrously less than when the trust began.
J50  33 ^This sort of case history is, unhappily, not unusual.
J50  34    |^The statutory Trustee List has always had two objects: first, the
J50  35 protection of trustees; secondly, the protection of the beneficiaries,
J50  36 by ensuring both the preservation of trust capital and a steady yield
J50  37 of income. ^The first object has always been successfully achieved.
J50  38 ^Trustees who invested within the range permitted by the statutory
J50  39 List were reasonably safe from legal attack by disgruntled
J50  40 beneficiaries. ^But, for more than twenty years before the passing of
J50  41 the new Act, the second object had not been achieved at all. ^The
J50  42 statutory List (which was always somewhat out of date) provided no
J50  43 *"hedge**" against inflation and no protection against the continuous
J50  44 fall in the value of the *+. ^Experience of investment within the
J50  45 range provided by the statutory List offered a sad contrast with the
J50  46 profitable experience of other people able to invest in equities.
J50  47    |^For years most lawyers have advised settlors and testators to
J50  48 confer on their trustees much wider investment powers than those
J50  49 permitted by the statutory List. ^In the House of Lords debate on the
J50  50 Second Reading of the Trustee Investments Bill a peer who is a
J50  51 solicitor of great experience said: ^*"In the course of some forty
J50  52 years of practice I have made it a point always to advise that
J50  53 settlors and testators should leave the widest possible discretion to
J50  54 their trustees; that the powers contained in the Trustee Act were far
J50  55 too limited.**" ^Naturally enough, the demand for reform of the List
J50  56 has grown and has commanded some powerful supporters. ^In 1952 the
J50  57 Report of the (Nathan) Committee on the Law and Practice relating to
J50  58 Charitable Trusts advocated reform. ^In 1955 a White Paper on
J50  59 Government Policy on Charitable Trusts in England and Wales referred
J50  60 to the Government's intention to propose a general reform of the
J50  61 statutory List. ^Charities were already able to obtain from the court
J50  62 a general extension of investment powers; and, particularly after a
J50  63 decision in 1955 drew professional attention to this, a number of the
J50  64 larger charities obtained wide powers of investment in the ordinary
J50  65 and other shares of the larger companies. ^In 1958 the Variation of
J50  66 Trusts Act permitted applications to the court for ({6*1inter
J50  67 alia}*0) extended powers of investment; and applications under that
J50  68 Act were soon very widely used for the purpose of obtaining power to
J50  69 invest in equities. ^But applications to the court cost money, and the
J50  70 power conferred by the 1958 Act was no substitute for general reform
J50  71 of the statutory List. ^On May 13, 1959, a statement in the House of
J50  72 Lords promised early legislation; and in December 1959 a White Paper
J50  73 was published setting out the Government's proposals. ^These
J50  74 proposals, with some minor changes, were embodied in the Bill
J50  75 introduced into the House of Lords in November 1960.
J50  76    |^The period of almost a year between the publication of the White
J50  77 Paper and the introduction of the Bill was intended to provide time
J50  78 for interested persons and bodies to consider, and make
J50  79 representations about, the Government's proposals. ^This was a good
J50  80 idea, and the time was not wasted; but the period might have been more
J50  81 useful if the White Paper had included a draft of the intended Bill.
J50  82 ^This Bill, when published, turned out to be quite complicated; and it
J50  83 soon received anxious scrutiny from professional bodies, including the
J50  84 Law Society, whose simplifying amendments were debated at length when
J50  85 the House of Commons was considering the Bill in committee.
J50  86    |^The Act replaces the former statutory Trustee List. ^The new
J50  87 List, set out in the First Schedule to the Act, is divided into three
J50  88 parts. ^Parts *=1 and *=2 list the *"narrower-range**" investments.
J50  89 ^Part *=3 lists the *"wider-range**" investments.
J50  90    |^The narrower-range comprises mainly fixed-interest investments,
J50  91 and includes the whole of the former statutory List with some changes
J50  92 and additions. ^These additions include fixed-interest securities
J50  93 issued in the {0U.K.} by the International Bank for Reconstruction
J50  94 and Development; the debentures (not being convertible debentures) of
J50  95 United Kingdom companies that comply with certain conditions; and
J50  96 deposits in the ordinary and special investment departments of trustee
J50  97 savings banks. ^Commonwealth government stocks are included in the
J50  98 narrower-range without the governments concerned having to comply with
J50  99 the conditions laid down in the Colonial Stock Acts.
J50 100    |^The difference between Part *=1 and Part *=2 of the
J50 101 narrower-range is that trustees may invest in Part *=1 without first
J50 102 obtaining advice, whereas they may not make an investment in Part *=2
J50 103 of the narrower-range without obtaining and considering proper advice
J50 104 as to the suitability of the investment. ^Part *=1 is very simple. ^It
J50 105 includes Defence Bonds, National Savings Certificates and Ulster
J50 106 Savings Certificates; and deposits in the Post Office Savings Bank, in
J50 107 the ordinary departments of a trustee savings bank and in savings
J50 108 banks certified under section 9 (3) of the Finance Act, 1956.
J50 109 ^Deposits with designated building societies are in Part *=2 of the
J50 110 narrower-range; and it is puzzling that trustees should not be allowed
J50 111 to make such deposits without obtaining expert, written advice.
J50 112    |^The greatest interest, however, attaches to the new wider-range.
J50 113 ^This includes the shares, stock and convertible debentures of United
J50 114 Kingdom companies that comply with certain conditions; the shares of
J50 115 designated building societies; and units of authorised unit trusts
J50 116 ({0*1i.e.}, *0authorised by order of the Board of Trade under the
J50 117 Prevention of Fraud (Investments) Act, 1958, or by the Ministry of
J50 118 Commerce under the Prevention of Fraud (Investments) Act (Northern
J50 119 Ireland), 1940). ^The *"equities**" ({0*1i.e.}, *0ordinary shares
J50 120 and stock) and other securities of {0U.K.} companies are included in
J50 121 the wider-range only if the particular company has a total issued and
J50 122 paid-up share capital of at least *+1 million and has paid dividends
J50 123 on all its issued shares in each of the five years preceding the year
J50 124 in which the investment is made. ^As with Part *=2 of the
J50 125 narrower-range, investments must not be made in the wider-range unless
J50 126 the trustees obtain and consider written expert advice about the
J50 127 particular investments. ^Further, *1trustees are not to make or retain
J50 128 investments in the wider-range unless their trust fund has been
J50 129 divided into two parts.
J50 130    |^*0This once-for-all division of the trust fund is the most
J50 131 important (and controversial) feature of the new statutory scheme for
J50 132 permitting wider-range investments. ^The division must be into two
J50 133 equal parts; but there is power for the Treasury, by statutory
J50 134 instrument, to order that division shall be into unequal parts
J50 135 (provided that such an order shall not authorise a division in which
J50 136 the narrower-range part is less than one-quarter of the fund at the
J50 137 time of division). ^The division, once made, is permanent.
J50 138 ^Thereafter, funds belonging to the narrower-range part must be
J50 139 invested in narrower-range investments, while funds belonging to the
J50 140 wider-range part may be invested in wider-range or narrower-range
J50 141 investments. ^It is not essential for the whole of the wider-range
J50 142 part to be invested immediately in wider-range investments. ^The
J50 143 *1discretion *0to invest in the wider-range is available only in
J50 144 respect of the wider-range part. ^If property is transferred from one
J50 145 part of the divided fund to the other, there must be a *"compensating
J50 146 transfer**" in the opposite direction. ^Where any property accrues to
J50 147 a trust fund that has been divided, and the accruing property is not
J50 148 otherwise obviously attributable to some particular part of the fund,
J50 149 the accruing property must be divided so that each part of the fund is
J50 150 increased in value by the same amount. ^Where capital is taken out of
J50 151 the trust fund (as, for example, in the exercise of the statutory
J50 152 power of advancement), the trustees are not required to take it
J50 153 equally from the two parts of the divided fund: the Act does not
J50 154 fetter their discretion as to the choice of property to be taken out.
J50 155    |^The new statutory powers of investment are *1additional *0to any
J50 156 special powers, {0*1e.g.}, *0those conferred expressly by the will
J50 157 or settlement. ^Any property (not including statutory narrower-range
J50 158 investments, but including statutory wider-range investments) which
J50 159 trustees are authorised to hold pursuant to such special powers, must
J50 160 be carried to a separate *"special-range**" part of the fund. ^The
J50 161 effect may be that a single fund will be divided into three parts: the
J50 162 special-range part, the wider-range part and the narrower-range part.
J50 163    |^Division of the fund into two parts and the subsequent
J50 164 maintenance of that division will require very careful administration
J50 165 and records; and even greater care will be needed where the division
J50 166 is into three parts. ^Will ordinary private trustees be able to do the
J50 167 necessary administration and keep satisfactory records? ^In the case
J50 168 of the larger trust funds, where the expense of obtaining constant
J50 169 professional assistance is not regarded as extravagant, the additional
J50 170 work will present no problem. ^But, with a relatively small trust
J50 171 fund, the trouble and expense may *1perhaps *0be too great, and the
J50 172 trustees may therefore decide that they cannot operate the statutory
J50 173 scheme for investment in the wider-range. ^The fear of undue
J50 174 complexity in the administration of relatively small trust funds led
J50 175 the Law Society to advocate a scheme permitting investment in the
J50 176 wider-range without a once-for-all division of the fund; but the
J50 177 advocacy was unsuccessful; the complexity remains; and time will show
J50 178 to what extent, in practice, trustees of small trust funds take
J50 179 advantage of the new power to invest in the wider-range.
J50 180    |^The other provisions of the Act do not call for extended comment.
J50 181 ^Section 6 (1) is of interest in that it attempts a statutory
J50 182 definition of a trustee's duty in choosing investments. ^He must have
J50 183 regard*-
J50 184 **[BEGIN INDENTATION**]
J50 185    |*"(*1a*0) to the need for diversification of investments of the
J50 186 trust in so far as is appropriate to the circumstances of the trust;
J50 187    |(*1b*0) to the suitability to the trust of investments of the
J50 188 description of investment proposed and of the investment proposed as
J50 189 an investment of that description.**"
J50 190 **[END INDENTATION**]
J50 191    |^The new powers apply to persons and bodies, not being trustees,
J50 192 who have trustee investment powers. ^Section 9 (1) amends section 10
J50 193 (3) of the Trustee Act, 1925 to remove a defect (disclosed in *1Re
J50 194 Walker's Settlement*0) which has occasionally caused trouble where
J50 195 trustees hold shares in a company that is the subject of a
J50 196 *"take-over**" bid.
J50 197 *# 2012
J51   1 **[345 TEXT J51**]
J51   2    |^*0Granted, however, that events at *1A *0after *1E*;*01**; and
J51   3 before *1E*;*02**; are in an *1empirically *0undetermined order with
J51   4 respect to event *1E*;B**; *0at *1B, *0must we accept Robb's
J51   5 contention that Einstein was mistaken in allowing *1A *0to assign a
J51   6 *1theoretical *0epoch to *1E*;B**;*0? ^In other words, if we reject
J51   7 the classical doctrine of time which stipulates that there *1must *0be
J51   8 a unique event at *1A *0which is absolutely simultaneous with
J51   9 *1E*;B**;, *0does it follow that Einstein ought not to have ascribed a
J51  10 definite conventional system of time-relations (earlier than,
J51  11 simultaneous with, and later than) between *1E*;B**; *0and all events
J51  12 at *1A*0? ^The function of convention in the construction of theories
J51  13 is descriptive simplicity, and it must be admitted that Einstein's
J51  14 Special Theory of Relativity is simpler than Robb's alternative. ^But
J51  15 that is not all. ^As we have seen, Einstein's conventional rule by
J51  16 which *1A *0assigns a theoretical epoch to *1E*;B**; *0is not a
J51  17 *'mere**' convention in the sense of being wholly arbitrary. ^For,
J51  18 although it is a convention in so far as it is freely chosen and not
J51  19 imposed upon us, it can be isolated uniquely from other admissible
J51  20 rules by means of the axioms stated above. ^With all due respect to
J51  21 Robb, the essential question is not the conceptual legitimacy of
J51  22 Einstein's convention but its practical scope, that is, the range of
J51  23 physical contexts to which it can be most usefully applied.
J51  24 *<*44 The Correlation of Time-Perspectives*>
J51  25    |^*0So far we have considered only a single observer *1A. ^*0Unlike
J51  26 Frank and Rothe, Whitehead and others who sought to deduce the
J51  27 existence of a finite universal velocity from more primitive
J51  28 postulates,
J51  29 **[FIGURE**]
J51  30 we have not found it necessary to consider the correlation of the
J51  31 space and time coordinates assigned to a distant event by different
J51  32 observers. ^Although this presented no special difficulty for the
J51  33 classical Newtonian physicist who believed in an absolute world-wide
J51  34 simultaneity and an absolute physical space governed by the laws of
J51  35 Euclidean geometry, as soon as these assumptions were abandoned the
J51  36 problem had to be re-examined. ^It is now generally recognized that
J51  37 the most satisfactory method of solution is to consider first the
J51  38 correlation of two observers' clocks by means of the same experiment
J51  39 in light-signalling as we introduced above (\0pp. 186-7).
J51  40    |^There we considered the assignment by *1A *0of times to events
J51  41 occurring at *1B. ^*0As we have seen, Einstein's solution was based on
J51  42 his postulate that the velocity of light according to *1A *0is a
J51  43 universal constant, independent of position and direction of
J51  44 propagation. ^We must now consider the correlation of this theoretical
J51  45 time assigned by *1A *0to an event at *1B *0with the empirical epoch
J51  46 *1t*?7 *0which would actually be recorded on a clock placed at *1B.
J51  47 ^*0To make the problem precise we postulate that *1B *0is now an
J51  48 observer *'similar**' to *1A. ^*0In particular, this implies that *1B
J51  49 *0carries a clock *'similar**' to the one carried by *1A. ^*0For
J51  50 example, if *1A *0carries a particular type of atomic or molecular
J51  51 clock, we assume that *1B *0carries another clock of identical
J51  52 construction. ^With the aid of this clock, *1B *0can partake in
J51  53 *1A*0's light-signalling experiment, the signals being instantaneously
J51  54 reflected back to either observer on arrival at the other, as
J51  55 indicated in Figure 7.
J51  56    |^In the Special Theory of Relativity it is assumed that *1A *0and
J51  57 *1B *0are associated with inertial frames of reference. ^Consequently,
J51  58 they are either at relative rest or in uniform relative motion. ^The
J51  59 Principle of Relativity on which the theory is based was formulated by
J51  60 Poincare*?2 in a lecture at Saint Louis, {0U.S.A.} in September
J51  61 1904. ^According to his statement, *"the laws of physical phenomena
J51  62 must be the same for a *'fixed**' observer as for an observer who has
J51  63 a uniform motion of translation relative to him: so that we have not,
J51  64 and cannot possibly have, any means of discerning whether we are, or
J51  65 are not, carried along in such a motion**". ^Shortly afterwards, and
J51  66 independently, the principle was enunciated *1in a much more explicit
J51  67 form *0by Einstein: *"the same laws of electrodynamics and optics will
J51  68 be valid for all frames of reference for which the equations of
J51  69 mechanics hold good**". ^This principle presupposes that the observers
J51  70 associated with such frames of reference employ similar measuring
J51  71 instruments, for example clocks, and adopt the same metrical rules and
J51  72 definitions. ^Therefore, if *1A *0assigns a universal value *1c *0to
J51  73 the speed of light, then *1B *0must do the same.
J51  74    |^It is customary when considering the correlation of the clocks
J51  75 and time-perspectives of *1A *0and *1B *0in Einstein's Special Theory
J51  76 to concentrate on the case in which they are in uniform relative
J51  77 motion. ^Instead, in view of its importance for establishing one of
J51  78 the main results in the following chapter, I shall begin by
J51  79 considering the case in which they are at relative rest. ^If *1A *0and
J51  80 *1B *0have similarly graduated clocks, then, apart from the possible
J51  81 adjustment of an additive constant depending on the choice of
J51  82 zero-time on each clock, the principle of relativity can be reduced,
J51  83 as far as kinematics is concerned, to the following:
J51  84    |^*1Axiom *=10. ^Principle of kinematic symmetry: t*;*02**; *1is
J51  85 the same function of t*?7 as t*?7 is of t*;*01**;.
J51  86    |^Hence, there must be functional relations of the form
J51  87 **[FORMULA**].
J51  88    |^Consequently, the function \15th, which we will call the *1signal
J51  89 function *0correlating *1A *0and *1B, *0must be such that
J51  90 **[FORMULA**].
J51  91    |^But, since *1B *0is at a fixed distance from *1A *0and the
J51  92 light-signals travel with constant speed, it follows that
J51  93 (*1t*;*02**;-*1t*;*01**;) must be a constant. ^Hence, \15th must be
J51  94 such that
J51  95 **[FORMULA**],
J51  96    |for all values of *1t*;*01**; and some constant *1a. ^*0If we drop
J51  97 the suffix, an obvious solution of this functional equation is given
J51  98 by
J51  99 **[FORMULA**].
J51 100    |^More generally, by operating on each side of (23) with \15th we
J51 101 deduce that
J51 102 **[FORMULA**],
J51 103    |whence it immediately follows that {15th}(*1t*0) must be of the
J51 104 form
J51 105 **[FORMULA**],
J51 106    |where {15o}(*1t*0) is of period 2*1a. ^*0To reduce this to the
J51 107 particular form
J51 108 **[FORMULA**], we must consider other similar stationary observers.
J51 109 ^Thus, if *1A, B, *0and *1C *0are collinear, with *1B *0lying between
J51 110 *1A *0and *1C, *0and \15f is the signal function correlating *1B *0and
J51 111 *1C, *0then *1A *0and *1C *0will be related by the signal function
J51 112 \15ps given by
J51 113 **[FORMULA**]. ^Consequently, \15th and \15f must be commutative
J51 114 functions. ^Since *1C *0is at a fixed distance from *1B, *0\15f must
J51 115 satisfy a functional equation of the form
J51 116 **[FORMULA**],
J51 117    |where *1b *0is some constant. ^It is then easily proved that
J51 118 **[FORMULA**],
J51 119    |and so we deduce that *1A *0and *1C *0are at a fixed distance
J51 120 apart equal to the sum of the respective distances of *1A *0and *1B
J51 121 *0and of *1B *0and *1C. ^*0By operating on both sides of (24) with the
J51 122 function \15th and appealing to the commutative property of \15th and
J51 123 \15f, we deduce that
J51 124 **[FORMULA**],
J51 125    |whence it follows that
J51 126 **[FORMULA**],
J51 127    |where {15o}(*1t*0) is of period 2*1b. ^*0Hence, {15o}(*1t*0)
J51 128 must admit both 2*1a *0and 2*1b *0as periods. ^If *1A, B, *0and *1C
J51 129 *0are any three members of a continuum of relatively stationary
J51 130 observers, then 2*1a *0and 2*1b *0will, in general, be
J51 131 incommensurable. ^Consequently, by a well-known theorem the only
J51 132 continuous form for the function {15o}(*1t*0) is a constant, and so
J51 133 from equation (23) it follows that
J51 134 **[FORMULA**].
J51 135    |^With this solution for {15th}(*1t*0), equations (21) give
J51 136 **[FORMULA**].
J51 137    |^By comparison with equation (19), we deduce that *1t*?7 = t,
J51 138 *0that is, the time recorded on *1B*0's clock when any event occurs at
J51 139 *1B *0is the same as the time theoretically assigned to that event by
J51 140 *1A *0on the basis of the uniform velocity of light. ^Therefore, all
J51 141 relatively stationary observers assign the same time to any given
J51 142 event, and this time agrees with that actually recorded on the clock
J51 143 kept by the observer at the point where the event occurs. ^In this
J51 144 conventional sense, there is world-wide simultaneity of events, and
J51 145 therefore universal time, for all relatively stationary observers.
J51 146    |^The above analysis was based on the *'kinematic symmetry**' of
J51 147 relatively stationary observers with similarly graduated clocks who
J51 148 assign the same constant value to the speed of light-signals passing
J51 149 between them in free space. ^In his Special Theory of Relativity,
J51 150 Einstein showed how the same principle of kinematic symmetry in
J51 151 light-signalling experiments could be extended to observers in uniform
J51 152 relative motion, although the consequences are not entirely the same
J51 153 as for relatively stationary observers. ^In particular, there is no
J51 154 longer world-wide simultaneity, and hence no universal common time,
J51 155 for the aggregate of uniformly moving observers. ^Consequently,
J51 156 although the theory is based on the hypothesis that the *1general laws
J51 157 *0governing physical formulae are of the same form for an observer
J51 158 associated with any inertial frame in uniform relative motion as for
J51 159 an observer associated with any inertial frame at relative rest, there
J51 160 are important differences regarding the epochs assigned to particular
J51 161 events.
J51 162    |^To see this most simply, we again consider light-signalling from
J51 163 *1A *0to *1B *0and from *1B *0to *1A, *0as in Figure 7, but this time
J51 164 we stipulate that the two observers concerned move away from
J51 165 coincidence with each other at a particular epoch with uniform
J51 166 velocity in a radial direction. ^We also postulate that the two
J51 167 similar clocks were synchronized to read time zero at the original
J51 168 instant of coincidence. ^As before, we consider a signal emitted by
J51 169 *1A *0at time *1t*;*01**;, recorded on *1A*0's clock. ^We suppose that
J51 170 this signal is instantaneously reflected on arrival at *1B *0at time
J51 171 *1t*?7, *0according to *1B*0's clock, returning to *1A *0at time
J51 172 *1t*;*02**;, according to *1A. ^*0From the principle of kinematic
J51 173 symmetry it follows that, if
J51 174 **[FORMULA**], then
J51 175 **[FORMULA**]. ^Therefore,
J51 176 **[FORMULA**].
J51 177    |^But
J51 178 **[FORMULA**],
J51 179    |where *1r *0is the distance of *1B *0from *1A, *0according to *1A,
J51 180 *0at the instant of reflection, and *1t *0is the epoch theoretically
J51 181 assigned by *1A *0to this event. ^Since *1B *0is moving away radially
J51 182 from coincidence with *1A *0at time zero, it follows that
J51 183 **[FORMULA**],
J51 184    |where *1V *0is the relative speed of *1B. ^*0Hence,
J51 185 **[FORMULA**],
J51 186    |where
J51 187 **[FORMULA**].
J51 188    |^Consequently, on comparing (25) and (26) we see that the function
J51 189 \15ps must be such that for all values of the variable *1t
J51 190 **[FORMULA**].
J51 191    |^*0By operating on each side of this equation with \15ps, we
J51 192 deduce that
J51 193 **[FORMULA**],
J51 194    |whence
J51 195 **[FORMULA**],
J51 196    |the prime symbol denoting the derivative. ^The only solution of
J51 197 equation (28) which is continuous as
J51 198 **[FORMULA**] (positively) is {15ps}*?7(*1t*0)=*1k, *0where *1k *0is
J51 199 a constant. ^Since *1t*?7*0=0 when *1t*;*01**;=0, it follows that
J51 200 \15ps(0)=0, and hence we must have {15ps}(*1t*0)=*1kt. ^*0Comparison
J51 201 with (27) yields *1k*:*02**:={15a}*:2**:. ^In order to obtain the
J51 202 unique solution *1k*0=\15a, and hence
J51 203 **[FORMULA**],
J51 204    |where \15a is positive, we must invoke a further axiom:
J51 205    |^*1Axiom *=11. ^The order of reception of light-signals by B,
J51 206 according to B, corresponds to the order of emission of these signals
J51 207 by A, according to A.
J51 208    |^*0We have seen that, according to *1A, *0there is at any point at
J51 209 a given (theoretically assigned) epoch a *1unique *0value for the
J51 210 speed of light in free space. ^It follows that the order, according to
J51 211 *1A, *0of arrival of light-signals at *1B *0must be the same as the
J51 212 order of their emission from *1A. ^*0For, if a signal emitted by *1A
J51 213 *0at some epoch were to arrive at *1B, *0according to *1A, *0before an
J51 214 earlier signal emitted from *1A, *0then, assuming continuity, there
J51 215 would be some event occurring in between *1A *0and *1B *0at which the
J51 216 second signal would overtake the first and pass it. ^At such an event
J51 217 there would be, according to *1A, two *0values for the speed of light
J51 218 in free space. ^Axiom *=11 can therefore be regarded as asserting that
J51 219 the theoretically assigned time-order of events at *1B, *0according to
J51 220 *1A, *0agrees with the time-order of these events as actually
J51 221 experienced by *1B. ^*0In this sense, we can speak of the time-order
J51 222 of these events according to *1A *0being in the same sense as the
J51 223 time-order of the same events according to *1B. ^*0By the principle of
J51 224 relativity, *1A *0and *1B *0are interchangeable in Axiom *=11.
J51 225    |^Since *1t*;*02**;={15a}*1t*?7, t*?7={15a}t*;*01**;, and
J51 226 **[FORMULA**], where *1t *0is the time theoretically assigned by *1A
J51 227 *0to the arrival (and reflection) of the signal at *1B, *0it follows
J51 228 that
J51 229 **[FORMULA**]. ^Hence, we deduce that, although *1A *0and *1B *0agree
J51 230 on the time-order of events at *1B, *0they will assign different
J51 231 measures to the time-interval between any two instants at *1B.
J51 232 *# 2014
J52   1 **[346 TEXT J52**]
J52   2 ^*0Then only at the stage of the build-up on a screen does the object
J52   3 enter into the mind of a perceiver as perception. ^If we accept the
J52   4 analogy of the television apparatus then here is mediation of the most
J52   5 absolute sort. ^Is it possible to reconcile this mediation with the
J52   6 sense of utter transparency which accompanies the act of *'seeing,**'
J52   7 upon which Professors {0A. J.} Ayer and Gilbert Ryle, and \0Mr.
J52   8 {0R. J.} Hirst and \0Mr. \0M. Lean have placed such necessary
J52   9 emphasis? ^Or in more general terms can we reconcile the body as
J52  10 *1instrumentality *0with the world as *1immediacy?
J52  11    |^*0The problems which have so far proved so insoluble for
J52  12 perception are even more central to the discussion of the ro*?5le of
J52  13 *1feeling *0in man's experience of himself and the world. ^For here
J52  14 again in a theory of prehension there would seem to be yet another
J52  15 scientific *1schema *0interposed between man and the world he directly
J52  16 experiences through perception, and, it could be argued, with less
J52  17 justification or profit. ^The questions come thick and fast. ^If there
J52  18 is a universal but unconscious *'feeling**' in what sense is it
J52  19 *'knowledge?**' ^If it is not *'knowledge**' to the organism, what is
J52  20 its ro*?5le? ^Does unconscious feeling rise in some symbolic form into
J52  21 consciousness or as an emotional pressure like instinct? ^How is an
J52  22 unconscious feeling to be reconciled with a conscious sensory
J52  23 experience of the sort we *1describe *0as a *'feeling?**' ^As for
J52  24 example, ~*'I feel good**' or ~*'I have a stomach-ache?**'
J52  25    |^Though I can only do so as a layman, it is going to be necessary
J52  26 to look at some of the scientific findings. ^But we can easily be
J52  27 dazzled by science into imagining that we know more about our bodies
J52  28 than we do know in direct experience. ^The *1body-schema *0science has
J52  29 built up for us is apt to obscure the enigmatic experiential relation
J52  30 a man has to his own body. ^Common sense suggests that we should look
J52  31 at the body as given in private experience before we decide what it is
J52  32 like in terms of public science.
J52  33 *<*=3: *2THE SELF'S KNOWLEDGE OF THE BODY*>
J52  34    |^*0On the threshold of every man's awareness is his intimate sense
J52  35 of being, or being identified with, a body. ^He is this body. ^He
J52  36 exists this body, as \0M. Jean-Paul Sartre would say. ^He cannot
J52  37 conceive existence without it. ^If he stops to reflect on it, he is
J52  38 conscious on the threshold of perception of its enjoyable warmth and
J52  39 beyond its warmth, obscurely felt, its energy, its nature of seeming
J52  40 to be coiled like a spring ready to do his bidding. ^It is difficult
J52  41 to analyse this situation except in Cartesian terms, much as one would
J52  42 like to avoid them, for man both is his body and conceives his body as
J52  43 his instrument in the world. ^In a discussion of animal behaviour
J52  44 Professor Michael Polanyi remarks that ~*'There is a purposive tension
J52  45 from which no fully awake animal is free. ^It consists in a readiness
J52  46 to perceive and to act, or more generally speaking, to make sense of
J52  47 its situation, both intellectually and practically.**' ^Man's
J52  48 existential encounter with himself could be described in these terms.
J52  49 ^He knows himself as a *'purposive tension**' seeking *'control of
J52  50 itself and of its surroundings.**' ^\0Dr. Erich Kahler speaks of man's
J52  51 bodily consciousness in a more general but still illuminating way:
J52  52    |^*'When I try to delve into my innermost feelings, my initial
J52  53 feeling of self, I find that at the bottom there is not just a feeling
J52  54 of sheer existence, or of sheer thinking, the Cartesian *1\cogito.
J52  55 ^*0There is, immediately and simultaneously, something more. ^There is
J52  56 implicit in my feeling of existence a feeling of *1organic
J52  57 *0existence, or organicity, of *1wholeness. ^*0Distorted, stunted as
J52  58 it may be by the wear and tear of modern life the original form is
J52  59 still traceable as it was present in the bud of youth: a ball of
J52  60 radiating strength and capacity; all-sidedness, all-potentiality;
J52  61 coherence, correspondence, co-operation of all my organs and
J52  62 faculties. ^A young healthy human being feels the unity of body and
J52  63 mind**' (or rather, one might say, since this is already metaphysical,
J52  64 *1he cannot conceive their disunity) *0*'the one present in the other,
J52  65 and the mind governing the body in a still nai"ve, unconscious,
J52  66 spontaneous manner; neither intellect nor brute force is autonomously
J52  67 prevalent. ^Such elemental feeling of organic existence shines forth
J52  68 in the beautiful, masterly, fully animated bodies of *"primitive**"
J52  69 people ... in whom the whole body is face and has the playful,
J52  70 controlled expression of a face.**'
J52  71    |^Man's consciousness of his almost hidden organic energy is more
J52  72 difficult to reach than the sense of warm bodily being, for when we
J52  73 reflect on the body it becomes passive and relaxes, but for the most
J52  74 important part of our waking lives we are *'keyed up**' to activity,
J52  75 without taking thought about it. ^When we are stretched in attention,
J52  76 ready to act, as a runner waiting for the starter's pistol, we are in
J52  77 the worst possible position for reflection. ^But the state of action,
J52  78 or of being coiled for action, probably fills more of our waking lives
J52  79 than the relaxed and reflective situation, even with such notably
J52  80 recumbent figures as philosophers. ^In the active state, the
J52  81 separation of the will from the bodily activity is so impossible to
J52  82 conceive that we are barely conscious of using the will to perform
J52  83 actions. ^The whole body becomes pervaded with will, *1is *0will.
J52  84 ^This identity of body, self and will has important consequences for
J52  85 the theory I am developing.
J52  86    |^What other modes of the body-self's generalized awareness are
J52  87 there? ^I think we must add the sense of a *1locus *0of our
J52  88 perceptions and ideas. ^We have a spatial presence, and we have an
J52  89 inner space which this presence guards. ^We have the sensation of
J52  90 thought going on inside us, as it were in the head, though grief and
J52  91 heartache are genuinely elsewhere. ^The sense of location is not a
J52  92 sharp one. ^*'In**' us, we say, and less vaguely, *'in our heads,**'
J52  93 but never as *'in**' an organ open to any perceptual inspection like a
J52  94 hand or a finger-nail. ^Erich Kahler speaks of man not as a spot of
J52  95 sheer being thrown into existence in the existentialist sense, nor as
J52  96 a function of thinking, but as *'an inner space, a latent arena, an
J52  97 area of self.**' ^For him this self-identity also involves *'the
J52  98 silent presence of a person's whole background and surroundings ...
J52  99 the total potentiality of his experiences ever ready to be called into
J52 100 function, in short the immeasurable avenues of his memory and of his
J52 101 interiorized world.**'
J52 102    |^The perceiving, thinking, worrying, planning processes of the
J52 103 self are *'us**' as much as the body is *'us.**' ^And though they
J52 104 cannot be apprehended like the body, they belong to it. ^As David Hume
J52 105 pointed out, we cannot turn round and catch our minds or selves: the
J52 106 mere act of trying to seize upon personal identity as if it were
J52 107 another *'thing**' we could handle, defeats us, for it is in the
J52 108 nature of personal identity always to be doing and seizing and never
J52 109 to be seized. ^Here lies the guarantee of its inalienability. ^Though
J52 110 it was not part of David Hume's argument the fact that there is an
J52 111 inviolable element in man and other organisms may be important for
J52 112 more than knowledge. ^Whitehead emphasized that we see *1with *0the
J52 113 eye. ^No purpose would have been served by creating the eye to see the
J52 114 eye.
J52 115    |^The organs of sense function in the world, and in relation to the
J52 116 self, in a *1transparent *0way. ^As far as the eye is concerned I mean
J52 117 this literally. ^If one turns one's attention from *1what *0one sees
J52 118 to that by which one sees, one is conscious of a pool or area of pure
J52 119 transparency in the region of the eye-sockets, an emptiness into which
J52 120 the world pours without hindrance. ^The eye itself is withdrawn from
J52 121 the dimensions of sight into pure nothingness. ^Of the senses, only
J52 122 touch brings *1presence *0to the body. ^This bodily absence, or to put
J52 123 it in the teasing way the existentialists might adopt,
J52 124 presence-in-absence, points to the need for a new metaphysic of the
J52 125 body. ^That which is most near to us and necessary to us in existence
J52 126 is almost without a philosophy except where its perceptual machinery
J52 127 is concerned.
J52 128    |^The first bodily circumstance to be understood is *1how little
J52 129 knowledge of the body is given to us in nature. ^*0To understand this
J52 130 we have to escape from the all too common assumption that the
J52 131 *1body-schema *0we learn from text-books is *1given *0to us as part of
J52 132 natural equipment. ^Even a mirror is not given to man in nature,
J52 133 except perhaps in a sheet of water, and we can conceive of a
J52 134 prehistoric man going through the whole of his life without ever
J52 135 seeing his body brightly mirrored before him. ^And how little even the
J52 136 mirror would tell him! ^What we see, or see in a mirror, or infer from
J52 137 the bodies of others, is the external sack, or skin, containing the
J52 138 external organs and covering the muscles which shape the torso and the
J52 139 limbs, but masking the internal organs completely, and helping to hold
J52 140 them in position against a rigid skeleton, that grotesque caricature
J52 141 of a living man which comes to light for the primitive only when a man
J52 142 is some time dead. ^Detailed knowledge, especially about the interior,
J52 143 we secure only from surgical and physiological research, just in the
J52 144 same way as our knowledge of the functioning of our senses is the
J52 145 product of research.
J52 146    |^In a pleasing and thoughtful essay on the aesthetics of the body,
J52 147 \0Mr. John Brophy speaks of the skin as mental frontier seldom crossed
J52 148 except by those whose studies compel it. ^Even they in their initial
J52 149 training have to overcome a profound repugnance when called upon to
J52 150 cross that human boundary. ^*'It seems to be the natural order that
J52 151 the skin should conceal all the internal workings of the body, and,
J52 152 when this convention is overthrown, whoever views the exposure feels a
J52 153 violent protest in both mind and body. ^This protest is doubtless
J52 154 closely associated with the realization of pain, which no merely
J52 155 intellectual observation of anaesthetic affects **[SIC**] can
J52 156 compensate. ^It is also heightened by sense impressions from the
J52 157 opened-up body which differ noticeably from those given out by a body
J52 158 enclosed in an intact skin: the internal organs are often exceedingly
J52 159 brilliant in colour, and some of them emit odours and heat. ^Moreover,
J52 160 even if the revelation is made by skilful surgery, the tissues are
J52 161 likely to be continuously bathed in blood. ^When wounds or injuries
J52 162 are inflicted the exposure will also be untidy, and the suffering of
J52 163 the torn body, unmitigated by anaesthetics, will be expressed in
J52 164 writhings, shouts or moans, unless shock brings about unconsciousness
J52 165 or death. ^By all this the observer's senses are outraged.**'
J52 166    |^\0Mr. John Brophy's comments are much to the point, yet not all
J52 167 the story. ^The intense psychological shock which is the immediate
J52 168 consequence of another's injured body has really to be explained on
J52 169 more than aesthetic grounds. ^There *1are *0aesthetic grounds for
J52 170 shock, but no one is shocked by animal carcases dripping blood in the
J52 171 butcher's shop or by the mighty blows of his cleaver through the
J52 172 quivering flesh of the joints exposed for sale. ^Indeed the young wife
J52 173 who might faint at the sight of blood from a cut finger will become
J52 174 expert in handling and judging (to say nothing of cooking) the flesh
J52 175 of dead animals. ^Clearly the aesthetic protest is not the whole one
J52 176 if such experiences can be even pleasurably borne.
J52 177    |^We have to relate shock over bodily injury to what has been said
J52 178 of the transparency of the sense organs. ^Consciousness *1of *0them
J52 179 would block consciousness *1through *0them. ^Intense consciousness of
J52 180 the body interferes with the instrumentality of the body in the world.
J52 181 ^Only when the young tennis player forgets his racket and forgets to
J52 182 be proud of it can he really hit with it.
J52 183 *# 2004
J53   1 **[347 TEXT J53**]
J53   2 ^*0This principle, which, it should be noted, requires no
J53   3 *'objective**' demonstration, marks Schiller's advance to an
J53   4 independent position in aesthetic theory. ^As he argues, whereas
J53   5 important elements of the experience of beauty had been severally
J53   6 declared and championed in recent time, the specific quality of beauty
J53   7 had been fragmented and lost in the process. ^In its most obvious
J53   8 aspect Schiller's problem is again one of mediation, now on the grand
J53   9 scale, between the advocates of sensualist and intellectualist
J53  10 aesthetics, between the type of Burke and the type of Baumgarten.
J53  11 ^Schiller applauds in the former the rejection of conceptual form from
J53  12 the fabric of beauty, and in the latter the reference of beauty, in
J53  13 some sense, to the organization of the higher faculties. ^Schiller has
J53  14 somehow to vindicate in exact theory his conviction that the beautiful
J53  15 is objective, self-contained, {*'selig in ihm selbst**'}*- and that
J53  16 it is also, paradoxically, a reflex of freedom in the percipient.
J53  17    |^Of these two essential attributes, it is the sense of
J53  18 independence, of self-containedness, of *'objectivity**' in the
J53  19 beautiful which is of greater moment in Schiller's feeling, about
J53  20 which he is evidently more excited. ^It is the aspect in which
J53  21 Schiller brings to bear an aesthetic sensitivity in contrast with
J53  22 Kant's ingenious aesthetics, and in which, therefore, his more
J53  23 positive individual contribution lies. ^It is the empirical part of
J53  24 the argument which Schiller is impatient to reach from the very
J53  25 beginning of this correspondence. ^Yet, before he will allow himself
J53  26 to communicate the essence of his own experience of beauty he insists
J53  27 on examining the conditions which make that experience theoretically
J53  28 possible. ^And, in this area, he vies with Kant in stressing the
J53  29 subjective limits of experience.
J53  30    |^In the letter of the 18th of February Schiller endorses the major
J53  31 principle of the theoretical philosophy: ^{*'Die Natur steht unter
J53  32 dem Verstandesgesetz.**'} ^In the later part of the correspondence
J53  33 his main argument rests on assumptions which conflict with this
J53  34 principle. ^To the degree, however, that Schiller emancipates nature
J53  35 from reason, to the degree that he *'breaks through the Kantian
J53  36 dogma**', as Baumecker asserts with approval, he does so without
J53  37 adequate *1systematic *0justification. ^The special kind of
J53  38 *'objectivity**' upon which Schiller hopes to rest his theory is quite
J53  39 capricious by the standards of exact thought from which the argument
J53  40 sets out. ^The position is that, whereas this claim of
J53  41 *'objectivity**' is of extreme interest as evidence of Schiller's
J53  42 aesthetic consciousness and of his efforts to bring it to terms with
J53  43 his theoretical reflections, he does not in fact substantiate the
J53  44 claim in its more far-reaching implications. ^Besides, it is not in
J53  45 this area that the main advance is made. ^So that, although this whole
J53  46 series of letters is formally directed towards the establishment of an
J53  47 *'objective**' principle of beauty, it is not any direct and brilliant
J53  48 challenge to Kant on this issue which we have to applaud. ^The
J53  49 valuable and the major part of the theory is subjective in essentials.
J53  50 ^It has to do firstly, and more particularly, with the conditions in
J53  51 the mind of the percipient which permit the transference of the idea
J53  52 of freedom to the object *'in appearance**', and secondly, and more
J53  53 generally, with the whole concept of aesthetic form as an abstract
J53  54 based upon forms of other orders, preparing a far more sensitive
J53  55 redisposition of the theoretical, moral and aesthetic faculties.
J53  56 ^These trends, and not the special claim of *'objectivity**', belong
J53  57 to the general evolution of Schiller's aesthetic philosophy, regarded
J53  58 as a body of doctrine having final coherence and universal validity.
J53  59    |^If, on the other hand, the *'Kallias**' Letters are examined as
J53  60 evidence of the interplay of rational and irrational motives, and of
J53  61 contrasting forms of vision and language, in Schiller, then a quite
J53  62 different valuation of the *'objective**' principle becomes
J53  63 appropriate. ^For this principle, to which Schiller subordinates the
J53  64 whole argument in a formal way, may then be seen as the extreme of the
J53  65 tendency to rationalize elements which belong properly to the
J53  66 aesthetic mode of vision. ^It covers and attempts to legitimate the
J53  67 extrusion of the idea of the anima, of the *'\Person**', {*'die
J53  68 Natur*- das Wesen des Dinges**'}, from its proper location in
J53  69 unreflective poetic conviction into the alien province of systematic
J53  70 aesthetic philosophy. ^It appears as an irrational impulse to
J53  71 authorize and to dignify the products of artistic intuition. ^Further,
J53  72 it is precisely this, presumably unconscious, attempt at maximum
J53  73 assimilation to each other of the disparate functions of aesthetic
J53  74 imagination and aesthetic philosophy that perplexes criticism of the
J53  75 *'Kallias**' Letters. ^The nai"ve perception of beautiful forms as
J53  76 animated by a personal will, whose expression they are, is explained
J53  77 by Schiller with subtlety and detachment in the earlier letters. ^Yet
J53  78 in the later, *'empirical**' part of the argument the perspective
J53  79 changes, analogies become facts, aesthetic configurations become
J53  80 *'things**', having their private essences. ^And this wholly
J53  81 contrasting, aesthetically valid and systematically untenable vision
J53  82 is adapted and assimilated to the abstract terminology of the strictly
J53  83 logical framework. ^Conceptual myths are generated in the vacuum
J53  84 between philosophical and poetic language.
J53  85    |
J53  86    |^There is a grade of *'objectivity**' in Kantian usage which may
J53  87 be more closely defined as (the assumption of) a universal
J53  88 *1subjective *0necessity in regard to any mental disposition or
J53  89 content. ^Kant develops this sense of the term, for example, in the
J53  90 final section of the {*'Analytik des Scho"nen**'}: ^{*'Die
J53  91 Notwendigkeit der allgemeinen Beistimmung, die in einem
J53  92 Geschmacksurteile gedacht wird, ist eine subjektive Notwendigkeit, die
J53  93 unter der Voraussetzung eines Gemeinsinnes als objektiv vorgestellt
J53  94 wird.**'} ^But Schiller is from the outset dissatisfied with this
J53  95 attenuated *'objectivity**', which is the maximum that Kant will allow
J53  96 to aesthetic experience. ^Schiller's ambition is to show that a
J53  97 concept of beauty is deducible from {6*1a priori} *0principles
J53  98 directly, yet he must admit at an early stage that he is compelled to
J53  99 turn partly to *'the testimony of experience**':
J53 100 **[LONG FOREIGN QUOTATION**]
J53 101 ^In this initial usage *'objective**' has more the sense of
J53 102 *'theoretically cogent**'; it points beyond Kant's pronouncement:
J53 103 ~{*'Die Allgemeinheit des Wohlgefallens wird in einem
J53 104 Geschmacksurteile nur als subjektive vorgestellt**' }, and challenges
J53 105 Kant in the assertion: ~{*'Unter einem Prinzip des Geschmacks wu"rde
J53 106 man einen Grundsatz verstehen, unter dessen Bedingung man den Begriff
J53 107 eines Gegenstandes subsumieren, und alsdann durch einen Schluss
J53 108 herausbringen ko"nnte, dass er scho"n sei. ^Das ist aber
J53 109 schlechterdings unmo"glich.**'} ^Schiller does not meet directly
J53 110 Kant's main argument for this view, which is, in essence, that the
J53 111 aesthetic judgement rests on a subjective pleasure, which cannot
J53 112 itself be the product of a deduction. ^Indeed, there is already
J53 113 evidence that it is not in this teasing issue of the *'objective**'
J53 114 principle, in the sense developed above, that Schiller's vital concern
J53 115 lies, but rather in the vindication of beauty as a function of the
J53 116 human totality. ^Schiller is dissatisfied with Kant's manner of
J53 117 excluding rational form entirely from the province of beauty. ^He
J53 118 concedes the necessity of a sharp distinction between perfection,
J53 119 logically apprehended, and the beautiful, but considers that Kant's
J53 120 solution is misguided and impoverishes the idea of beauty:
J53 121 **[LONG FOREIGN QUOTATION**]
J53 122 ^It is here that Schiller's more valid challenge lies, from the
J53 123 beginning of his {*'Auseinandersetzung mit Kant**'}. ^Here, that is,
J53 124 in aesthetic theory proper. ^In ethical theory Schiller's defence of
J53 125 natural feeling against Kantian rigorism is a closely related impulse.
J53 126    |^Significantly, as Schiller now approaches the vital core of his
J53 127 idea, his mode of expression changes. ^He speaks, for the first time,
J53 128 of that critical insight into the structural relations of the
J53 129 theoretical and aesthetic faculties which is to affect his doctrine so
J53 130 profoundly. ^Although distinct from it in kind, beauty is dependent on
J53 131 a technical structure for its realization: ^{*'Denn eben darin zeigt
J53 132 sich die Scho"nheit in ihrem ho"chsten Glanze, wenn sie die logische
J53 133 Natur ihres Objektes u"berwindet; und wie kann sie u"berwinden, wo
J53 134 kein Widerstand ist?**'} ^At a critical point Schiller passes into
J53 135 metaphor and personification, although at this stage he provides also
J53 136 an equivalent statement in abstract terms: ^{*'*- Die Vollkommenheit
J53 137 ist die Form eines Stoffes, die Scho"nheit, hingegen, ist die Form
J53 138 dieser Vollkommenheit: die sich also gegen die Scho"nheit wie der
J53 139 Stoff zu der Form verha"lt.**'} ^The appearance of the personal
J53 140 analogy may thus be thought of as a sort of rhetorical stress, but
J53 141 there is already some resemblance to the later invasion of the
J53 142 abstract area by notions of irrational origin. ^The idea of the
J53 143 *'conquest**' of a *'resistance**', for example, is not quite
J53 144 commensurate with the abstract statement.
J53 145    |^There is a certain irony in the next letter to Ko"rner (8th
J53 146 \0Feb.), for Schiller reproaches him for tendencies which he is
J53 147 himself to exhibit, although more subtly:
J53 148 **[LONG FOREIGN QUOTATION**]
J53 149 ^Or the passage may be read as a self-admonition, in the light of the
J53 150 remark which follows: ^{*'U"brigens rede ich hier mehr als Kantianer,
J53 151 denn es ist am Ende mo"glich, dass auch meine Theorie von diesem
J53 152 Vorwurfe nicht ganz frei bleibt.**'} ^For Schiller must sense that
J53 153 there is a rather precarious distinction between Ko"rner's resort to
J53 154 the concept of unity in the manifold and his own indirect but
J53 155 undeniable import of concepts of reason, which similarly threatens
J53 156 collision with the accepted Kantian pronouncement: ^{*'Das Scho"ne
J53 157 gefa"llt ohne Begriff.**'}
J53 158    |^By insisting on his *'objective**' principle and at the same time
J53 159 allowing himself only such departure from the Kantian philosophy as he
J53 160 may hold compatible with the main dicta of that philosophy, Schiller
J53 161 prescribes for himself a very difficult task, which could only be
J53 162 accomplished, if at all, by the intricate verbal adjustments which in
J53 163 fact he makes in the course of the exposition. ^For, firstly, as
J53 164 emerges between the lines of his letter of the 8th of February, if the
J53 165 attempt is made to *'establish objectively a concept of beauty and to
J53 166 legitimate it completely {6*1a priori} *0from the nature of
J53 167 reason**', then elaborate precautions will be needed so as not to
J53 168 offend against that precept that *'the beautiful pleases without
J53 169 concept**'. ^Indeed, for this initial dilemma the only direct
J53 170 resolution would seem to require psychological schemes not then
J53 171 available. ^If, for example, the second limiting proposition were
J53 172 modified to read: *'the beautiful pleases without the conscious
J53 173 intrusion of concept**', then Schiller's whole argument would be
J53 174 facilitated in the direction which it takes in any case. ^The
J53 175 besetting difficulty of the Kantian type of thinking, which Schiller
J53 176 inherits, is the extensive use of analytical schemata which transform
J53 177 mental faculties into virtual entities, which tend to appear as
J53 178 segregated elements standing in an external relationship to each
J53 179 other, and constrained, in the extreme case, into a misleading
J53 180 geometrical symmetry. ^This tendency is reinforced by the personifying
J53 181 drive in Schiller himself, and runs counter to that important
J53 182 systematic idea which is emerging, that conceptual activity is somehow
J53 183 implicit or submerged in aesthetic experience, without however
J53 184 belonging to the fabric of that experience as it appears in
J53 185 consciousness.
J53 186    |^Since Schiller feels strongly that (practical) reason and beauty
J53 187 have some profound kinship, he is impelled to assert this by the most
J53 188 authoritative means known to him, that is, by the deduction {6*1a
J53 189 priori}, *0by a demonstration that, in given circumstances, the
J53 190 experience of beauty is a logically predictable consequence of our
J53 191 psychic constitution. ^But he realizes by both systematic thought and
J53 192 immediate experience that concepts are no part of the experience of
J53 193 beauty:
J53 194 **[LONG FOREIGN QUOTATION**]
J53 195 ^And so, apparently, a hiatus is opened, such that it must seem there
J53 196 is no way of penetrating to the sense of beauty by the alien apparatus
J53 197 of concepts.
J53 198    |^In what follows Schiller feels his way towards an aesthetic
J53 199 psychology, whose advantage over Kant's doctrine is that it gives a
J53 200 fuller account of the latitude of the aesthetic vision, which may
J53 201 abstract from the forms of the practical and theoretical faculties,
J53 202 and so derive its own proper symbolical forms. ^Kant's aesthetic
J53 203 judgement is but one limitation of the general idea of judgement,
J53 204 which in turn is assigned to an intermediate and subordinate position
J53 205 between the faculties of reason. ^In Schiller the aesthetic judgement
J53 206 becomes primary in both an emotional and formal sense. ^It is expanded
J53 207 to include the *'forms**' of the rational world, on its own terms. ^It
J53 208 becomes the focus of totality, concord and freedom.
J53 209 *# 2003
J54   1 **[348 TEXT J54**]
J54   2 ^*0As in the attempt to construe the difference between mere bodily
J54   3 movements and actions in terms of acts of volition, so here in the
J54   4 case of wanting when this is identified with some Humean cause of
J54   5 doing, we are faced with a manifest contradiction. ^Construed as an
J54   6 internal impression which is thought to function as a cause that
J54   7 issues in some item of so-called overt behaviour (whether this be some
J54   8 bodily movement or an action is of no matter for our present
J54   9 purposes), the impression must be describable without reference to any
J54  10 event or object distinct from it. ^It must be possible to characterize
J54  11 that internal impression without invoking any reference to the
J54  12 so-called object of the desire, no less than the action that consists
J54  13 either in getting or in trying to get that object. ^But as a desire,
J54  14 no account is intelligible that does not refer us to the thing
J54  15 desired. ^The supposition, then, that desiring or wanting is a Humean
J54  16 cause, some sort of internal tension or uneasiness, involves the
J54  17 following contradiction: ^As Humean cause or internal impression, it
J54  18 must be describable without reference to anything else*- object
J54  19 desired, the action of getting or the action of trying to get the
J54  20 thing desired; but as desire this is impossible. ^Any description of
J54  21 the desire involves a logically necessary connection with the thing
J54  22 desired. ^No internal impression could possibly have this logical
J54  23 property. ^Hence, a desire cannot possibly be an internal impression.
J54  24    |^This contradiction comes close to the surface in a number of
J54  25 familiar accounts of wanting. ^Wanting is usually identified with some
J54  26 internal mental event*- a felt tension or uneasiness. ^But as internal
J54  27 event, whether mental or physiological, there is no intrinsic feature
J54  28 of that event that reveals its connection with anything else; yet as
J54  29 desire the very characterization of the desire involves a reference to
J54  30 the thing desired. ^Hence Hobbes' interesting remark about the
J54  31 intimate relation between names applied to desires and the objects of
J54  32 desire. ^Shall we then say with {0G. F.} Stout that *'desire and
J54  33 aversion, endeavour to and endeavour from, are modes of attention**'?
J54  34 ^Certainly if there is endeavour to x, there must be attention to x.
J54  35 ^But if we think of a desire as an internal event that causes or
J54  36 produces an endeavour to the thing in question, then it is
J54  37 self-contradictory to say that the desire is both cause and the
J54  38 attention involved in the endeavour which this cause produces, just as
J54  39 much so as it is for Prichard to say in the case of so-called acts of
J54  40 volition that such acts are causes and also involve the idea of that
J54  41 which they produce. ^Alternatively, if the desire just *1is *0the
J54  42 endeavour, it is difficult to see how there could be desire without
J54  43 endeavour, {0*1i.e.} *0without trying to get the thing desired. ^But
J54  44 putting this aside, we shall have to say that this endeavour, mental
J54  45 or physiological, involves the idea of that towards which the
J54  46 endeavour is directed*- endeavour being necessarily endeavour *1to
J54  47 *0something, just as a desire is necessarily a desire *1for
J54  48 *0something. ^And this implies that the endeavour cannot possibly be a
J54  49 causal factor in the proceedings that issue in the getting of what is
J54  50 desired, since if it were, it would be possible to describe it without
J54  51 referring in any way to anything else in or out of the proceedings,
J54  52 including the thing in question towards which the endeavour is
J54  53 directed. ^Hobbes and his present-day followers who speak of the
J54  54 endeavours of the body or of physiological drives are similarly
J54  55 involved in contradiction. ^Physiological occurrences are blind; as
J54  56 such they can be described without reference to anything else
J54  57 including the thing wanted, or the objective of the endeavour. ^As
J54  58 drives, endeavours or desires, no such logical divorce is possible.
J54  59    |^The whole modern picture from Hobbes on down, of wanting or
J54  60 desiring as interior events that operate in some sort of causal
J54  61 mechanism of the mind or body, is in fact a disastrous muddle. ^So far
J54  62 I have been concerned with this logical feature of a desire, namely,
J54  63 that a desire, whatever else it may be, is a desire *1for *0something.
J54  64 ^But there are other important features of the concept of desiring or
J54  65 wanting which this modern picture simply cannot accommodate and which
J54  66 therefore spell disaster for this view of the matter.
J54  67    |^It will be remembered that I began this discussion by considering
J54  68 the truism that because one wants or desires one does; in other words,
J54  69 that we explain conduct by reference to, among other things, what
J54  70 agents want or desire. ^But if desiring is some sort of interior event
J54  71 that functions as a causal condition, no such explanation is possible.
J54  72 ^Desiring, on this modern view, is some sort of causal factor, an
J54  73 itch, twitch, internal impression, tension or physiological
J54  74 occurrence; but as such, supposing that these are causal factors, it
J54  75 can give rise only to other occurrences. ^An action, however, is no
J54  76 mere matter of bodily happening. ^Grant then that wanting or desiring
J54  77 explains the bodily movements that take place when a person does
J54  78 anything, {0*1e.g.} *0raises his arm in order to signal; as internal
J54  79 occurrence what it explains, at best, is the bodily movement that
J54  80 occurs when the person raises his arm, not the action he performs
J54  81 which we describe as *'raising his arm**' or, further, as
J54  82 *'signalling**'. ^A gap then appears in the alleged explanation,
J54  83 between bodily occurrence and action performed, and what is purported
J54  84 to be an explanation of conduct turns out to be nothing of the kind.
J54  85 ^But like many another gap that appears in philosophy (here readers
J54  86 will be reminded of the familiar gap with which moral philosophers are
J54  87 plagued between the *'is**' and the *'ought**', between matters of
J54  88 fact and matters of morality, between description and evaluation),
J54  89 this one is a product of our own confusion. ^Specifically, it is the
J54  90 failure to recognize the *1logical *0relation between the concept of
J54  91 wanting or desiring and that of action, including the logical
J54  92 scaffolding that gives the latter term its import or use in our
J54  93 language.
J54  94    |^Earlier I contended that by no logical alchemy is it possible to
J54  95 make good the claim that an action is a bodily movement plus some
J54  96 other concurrent factor. ^Suppose, for argument's sake, we take as
J54  97 concurrent factor, wanting or desiring. ^Then the latter can be
J54  98 understood independently of the concept of the action. ^If we explain
J54  99 A in terms of B and C, our explanation, if it is to avoid circularity,
J54 100 presupposes that C can be understood without invoking A. ^So if the
J54 101 action of raising the arm can be understood as the bodily movement
J54 102 incurred in raising the arm together with a desire, one can understand
J54 103 the desire without invoking the idea of this action. ^This implies
J54 104 that the desire cannot possibly be the desire to raise one's arm,
J54 105 since it would be circular to define the action of raising one's arm
J54 106 as a bodily movement together with the desire to raise one's arm. ^But
J54 107 is it possible, in general, to define action as bodily movement or
J54 108 happening plus desire? ^Only if we can understand what a desire is
J54 109 without invoking the concept of an action. ^Is this possible? ^Only if
J54 110 in our account of the action of raising one's arm, we do not invoke
J54 111 any desire to do, {0*1e.g.} *0the desire to notify others that one
J54 112 is about to make a turn. ^Or, if we do this, only if we go on to
J54 113 explain a desire to do in terms of a desire together with some feature
J54 114 of the desire which does not involve a reference to doing at all*- in
J54 115 which case the desire to do would then be *'reduced**' to some sort of
J54 116 occurrence called *'a desire**' having a feature that could be
J54 117 described without reference to any doing at all. ^Now what sort of
J54 118 thing called a *'desire**' could this possibly be? ^Here is one
J54 119 suggestion: the desire is a desire for something, {0*1e.g.} *0the
J54 120 food that one will get if such-and-such things take place. ^Let us
J54 121 then see if it is possible to *'explain**' the desire *1to do *0in
J54 122 terms of a desire *1for *0something. ^In our example, this then is the
J54 123 situation: ^One is hungry; food is around the corner, so one notifies
J54 124 others that one is about to make a turn in order to get food; one
J54 125 desires to notify others that one is about to make a turn and one
J54 126 desires to do what is needed in order to get the food; but to say that
J54 127 one desires *1to do *0these things can be explained or elucidated
J54 128 simply and solely in terms of the presence of a certain occurrence
J54 129 called the desire *1for food. ^*0On this suggestion, the notion of
J54 130 desiring to do is elucidated in terms of the logically prior notion of
J54 131 a desire for something.
J54 132    |^Here I shall not dwell further upon the now obvious and fatal
J54 133 objection to the identification of the desire for something with some
J54 134 internal occurrence, an objection that is decisive in refuting the
J54 135 contention that an action consists of the dual occurrence of bodily
J54 136 movement and internal event. ^What I want to examine now is the
J54 137 contention that desires for something are somehow logically more
J54 138 primitive or basic than desires to do, and hence that it is possible
J54 139 to understand the notion of a desire without invoking the concept of
J54 140 an action. ^There are two questions here: first, is it possible to
J54 141 want or to have a desire for something without wanting to do, and
J54 142 secondly, is it possible that one may have what one wants but not want
J54 143 to do anything with it?
J54 144    |^Consider the first question. ^If I want food but do nothing to
J54 145 get it, that surely is intelligible. ^I may be unable to get it when,
J54 146 for example, I am tied and gagged. ^Or, I may do nothing to get it
J54 147 because I am fasting*- doctor's orders, you know. ^Or, I may want this
J54 148 food before me but since it disagrees with me I do nothing to get it.
J54 149 ^But can I want this food, but not want to do anything to get it?
J54 150 ^This much is possible: the food is on display in a shop, I have no
J54 151 money, and the only way I can get it is by stealing. ^Now I do not
J54 152 want to steal*- least of all do I want to get it by stealing*- let it
J54 153 be that I want to refrain from doing anything that is stealing. ^Does
J54 154 it follow that I do not want to get the food? ^Certainly not, since if
J54 155 this did follow it would be logically impossible for anyone to be
J54 156 tempted. ^The man who is tempted wants to get something despite the
J54 157 fact that by getting it he will be doing the wrong thing; his trouble
J54 158 is that he finds some difficulty in refraining from getting what he
J54 159 wants to get, not that he does not want to get what he wants. ^If he
J54 160 did not want to get what he wants, it would be impossible for him to
J54 161 be tempted. ^Nor is it necessary to hold that if a man wants to get
J54 162 food, where getting it would be stealing, that he must be tempted to
J54 163 steal. ^*'Temptation**' is a strong term. ^The man who is tempted
J54 164 feels the urge to do something to which he has an aversion and must
J54 165 resist it; but a man may want to get something but remain steadfastly
J54 166 in control of his desire and feel no temptation. ^Now one way of
J54 167 establishing complete self-control is by losing the desire for the
J54 168 thing in question*- this in fact is how the man who wants to lose the
J54 169 urge for smoking succeeds. ^But one may, as in the case of our example
J54 170 of the man who wants food, continue to want it and yet remain free
J54 171 from temptation. ^If, indeed, we are inclined to deny that if a man
J54 172 wants the food, he must want to get it, this is because of the failure
J54 173 to recognize that, in the particular circumstances, the person would
J54 174 be doing not one thing*- getting the food*- but at least two things:
J54 175 not only would he be getting the food, but in doing this he would also
J54 176 be stealing.
J54 177 *# 2050
J55   1 **[349 TEXT J55**]
J55   2 ^*0The solution to the dilemma lay in the successful application of
J55   3 coke to the smelting of iron ore (coal had long been used in the
J55   4 further working of the pig). ^In Belgium this was first done in 1823
J55   5 at Seraing. ^Almost simultaneously another British invention of great
J55   6 importance made its first appearance. ^This occurred in 1821 when
J55   7 Michael Orban built the first Belgian puddling furnace at
J55   8 Grivegne*?2e. ^Puddled iron and steel were vital to the new
J55   9 engineering industries. ^The new techniques spread rapidly. ^By the
J55  10 middle thirties there were more than twenty coke-fired blast furnaces
J55  11 in operation.
J55  12    |^Their success was made easier by the fact that the Belgian
J55  13 coalfields, especially those of Hainaut, were already producing much
J55  14 more than other Continental fields, and had a long history of economic
J55  15 importance behind them. ^The outcrop areas had been in use for many
J55  16 centuries. ^In the coal industry, like the iron, technological change
J55  17 was rapid in the early years of the century. ^Perhaps the most
J55  18 important single advance was the harnessing of the steam-engine to
J55  19 raise coal from the pit bottom to the surface. ^This took place first
J55  20 at Bois-du-Luc in Hainaut in 1807: four years later Michel Orban
J55  21 brought the system to Lie*?3ge province when he installed the new
J55  22 winding gear at his Plomterie colliery (in both areas steam drainage
J55  23 of water from the mines, initially with Newcomen engines, had long
J55  24 been a commonplace). ^The ventilation of pits was improved. ^Their
J55  25 safety was enhanced by developments such as the introduction of the
J55  26 Davy safety-lamp (again a result of Orban's initiative at Plomterie)
J55  27 in 1817. ^Joseph Chaudron with his {*1cuvelage en fer} *0found a
J55  28 better way of strengthening mining shafts with a revetment of iron.
J55  29 ^The production of coal grew rapidly. ^By the decade 1831-40 it was
J55  30 averaging 2,917,000 tons {6per annum}; in the following decade the
J55  31 annual output was 4,815,000 tons.
J55  32    |^A small group of able and determined men was rapidly transforming
J55  33 the economy of the country*- the Orbans, the Bauwens, the Hudsons, the
J55  34 Lelie*?3vres; but above all the Cockerill dynasty, whose history, as
J55  35 an epitome of Belgian industrial growth during the first half of the
J55  36 century is worth sketching.
J55  37    |^Continental industrial advance in the early decades of the
J55  38 nineteenth century was largely a matter of absorbing the lessons
J55  39 afforded by the British example. ^Frequently it was an Englishman who
J55  40 taught the lesson. ^It is ironical that the Englishman whose family
J55  41 was to do more than any other to give Belgium the lead for many
J55  42 decades should have been found out of work in the country which was
J55  43 ultimately to advance further and faster along the road to industrial
J55  44 achievement than any other Continental state. ^William Cockerill, the
J55  45 founder of the line, was discovered by a member of the Verviers firm
J55  46 of Simonis \et Biolley in Hamburg in 1798. ^Within two years he was
J55  47 producing textile machinery. ^In 1802 his two sons, James and John,
J55  48 built their own textile machinery factory in Lie*?3ge. ^It was
J55  49 immensely successful, and a decade later in 1812 was producing
J55  50 spinning and carding machines at a rate of several hundreds a year.
J55  51 ^The Cockerill interests expanded rapidly. ^An important stage was
J55  52 reached in 1817 when their Seraing iron-works was built: an old
J55  53 episcopal palace was converted into a machine shop for the
J55  54 construction of steam-engines. ^In 1823 James retired from the firm,
J55  55 making over his share to his remarkable brother. ^This was a
J55  56 significant year for John in another direction also since it was then
J55  57 that he disproved the belief, general at the time, that Belgian coal
J55  58 would not coke satisfactorily. ^He supervised the installation of the
J55  59 first coke-fed blast furnace in Belgium at Seraing. ^This plant was
J55  60 capable of a daily output as high as ten tons, or more than most
J55  61 charcoal furnaces could manage in a week. ^By 1829 the Lie*?3ge
J55  62 district was producing over 7,000 tons of pig-iron a year, chiefly at
J55  63 Seraing. ^In 1835 the first continental-built railway locomotive was
J55  64 constructed there. ^Two years later Cockerill's enthusiasm for
J55  65 technical excellence led him to introduce the hot-blast system into
J55  66 his Seraing plant, at a time when Neilson's invention was less than a
J55  67 decade old, and still little used in Britain outside Scotland. ^In
J55  68 1840 shortly before the death of John Cockerill, his Seraing works
J55  69 alone employed 2,000 men and were reckoned the largest in Europe
J55  70 (eight years later Krupp, the colossus of the future, employed only 70
J55  71 men). ^This man, described by Schnabel as the first *'truly princely
J55  72 businessman since the days of the Fugger**', travelled constantly to
J55  73 foster his interests, which extended over most of western Europe north
J55  74 of the Alps. ^His range of interest, knowledge and energy were
J55  75 invaluable to the Belgian metal, engineering and textile industries.
J55  76    |^The new developments of coalfield industry had revolutionized the
J55  77 scale of production of certain industries and lowered unit costs of
J55  78 production; but it is easily possible to exaggerate the degree to
J55  79 which the country outside the coalfields had come under the sway of
J55  80 the new coal age. ^Older methods of production were not entirely
J55  81 replaced even in those industries which were most changed by the new
J55  82 conditions. ^This was true, for example, even of the iron industry.
J55  83 ^In 1838 sixty-six out of the eighty-nine blast furnaces in the
J55  84 country were still charcoal fed. ^It was not until the middle fifties
J55  85 that the Semois iron industry in the Belgian Ardennes, which was
J55  86 entirely dependent on charcoal, fell into decline, although its annual
J55  87 capacity, which never much exceeded 10,000 tons, had for many years
J55  88 been far outdistanced by Seraing.
J55  89    |^The implications of the new age were to be seen in Belgium not
J55  90 only in the positive achievements of the age*- the great growth in
J55  91 coalfield industry and the exciting possibilities of the new and
J55  92 developing railways; but equally strikingly in a negative sense. ^In
J55  93 the 1840s the largest of the traditional industries of Belgium, the
J55  94 linen industry of Flanders, was in crisis, a fatal one as it proved,
J55  95 because the Flemish spinsters could not compete with the machine-made
J55  96 thread of the English mills. ^Since there were estimated to be 280,000
J55  97 spinsters in the linen industry in 1840 (often, of course, only partly
J55  98 dependent on their spinning for a livelihood) the negative side was as
J55  99 keenly felt and widely recognized as the positive side represented by
J55 100 the work of the Cockerills and their rivals. ^There was a whip to goad
J55 101 as well as a carrot to entice.
J55 102    |^The new pattern of industrial life which was spreading to the
J55 103 Continent from England affected Belgium a little earlier than other
J55 104 countries. ^Within the Austrasian field it was two Belgian areas,
J55 105 Hainaut and Lie*?3ge, which were first to use the two key advances of
J55 106 the new age extensively. ^The coke-fired blast furnace and the
J55 107 steam-engine were commonplaces there when they were still rare in Nord
J55 108 and almost unknown in the Ruhr. ^It was natural, therefore, that
J55 109 Belgian men and Belgian money should have taken the lead within the
J55 110 field even in French and German areas. ^Capital, technical expertise
J55 111 and entrepreneurs proved quite footloose within the field in its
J55 112 formative years, seeking employment always where the expectation of
J55 113 profit was greatest. ^Since it is important to the theme of the other
J55 114 chapters of this first part of the book to show that in such matters
J55 115 national boundaries were seldom of great consequence in the early
J55 116 years, it is worthwhile considering the extent of Belgian
J55 117 participation in the development of areas of the Austrasian field
J55 118 outside Belgium before considering Nord, Aachen and the Ruhr
J55 119 separately.
J55 120 *<*1The Belgian Influence in the Nord*>
J55 121    |^*0Between Nord and Hainaut there had long been close ties. ^The
J55 122 Mons portion of the Hainaut coalfield had been occupied by France
J55 123 during the War of the Spanish Succession from 1701 to 1709, and during
J55 124 this short time French capital gained a foothold in the coal industry
J55 125 of the area which proved long lasting. ^The industry of Nord became
J55 126 heavily dependent upon coal drawn from this source during the
J55 127 eighteenth century, and remained so to a lesser and declining extent
J55 128 into the nineteenth. ^It was recognition of the danger of this
J55 129 dependence combined with the high duties on Belgian coal which
J55 130 prompted a persistent search for a French source of coal in Nord
J55 131 itself (when this search culminated in a great success at Anzin in
J55 132 1734, the vicomte \de Desandrouin, whose tenacity under disappointment
J55 133 led to the discovery, imported 200 Belgian miners and their families
J55 134 from Charleroi to help to bring the new pits into production). ^In
J55 135 spite of the development of local production, Nord's dependence on
J55 136 Belgian coal remained considerable, and was a source of weakness and
J55 137 distress in troubled times. ^Towards the end of the century in the
J55 138 Revolutionary Wars an Austrian threat to cut off supplies of coal to
J55 139 Nord caused consternation among the local manufacturers. ^They feared
J55 140 to see *'their commerce and manufactures completely destroyed by
J55 141 competition and the interruption in the supply of Austrian coal**'.
J55 142 ^Nord was as dependent upon Belgium for pig-iron for her metal
J55 143 industries as she was for coal, even before the obsolescence of
J55 144 charcoal smelting. ^The {*1pays de Lie*?3ge} *0supplied the great
J55 145 bulk of the needs of the Maubeuge and Valenciennes areas, the two
J55 146 chief groups of metal-using \*1communes *0in the department. ^There
J55 147 were only two blast furnaces in Nord at the time of the Revolution, at
J55 148 Hayon and Fourmies: and it was said that these were preserved from
J55 149 unsuccessful competition only by the tariff on Belgian iron.
J55 150    |^At the turn of the century, therefore, French dependence
J55 151 physically upon Belgian materials was very marked in the heavy
J55 152 industries; but Belgian men and money were of little importance, and
J55 153 she had no clear-cut technological lead. ^The new century brought no
J55 154 immediate change. ^Indeed the second period of French occupation of
J55 155 Belgian soil served only to accentuate the existing pattern. ^In 1814
J55 156 the completion of the Mons-Conde*?2 canal increased the ease with
J55 157 which Mons coal might be sent to Nord (ten years later the opening of
J55 158 the Saint-Quentin canal allowed the passage of Mons coal by a cheap
J55 159 water route all the way to the Paris market). ^As the years passed,
J55 160 however, Belgium did more than supply coal and raw pig for the iron
J55 161 industry: Belgian firms took a leading part in the establishment of
J55 162 modern works in Nord. ^In 1849 the largest metal works in Nord was the
J55 163 Belgian {0S. A.} {Hauts-fourneaux, forges et laminoirs de
J55 164 Hautmont}, near Maubeuge. ^It had been built in 1842, and employed
J55 165 more than 400 workers. ^It was only one of several Belgian metal firms
J55 166 which became established in the Maubeuge area in the forties and
J55 167 fifties to gain access to the French market, or even, as in the case
J55 168 of Victor Dupont at Sous-le-Bois to avoid labour difficulties at home.
J55 169 ^Maubeuge lay less than thirty miles up the valley of the Sambre from
J55 170 Charleroi, one of the two largest centres of the Belgian iron
J55 171 industry. ^Its metal industries were an extension across the national
J55 172 frontier of the industries of Charleroi: its economic life was
J55 173 orientated to Charleroi. ^The penetration of Belgian industry and
J55 174 entrepreneurs is therefore very understandable. ^Belgian influence
J55 175 extended further, however. ^There was at least one Belgian metal
J55 176 venture in the Valenciennes metal region*- the rolling mills at
J55 177 Blanc-Misseron: and Belgian influence in Nord's most important
J55 178 industry, textiles, was important. ^Belgian capital and personnel were
J55 179 seldom directly concerned in the industry; but Belgian textile
J55 180 machinery found a ready market in Nord. ^Once again Cockerill was the
J55 181 great stimulus. ^Mahaim, after describing the early days of the
J55 182 Cockerill plant in Lie*?3ge, added, ^*'Then, with an astonishing
J55 183 rapidity in view of the slowness of communications, the clothing
J55 184 centres of northern France took part in the re-equipment. ^Once
J55 185 Cockerill was established at Lie*?3ge, his cliente*?3le appeared in
J55 186 France.**'
J55 187    |^While Belgian influence in Nord was considerable, it was less
J55 188 marked here than in the parts of the Austrasian field which lay to the
J55 189 east. ^Although Belgian coal and coke was indispensable to Nord;
J55 190 Belgian firms in the van in the metal industry; **[SIC**] and Belgian
J55 191 technological leadership often apparent, even in textiles, French
J55 192 capital and industry could show reason for a claim to near equality.
J55 193 *# 2026
J56   1 **[350 TEXT J56**]
J56   2    |^*0In Italy, too, the part played by some of the provocative
J56   3 post-war striking, openly aimed at factory-expropriation, in bringing
J56   4 adherents and factory- and landowner-subscriptions to the Fascists, is
J56   5 often ignored so that the story only seems to begin with the otherwise
J56   6 inexplicable lorry-forays against Red centres, already in 1921 rising
J56   7 to anarchic heights. ^Of course, the Italian governing classes were to
J56   8 pay dearly for the mingled cynicism and cowardice with which they
J56   9 finally allowed the apparatus of State to pass into the hands of the
J56  10 leaders and organizers of the huge bands of street-fighters at whose
J56  11 illegalities they had winked so long. ^The whole world was, in fact,
J56  12 destined to pay for, before long, there were to be growing
J56  13 apprehensions among the *"advanced**" as to whether Mussolini's
J56  14 success would not attract power-hungry imitators in every land. ^In
J56  15 Germany, for example, the ambitions of Adolf Hitler were certainly
J56  16 stimulated, and in that suffering country there had already been such
J56  17 threatening displays from the frustrated Right as the Kapp \6*1putsch
J56  18 *0of 1920, the Erzberger murder of 1921, and the Rathenau murder of
J56  19 1922. ^The attempted Nazi seizure of Bavaria, when it came in November
J56  20 1923, enlisted Ludendorff's support. ^And it was not insignificant
J56  21 that the *1Daily Mail *0should publish, in 1923, its own version of
J56  22 Italian Fascismo's history and that the Labour Publishing Company
J56  23 should issue a very different account. ^As September 1923 had seen a
J56  24 Spanish Army \6*1coup *0sweep aside the politicians and institute,
J56  25 without any obvious sign of public displeasure, the authoritarian
J56  26 re*?2gime of Primo \de Rivera, the {0I.L.P.}'s urge to issue
J56  27 Matteotti's *1The \Fascisti Exposed, *0during 1924, becomes more
J56  28 explicable. ^Yet Matteotti's murder in June 1924, a worse and more
J56  29 widely-resented scandal than any he exposed when alive, failed
J56  30 ultimately to weaken the Fascist grip on Italy and may in the long run
J56  31 have served to strengthen it. ^Certainly, a third Dictatorship
J56  32 appeared when General Pangalos seized control in Greece during the
J56  33 summer of 1925.
J56  34    |^All this, as it turned out, was not yet the primary danger to the
J56  35 *"advanced**" and to their social democracy. ^Pangalos's dictatorship,
J56  36 after all, was short lived, and Primo, in Spain, never built up and
J56  37 doubtless despised, the Mussolini demagogy, complete with fighting
J56  38 street-rowdies. ^In fact, despite some ominous undertones even in
J56  39 Britain and France, not to mention Mussolini's increasing grip of
J56  40 Italy, it might be assumed that democratic prospects were on the mend
J56  41 between 1925 and the great *"economic blizzard**" which began towards
J56  42 the end of 1929. ^It was when German unemployment began rising again
J56  43 catastrophically in 1930 that Hitler, whose denunciation of Jews,
J56  44 Versailles, and traitors, sold to Moscow or the *1Entente, *0had
J56  45 become part of the German political scene, scented his first chances
J56  46 of establishing an altogether more formidable dictatorship than
J56  47 Mussolini's. ^And the street-fighter apparatus which some German
J56  48 capitalists, fearful of Communism and Moscow, helped him to perfect,
J56  49 began to assume, in the {0S.A.} and the {0S.S.}, forms destined to
J56  50 leave the Italian models far behind. ^Already by the summer of 1932, a
J56  51 possible Storm Troopers' transfer from the harrying of Communists and
J56  52 Jews in the streets to operations on the Polish and Czech frontiers
J56  53 was being taken seriously at the German War Department.
J56  54    |^By 1932, of course, English theorists of the Left had been
J56  55 speculating for some time on how a British Dictatorship threat might
J56  56 come to be used against them and, in point of fact, several times
J56  57 during the 1920s Winston Churchill had been cast for the part of the
J56  58 British Mussolini. ^But there were mockers among them who claimed that
J56  59 the British ruling classes would never have to meditate the risks of
J56  60 calling in Fascism if the Labour Movement allowed itself to be run out
J56  61 of power as tamely as had been the case in 1924 and 1931. ^These
J56  62 mockers of *"gradualism**" were in favour of assuming in advance that
J56  63 yet another *"conspiracy**" would be attempted against any third
J56  64 Labour Government, even if possessed of a Majority, and that such a
J56  65 Government was therefore entitled to arm itself with drastic emergency
J56  66 Powers usable against all manner of *"capitalist sabotage**". ^It was
J56  67 a most dangerous line of advocacy, almost certain to lead not merely
J56  68 to Fascism but to bloodshed and the complete antagonization of still
J56  69 important Radical forces, yet for a time it became the policy of the
J56  70 Socialist League led by Stafford Cripps.
J56  71    |^There had been Radicals who had prophesied that Labour would
J56  72 itself breed British Fascism's would-be leader, and they had been
J56  73 able, as justification, to point to Mussolini's violent Socialist past
J56  74 and to Hitler's description of what he stood for as National
J56  75 Socialism. ^And, of course, it provided an additional reason for
J56  76 Radicals to refuse absorption into the Labour movement to find its
J56  77 most discontented wing, after 1931, forming Mosley's New Party or
J56  78 entering Cripps's Socialist League or, finally, like John Strachey,
J56  79 preaching a break-away into Leninite Communism. ^As Mosley might well
J56  80 have become a *"Man of Destiny**" if Hitler's success against Britain
J56  81 had been greater than it was, some remarks on his strange political
J56  82 career between 1918 and 1930 are justifiable. ^The heir to a baronetcy
J56  83 and considerable wealth, he had, after some service in France, entered
J56  84 the *"Coupon Parliament**" at the age of twenty-two and married Lord
J56  85 Curzon's daughter in 1920. ^But, before long, the urge to make a mark
J56  86 had led him on to activities on the Irish Question which his
J56  87 brother-Conservatives found unpardonable, and after four years as
J56  88 Conservative {0M.P.} for Harrow between 1918 and 1922, he had to
J56  89 overcome party resistance to retain his seat in the Bonar Law
J56  90 Parliament as an Independent Conservative. ^By the time of the first
J56  91 Labour Ministry in 1924, he was lending Labour *"Independent**"
J56  92 support for some time before he announced his conversion. ^Thereafter
J56  93 he fought his way back into the House for Smethwick as a Socialist,
J56  94 was admitted to the friendship and confidence of MacDonald and
J56  95 accompanied him on a continental tour in the autumn of 1928. ^When he
J56  96 entered MacDonald's second Government as Chancellor of the Duchy of
J56  97 Lancaster with a place on \0Mr. Thomas's Committee for combating
J56  98 Unemployment, there were already those who predicted that he would
J56  99 succeed to the party Leadership. ^Possibly his ultimate chances were
J56 100 made no worse by the fact that he resigned in May 1930 when, despite
J56 101 growing unemployment, he found virtually all his suggestions,
J56 102 summarized in the once-notorious *"Mosley Memorandum**", treated as
J56 103 inadmissible.
J56 104    |^Mosley's long and pertinacious struggle during many ensuing
J56 105 months to convert the Leadership or force its hand, with Back-Bench
J56 106 aid, had some remarkable features*- particularly during the Llandudno
J56 107 Conference of October 1930 and at the extraordinary meeting of the
J56 108 Parliamentary Labour Party held on January 27, 1931. ^It was, to some
J56 109 extent, because he came so near to dividing the Party dangerously
J56 110 between *"Mosleyites**" and the rest that the Leadership succeeded in
J56 111 defeating him and never more effectively than when urging, privately,
J56 112 that Mosley was merely a rich young man whose ambition was
J56 113 over-reaching itself. ^Mosley persisted, until March 1931, with the
J56 114 effort to create an Action Group within the party but, under the frown
J56 115 of official disapproval, its numbers sank from forty to twenty. ^When
J56 116 the final break came, only six Members in all were available as the
J56 117 foundation of a New Party and the six included Mosley himself and his
J56 118 wife, Lady Cynthia. ^The election of October 1931, moreover, came in
J56 119 circumstances peculiarly unfavourable to the New Party which polled
J56 120 badly and lost all Parliamentary representation.
J56 121    |^Though a great deal is still fundamentally unexplained in the
J56 122 story of the New Party's evolution towards an Anti-Semitic Fascism, it
J56 123 is not impossible to find some guidance by checking the twenty-four
J56 124 constituencies before whom New Party candidates placed themselves.
J56 125 ^Stepney and Whitechapel were two of those constituencies destined,
J56 126 before long, to supply a steady stream of Blackshirt recruits and to
J56 127 become the nucleus of metropolitan Fascism, and both those areas had,
J56 128 for a couple of generations, heard much complaint of Jewish
J56 129 immigrants, Jewish employers, Jewish business methods, Jewish
J56 130 landlords, and much else. ^It only needed reports of what the Nazis
J56 131 were doing, especially after Hitler became Chancellor, for Blackshirt
J56 132 contingents to become available not merely in the East End, but in
J56 133 Islington, Hackney, Stoke Newington, and many other quarters of London
J56 134 where there were prosperous Jewish businesses and yet much native
J56 135 unemployment and distress. ^Of course, the very name Blackshirt, and
J56 136 the uniform, is an indication that it was Mussolini, rather than
J56 137 Hitler, who was being originally imitated. ^And though some of
J56 138 Mosley's Action associates like Oliver Baldwin and John Strachey were
J56 139 shocked into a complete break with him when they first discovered him
J56 140 sanctioning, in his party's rooms and meeting-places, exercises in
J56 141 physical force, there was a possible defence in the plea, that after
J56 142 he had left the Labour Party, Mosley's own meetings were broken up by
J56 143 dangerous mobs, and that in Birmingham and Glasgow police protection
J56 144 had to be secured.
J56 145    |^It has, of course, been the fashion of Communists and Fascists to
J56 146 demand complete freedom of speech and assembly for themselves until
J56 147 they are prepared to destroy it and all the other democratic
J56 148 *"liberties**" by force. ^And the Radical tradition of tolerance for
J56 149 the extremest views is so strong in Britain that matters have normally
J56 150 reached a dangerous stage before any widespread assent can be obtained
J56 151 for *"coercion**". ^And if *"Reds**" were still, in 1934 and 1935,
J56 152 being allowed to experiment unceasingly with organizing *"Unemployed
J56 153 Marches and Demonstrations**" that might become something more, the
J56 154 case for exceptional vigilance and severity against the Blackshirts
J56 155 was correspondingly weaker. ^Yet by 1934 a British Fascist movement of
J56 156 some potential strength was certainly being reared, already capable of
J56 157 attracting support from those who feared *"Red**" plans and activities
J56 158 and wanted Britain rescued, besides, from the depths, as they
J56 159 considered it, of the ignoble pacifism to which Radicalism and
J56 160 Socialism had brought the country. ^The most formidable patron the
J56 161 Blackshirts acquired, for a time, was the great newspaper magnate,
J56 162 Lord Rothermere, though he finally shrank, under the stimulus of an
J56 163 enormous roar of *"progressive**" indignation, from the odium of
J56 164 swallowing virulent Anti-Semitism with his Anti-Bolshevism. ^As
J56 165 Rothermere put it himself:
J56 166 **[BEGIN QUOTE**]
J56 167    |^I refused to give more than ordinary publicity to Sir Oswald
J56 168 Mosley's Blackshirt movement the moment I discovered it had an
J56 169 anti-Jewish bias. ^I supported it at first with the idea of promoting
J56 170 a right wing appanage of the Conservative Party, which should form a
J56 171 counterblast to left wing activities. ^Mosley's correct procedure was
J56 172 to develop a Youth movement inspired by anti-Bolshevist ideals,
J56 173 instead of basing himself on Continental models which, obviously,
J56 174 would not appeal to our British mentality or temperament.
J56 175 **[END QUOTE**]
J56 176    |^Yet if he withdrew special patronage from Mosley's Blackshirts,
J56 177 Rothermere had an obvious admiration for the services he considered
J56 178 Hitler and Mussolini to have rendered their countries as well as a
J56 179 readiness to lead a great Air-Rearmament Campaign which constituted
J56 180 him **[SIC**] one of the hopes in Britain of those who wanted the
J56 181 country to be at once too strong and too friendly for the Dictators to
J56 182 dream of attacking. ^It was, perhaps, as well therefore for the
J56 183 general cause of *"progress**" in Britain that all parties in
J56 184 Parliament decided that they had had enough of provocative Fascist
J56 185 tactics in the East End after some notorious affrays in October 1936
J56 186 faced a dismayed nation with the prospect of a repetition in Britain
J56 187 of full Nazi-style street hostilities. ^And Sir John Simon's Public
J56 188 Order Bill, to ban the wearing of uniforms in connection with
J56 189 political objects and the maintenance by private persons of
J56 190 associations of military or quasi-military character, was, if
J56 191 specially welcome to Radicals and Socialists, hardly opposed during
J56 192 its rapid progress through Parliament in November and December 1936.
J56 193 ^Fascism, however, if deprived of one of its most dangerous and
J56 194 provocative means of display, remained a possible peril to
J56 195 *"progressives**" till the Fascist Dictators were defeated and
J56 196 destroyed.
J56 197    |^Yet for years the destruction that finally overtook the Fascist
J56 198 Dictators seemed most unlikely and the chances to be the other way as
J56 199 the notorious case of the Spanish *"progressives**" seemed to show
J56 200 between 1936 and 1939.
J56 201 *# 2017
J57   1 **[351 TEXT J57**]
J57   2 ^*0He yielded. ^On 25th January he issued two strongly worded Cabinet
J57   3 Orders. ^The first reiterated the command that Bismarck was to be kept
J57   4 informed of the course of military operations, and directed Moltke to
J57   5 take such effective steps to do so that Bismarck would have no further
J57   6 cause for complaint; while the second expressly ordered that in any
J57   7 correspondence with members of the French Government or Delegation
J57   8 which might have any political significance, and in the drafting of
J57   9 any replies, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was always to be
J57  10 consulted. ^The royal decision was unequivocal and settled the matter.
J57  11    |^The reply which Moltke at first projected was virtually a letter
J57  12 of resignation. ^The royal order, he said, was *"\*1ungna"dig*0**",
J57  13 un-Gracious. ^His communications with Trochu, he maintained, had been
J57  14 strictly military. ^All he had withheld from Bismarck was information
J57  15 and plans which would be of value to the Chancellor only if he as well
J57  16 as Moltke were advising the King about operations; and rather than
J57  17 have the war conducted by such a dual authority Moltke declared
J57  18 himself ready *"to leave the relevant operations and the
J57  19 responsibility for them to the Federal Chancellor alone. ^I await**",
J57  20 he concluded grimly, *"Your Imperial Majesty's most gracious decision
J57  21 on the matter.**" ^The letter which he actually sent, however, was
J57  22 considerably milder. ^In it he merely defended his conduct with
J57  23 dignity, complained at Bismarck's repeated and unjustified
J57  24 accusations, asked for a clear ruling about his relationship with the
J57  25 Chancellor, and requested the Emperor's protection against any further
J57  26 attacks. ^The Imperial secretaries drafted an anodyne reply, but it
J57  27 was not sent. ^There was no need. ^On 28th January an armistice was
J57  28 signed with the Government of National Defence. ^For the preservation
J57  29 of peaceful relations within Royal Headquarters it had come not a
J57  30 moment too soon.
J57  31    |
J57  32    |^Bismarck's \6*1de*?2marche *0of 18th January took effect almost
J57  33 immediately. ^Two days later, on the evening of 20th January, Trochu
J57  34 sent his request for an armistice to bury the dead after Buzenval.
J57  35 ^The Kaiser at once referred the request, not to Moltke, but to
J57  36 Bismarck; and Bismarck grimly refused it. ^The brusqueness of the
J57  37 refusal, the failure to take advantage of what was generally sensed in
J57  38 Versailles to be the beginning of the end, seems so out of keeping
J57  39 with Bismarck's desire to renew peace negotiations that the
J57  40 explanation must surely be sought in Bismarck's attitude to the
J57  41 earlier exchanges between Moltke and Trochu. ^In this new overture he
J57  42 may have seen another move in the negotiations which he believed the
J57  43 soldiers to be conducting behind his back, and it is not surprising
J57  44 that he should have taken advantage of his new established dominance
J57  45 to end them. ^In any case he was convinced that after the failure of
J57  46 the Buzenval sortie capitulation could not be long delayed, and then
J57  47 the peace-proposals of the Imperial party could be seriously
J57  48 considered. ^Cle*?2ment Duvernois was expected at any moment. ^But
J57  49 Duvernois did not come: the stubbornness of the emigre*?2 group in
J57  50 Brussels threw his whole time-table out of joint, and before he was
J57  51 ready to talk to Bismarck Jules Favre had reached Versailles.
J57  52    |^Favre arrived at German Headquarters late in the evening of 23rd
J57  53 January. ^His journey followed a day of stormy debate while the
J57  54 Government in Paris discussed whether he should negotiate for an
J57  55 armistice for the fortress of Paris only or for the whole of France.
J57  56 ^The question was left open: he was instructed only to discover what
J57  57 terms were available, without betraying the desperate state of the
J57  58 city's supplies. ^Favre himself hoped to secure, as a minimum, that
J57  59 there should be facilities given for the free election of a National
J57  60 Assembly to decide the question of war or peace; that there should be
J57  61 no entry of Prussian troops into Paris and no imprisonment in Germany
J57  62 of the garrison, and that civil war should not be provoked by an
J57  63 attempt to disarm the {*1Garde Nationale}. ^*0Failing these
J57  64 conditions, he was prepared to threaten a renewal of the fighting and
J57  65 ultimately a total surrender which would compel the Germans to accept
J57  66 complete responsibility for the civil administration of Paris.
J57  67    |^Bismarck was able to bluff much more effectively than Favre. ^As
J57  68 at Ferrie*?3res, he was able to state truthfully that he was in
J57  69 negotiation with the Empress, who alone represented lawful authority,
J57  70 for the summoning of the only legal representative body in France, the
J57  71 {Corps Le*?2gislatif}. ^Favre's project of a freely elected Assembly
J57  72 he declared to be no longer realisable: under the dictatorial
J57  73 republicanism of Gambetta elections would not be free. ^He was
J57  74 prepared however to talk in general terms about conditions for Paris.
J57  75 ^He agreed that the garrison should not be sent as prisoners to
J57  76 Germany, where their presence would only be an embarrassment; he
J57  77 considered that although opinion in the Army and in Germany would
J57  78 insist on a triumphal entry into the city, the scope of this might be
J57  79 strictly limited; and while refusing to waive the disarmament of the
J57  80 {*1Garde Nationale}, *0he suggested that the most politically
J57  81 reliable battalions alone should be allowed to keep their arms. ^The
J57  82 contrast between these terms and the draconian conditions demanded by
J57  83 Moltke speaks for itself. ^By the end of the first evening's discussion
J57  84 it was evident that the chances of agreement were good. ^Bismarck said
J57  85 nothing to the curious bystanders as he left the room in which he had
J57  86 been closeted alone with Favre, but he whistled a hunting call of
J57  87 unmistakable meaning: the chase was over.
J57  88    |^Next day, 24th January, both negotiators came into the open.
J57  89 ^Cle*?2ment Duvernois had still not arrived, and Bismarck consented to
J57  90 abandon his negotiations with the Empress if he could reach agreement
J57  91 with the Government of National Defence. ^In return Favre agreed to
J57  92 sign an armistice covering the whole of France, and to ensure that no
J57  93 resistance by the Delegation would be allowed to stand in the way of
J57  94 its implementation. ^Only the question of the armament of the
J57  95 {*1Garde Nationale} *0remained unsettled, and on this Bismarck,
J57  96 faced by Favre's convincing assurance that it would be physically
J57  97 impossible to disarm them without a civil war, was eventually to
J57  98 yield. ^For the rest, the Government in Paris with some reason
J57  99 accepted Bismarck's terms as *"\*1inespe*?2re*?2es*0**". ^Thanks to
J57 100 the Chancellor's diplomatic moderation, the honour of the city and the
J57 101 troops who had defended it would remain intact. ^On 25th January Favre
J57 102 was therefore authorised to sign an armistice for three weeks, to
J57 103 enable a National Assembly to meet at Bordeaux and finally resolve the
J57 104 question of war or peace.
J57 105    |^So far Bismarck had carried on the negotiations single-handed.
J57 106 ^Now the military had unavoidably to be called in to settle the
J57 107 details of the armistice. ^It was unfortunate that this stage in the
J57 108 negotiations coincided exactly with the crisis of the quarrel between
J57 109 the civil and military authorities; and Bismarck rubbed salt into the
J57 110 wounds of his defeated rivals by insisting that the agreement with the
J57 111 French should take the form, not of a Capitulation, which would
J57 112 signify surrender, but of a Convention, which indicated only a
J57 113 negotiated settlement between equals. ^Moltke began attending
J57 114 conferences on 26th January, the day after his rebuff by the Emperor.
J57 115 ^The French negotiators noted, without fully appreciating the cause,
J57 116 the unpleasant contrast between his grim, unsmiling dourness and the
J57 117 easy affability of Bismarck, and Bismarck openly stigmatised Moltke's
J57 118 attitude as mean, pettifogging and unrealistic. ^But the French had
J57 119 trouble enough with their own military representatives. ^Trochu's oath
J57 120 never to capitulate made it impossible for him to undertake the
J57 121 responsibility of negotiating surrender, and Ducrot had never been
J57 122 forgiven by the German Emperor for his apparent breach of parole after
J57 123 Sedan. ^Favre therefore found to accompany him a certain General
J57 124 Beaufort \d'Hautpoul, who proved quite incapable of carrying on
J57 125 negotiations. ^The French attributed his peculiar condition to
J57 126 honourable mortification; the Germans, less charitably, said he was
J57 127 drunk. ^He was succeeded after one embarrassing day by General \de
J57 128 Valdan, Vinoy's Chief of Staff, by whom, on 28th January, the
J57 129 armistice was signed.
J57 130    |^The armistice was to take effect in Paris immediately*- indeed on
J57 131 Bismarck's suggestion the bombardment and counter-bombardment had
J57 132 ceased two days earlier*- and was to come into action elsewhere in
J57 133 France in three days' time. ^It was to last until 19th February,
J57 134 during which time full facilities would be given for an Assembly to be
J57 135 freely elected and to meet at Bordeaux, where it would debate whether
J57 136 the war should continue and on what terms peace should be made.
J57 137 ^Meanwhile Paris was to pay a war-indemnity of two hundred million
J57 138 francs. ^It was to yield up its perimeter forts and dismount the guns
J57 139 from its walls, but the ground between the forts and the city would be
J57 140 considered neutral, and no German troops would enter Paris. ^The
J57 141 Germans would provide full facilities for the rapid re-provisioning of
J57 142 the city. ^12,000 men of the Paris garrison would retain their arms,
J57 143 an essential minimum to preserve order, as Favre insisted. ^The rest
J57 144 were to surrender their arms and remain in Paris until the end of the
J57 145 armistice; when, if peace had not yet been made, they were to be taken
J57 146 over by the Germans as prisoners-of-war.
J57 147    |^The terms for the rest of the country were less satisfactory to
J57 148 the French. ^It was agreed that a military demarcation line should be
J57 149 drawn, from which both armies should withdraw ten kilometres; but
J57 150 Favre and his military advisers depended entirely on the Germans for
J57 151 information about the position of the existing front line, and Moltke
J57 152 was in no mood to interpret doubtful cases to his opponents'
J57 153 advantage. ^The agreed line was to involve at several points the
J57 154 withdrawal of French troops from positions which they had quite
J57 155 securely held. ^Moreover about the operations still in progress in the
J57 156 Jura both Favre and Bismarck were equally ill-informed. ^Favre knew
J57 157 only that the fortress of Belfort was still intact and that Bourbaki's
J57 158 relieving force still held the field. ^To enforce an armistice in this
J57 159 area might be to spoil the chance of a military victory which would
J57 160 considerably strengthen the French hand when it came to negotiating
J57 161 the final peace. ^Moltke, though he had received little news from the
J57 162 swiftly moving Manteuffel, was sufficiently confident of the outcome
J57 163 to allow Favre to nurse his illusions; so by common agreement military
J57 164 operations were allowed to continue in the department of Jura, Co*?5te
J57 165 \d'Or, and Doubs. ^When Favre telegraphed the news of the armistice to
J57 166 Gambetta on the evening of 28th January he made the astonishing and
J57 167 notorious mistake of failing to inform him of this omission. ^How this
J57 168 error contributed to the final agonies of the Army of the East we have
J57 169 already seen.
J57 170    |^Moltke admitted the validity of the political considerations
J57 171 which had led Bismarck to conclude the Convention with the Government
J57 172 of National Defence, but he made no secret of his dissatisfaction with
J57 173 the moderation of its terms. ^In this he spoke for the Army, but not
J57 174 for the Army alone. ^His views were widely echoed throughout Germany.
J57 175 ^On the French side it was the civilians, Gambetta and the politicians
J57 176 of the Paris Clubs, who wished to prolong the war after all but a tiny
J57 177 minority of their military advisers had urged the conclusion of peace.
J57 178 ^The relaxing of the tension which was brought about by even a
J57 179 temporary suspension of hostilities undermined the strength of the
J57 180 extremists on both sides. ^The parties of {*1guerre a*?3 outrance}
J57 181 *0dwindled to impotent if vociferous cliques at Bordeaux and
J57 182 Versailles, able to embarrass the peace-makers but not to thwart them.
J57 183 ^That this was so in the French ranks was due to the openly expressed
J57 184 determination of the French people, through their elected
J57 185 representatives, to have peace at any cost. ^But Bismarck, in dealing
J57 186 with his own military party, did not enjoy a comparable advantage.
J57 187 ^Instead public opinion in Germany as overwhelmingly supported a peace
J57 188 of extermination as did that in the Allied nations in 1918. ^If the
J57 189 opposition to Bismarck at Versailles which had been at its height on
J57 190 the eve of the armistice abated rapidly once the armistice was signed,
J57 191 it was not because the military party was accepting defeat with a good
J57 192 grace.
J57 193 *# 2029
J58   1 **[352 TEXT J58**]
J58   2 ^*0Secondly, even if the bitter struggle for the hegemony of the
J58   3 peninsula was punctuated by spells of mutual tolerance, these respites
J58   4 did not last long. ^The years when the three rival cults were
J58   5 celebrated on an equal footing at Toledo had no more permanent result
J58   6 than had the fleeting Christian-Muslim rapprochement achieved in
J58   7 Sicily under the rule of Frederick *=2, {*1Stupor Mundi}*0, in the
J58   8 same period. ^In the fifteenth century, at any rate, the average
J58   9 Iberian Christian*- like any other European*- never referred to the
J58  10 Muslim and the Jewish faiths without adding some injurious epithet.
J58  11 ^Hatred and intolerance, not sympathy and understanding, for alien
J58  12 creeds and races was the general rule. ^*"Moors**" ({0i.e.}
J58  13 Muslims), Jews, and Gentiles were alike regarded as being doomed to
J58  14 hell fire in the next world. ^It inevitably followed that they were
J58  15 not likely to be treated with much consideration by Christians in this
J58  16 one.
J58  17    |^The intolerance was not, of course, only on one side. ^The
J58  18 Christian crusade had its counterpart in the Muslim \*1jihad, *0or
J58  19 holy war against the unbeliever. ^The orthodox Muslim regarded with
J58  20 horror all those who would *"give associates to God**"; and this was
J58  21 just what the Christians did with their Trinity, their Virgin Mary,
J58  22 and (to some extent) with their saints.
J58  23    |^Medieval Europe was a harsh and rugged school, and the softer
J58  24 graces of civilization were not more widely cultivated in Portugal
J58  25 than they were elsewhere. ^A turbulent and treacherous nobility and
J58  26 gentry; an ignorant and lax clergy; doltish, if hard-working, peasants
J58  27 and fishermen; and a town rabble of artisans and day-labourers, like
J58  28 the Lisbon mob described by Ec*?6a \de Queiroz five centuries later,
J58  29 *"fanatical, filthy, and ferocious**"*- these constituted the social
J58  30 classes from which the pioneer discoverers and colonizers were drawn.
J58  31 ^Anyone who doubts this need only read the graphic pages of Ferna*?4o
J58  32 Lopes, *"the best chronicler of any age or nation,**" as Robert
J58  33 Southey described him.
J58  34    |^The first stage of the overseas expansion of Europe can be
J58  35 regarded as beginning with the capture of Ceuta by the Portuguese in
J58  36 1415 and culminating in the circumnavigation of the globe by the
J58  37 Spanish ship *1Victoria *0in 1519-22. ^The Portuguese and Spaniards
J58  38 had their precursors in the conquest of the Atlantic Ocean, but the
J58  39 efforts of these adventurers had not changed the course of world
J58  40 history. ^Vikings had voyaged to North America in the early Middle
J58  41 Ages, but the last of their isolated settlements on Greenland had
J58  42 succumbed to the rigours of the weather and the attacks of the Eskimo
J58  43 before the end of the fifteenth century. ^Italian and Catalan galleys
J58  44 from the Mediterranean
J58  45 **[ILLUSTRATION**]
J58  46 had boldly ventured into the Atlantic on voyages of discovery in the
J58  47 late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries; but what they sought
J58  48 is uncertain, and what they found is equally obscure, though they may
J58  49 well have sighted Madeira and some of the Azores. ^Why did the
J58  50 Iberians succeed where their Mediterranean predecessors had failed?
J58  51 and why did Portugal take the lead when the Biscayan seamen were as
J58  52 good as any in Europe?
J58  53    |^Historians are still far from agreed on the precise answers to
J58  54 these questions, but the main impulses behind what is known as the
J58  55 *"Age of Discovery**" evidently came from a mixture of religious,
J58  56 economic, strategic and political factors. ^These were by no means
J58  57 always mixed in the same proportions; and motives inspired by Mammon
J58  58 were often inextricably blended with things pertaining to Caesar and
J58  59 to God. ^At the risk of oversimplification, it may, perhaps, be said
J58  60 that the four main motives that inspired the Portuguese were, in
J58  61 chronological but overlapping order, (**=1) crusading zeal, (**=2)
J58  62 desire for Guinea gold, (**=3) the quest for Prester John, and (**=4)
J58  63 the search for spices. ^An important contributory factor was that,
J58  64 during the whole of the fifteenth century, Portugal was a united
J58  65 kingdom which experienced only one brief episode of civil strife. ^The
J58  66 consolidation of the power of the Portuguese Crown during this period
J58  67 forms a marked contrast with the confused situation obtaining in the
J58  68 rest of Europe. ^France was distracted by the closing stages of the
J58  69 Hundred Years War*- 1415 was the date of the battle of Agincourt as
J58  70 well as of the capture of Ceuta*- and by rivalry with Burgundy;
J58  71 England by the struggle with France and the wars of the Roses; and
J58  72 Spain and Italy by dynastic and other internal problems.
J58  73    |^The seizure of Ceuta in 1415 and, more important, its retention,
J58  74 were probably inspired mainly by crusading ardour to deal a blow at
J58  75 the Infidel, and by the desire of the half-English princes of Portugal
J58  76 to be dubbed knights on the field of battle in a spectacular manner.
J58  77 ^Economic and strategic motives may also have played a part, since
J58  78 Ceuta was both a thriving commercial centre and a bridgehead for an
J58  79 invasion across the straits of Gibraltar. ^It has been suggested that
J58  80 the fertile corn-growing regions in the hinterland also formed an
J58  81 attraction for the Portuguese, whose own country was even then
J58  82 normally deficient in cereals. ^Ceuta was one of the terminal ports
J58  83 for the Trans-Sahara gold-trade, though how far the Portuguese knew
J58  84 this before their capture of the city is uncertain. ^But the
J58  85 occupation of Ceuta undoubtedly enabled them to obtain some
J58  86 information about the Negro lands of the Upper Niger and Senegal river
J58  87 regions, where the gold came from. ^They soon began to see that they
J58  88 might, perhaps, establish contact with those lands by sea, and so
J58  89 divert the gold-trade from the *"caravans of the Old Sahara**" and the
J58  90 Muslim middlemen of Barbary. ^They had the more incentive to do this
J58  91 since Western Europe in general, and Portugal in particular, were
J58  92 then suffering a serious shortage of precious metals. ^This was partly
J58  93 due to the drain of silver and gold to the East, to pay for spices and
J58  94 other Oriental exports, and partly to the insufficient production of
J58  95 the Central European mines.
J58  96    |^The crusading impulse and search for gold were soon reinforced by
J58  97 the quest for Prester John. ^This mythical potentate was vaguely
J58  98 located in the *"Indies**"*- an elastic and shifting term that often
J58  99 embraced Ethiopia and East Africa, as well as what little was known of
J58 100 Asia. ^The passage of time, romantic travellers' tales*- of which
J58 101 Marco Polo's supply the classic example*- and wishful thinking, all
J58 102 combined to build up the late medieval belief that Prester John was a
J58 103 mighty, if probably schismatical Christian priest-king. ^His domains
J58 104 were believed to lie somewhere in the rear of the Islamic powers that
J58 105 occupied a wide belt of territory from Morocco to the Black Sea, thus
J58 106 cutting off Christendom from direct contact with the peoples of Asia
J58 107 and the isolated Coptic Christian kingdom of Abyssinia. ^From 1402
J58 108 onwards, occasional Abyssinian monks and envoys reached Europe, and at
J58 109 least one of them got as far as Lisbon in 1452; but the Portuguese,
J58 110 like most other people, still seem to have had only a hazy idea of
J58 111 what or where his country was.
J58 112    |^The mixed motivation behind the Portuguese overseas expansion was
J58 113 explicitly recognized in the Papal Bull {*1Romanus Pontifex}
J58 114 *0(January 8th, 1455), which categorically commended the crusading
J58 115 inspiration of the Infante Dom Henrique and his desire to reach the
J58 116 mysterious Christian potentate(s) of the Indies by circumnavigating
J58 117 Africa. ^This Bull also recognized the commercial motive inherent in
J58 118 Portuguese expansion by granting the King of Portugal and his
J58 119 successors the monopoly of the trade with the inhabitants of the newly
J58 120 discovered
J58 121 **[ILLUSTRATIONS**]
J58 122 regions, subject to the proviso that the sale of war material to the
J58 123 enemies of the Faith was forbidden. ^Finally, it may be mentioned that
J58 124 as the Portuguese pushed their exploratory voyages down the west coast
J58 125 of Africa, they added the acquisition of Negro slaves to that of
J58 126 Guinea gold, and the search for spices to the quest for Prester John.
J58 127 ^The spices, however, only appear as a major motive after the death of
J58 128 Prince Henry in 1460, by which time the West African slave-trade was
J58 129 an established fact.
J58 130    |^The Portuguese voyages of discovery and trade down the west coast
J58 131 of Africa did not really get going until Cape Bojador (or, more
J58 132 probably, Cape Juby, which was then apparently known by the former
J58 133 name) was rounded in 1434, after many futile efforts. ^The voyages
J58 134 then continued systematically, and a great spurt of progress was made
J58 135 during the eight-year regency (1440-48) of Dom Pedro, elder brother of
J58 136 the better publicized Dom Henrique, belatedly and somewhat
J58 137 inappropriately named *"the Navigator.**" ^Prior to his assumption of
J58 138 the Regency, Dom Pedro had been violently critical of the policy of
J58 139 holding Ceuta, and had shown no particular interest in the voyages of
J58 140 discovery patronized by his brother. ^But once in power, as so often
J58 141 happens, Dom Pedro adopted wholeheartedly some of the policies that he
J58 142 had previously criticized, or to which he had been indifferent. ^All
J58 143 talk of abandoning Ceuta in exchange for the freedom of his youngest
J58 144 brother, Dom Fernando (who had been held as a prisoner by the Moors
J58 145 since a disastrous attack on Tangier in 1437), was dropped, and Dom
J58 146 Pedro actively backed the voyages of discovery and the colonization of
J58 147 the Atlantic islands. ^Nevertheless, Dom Henrique's share in these
J58 148 twin enterprises was the more important in the long run. ^The voyages
J58 149 themselves, and the colonization
J58 150 **[ILLUSTRATIONS**]
J58 151 of Madeira and the Azores, which began soon after their discovery*- or
J58 152 re-discovery*- in 1419-27 were largely financed from the revenues of
J58 153 the military Order of Christ, of which Dom Henrique was the
J58 154 administrator and governor (but *1not *0the Grand Master as is often
J58 155 stated) from 1420 until his death forty years later. ^Some of the
J58 156 leading Lisbon merchants also had a hand in financing and organizing
J58 157 these voyages. ^From 1470 to 1475 they were leased on the basis of a
J58 158 monopoly contract to a certain Ferna*?4o Gomes, under whose
J58 159 administration a large stretch of the Guinea coast was opened up to
J58 160 Portuguese enterprise and trade.
J58 161    |^It is still uncertain how much was directly due to government
J58 162 initiative and to resources supplied by the Crown or by the Order of
J58 163 Christ, and how much was due to private enterprise, or to both the
J58 164 Crown and the merchant-adventurers acting in conjunction. ^But it can
J58 165 be said without undue simplification that right from the beginning,
J58 166 the planning, organization, and financing of these voyages owed a
J58 167 great deal to intelligent government initiative and support, as
J58 168 personified in the activities of Dom Henrique, Dom Pedro, and, above
J58 169 all, of King Dom Joa*?4o *=2 in the final stages (1481-95). ^In other
J58 170 words, as {0C. R.} Beazley pointed out over sixty years ago, Prince
J58 171 Henry's achievement was that he *"altered the conditions of maritime
J58 172 exploration by giving permanence, organization, and governmental
J58 173 support to a movement which had up to this time proved disappointing
J58 174 for lack of those very means.**"
J58 175    |^It was this steady government support that gave the Portuguese
J58 176 the edge over their Spanish neighbours and rivals, who for long
J58 177 contested the papal awards that granted a monopoly of the West African
J58 178 coastal trade to the former. ^But save during the years 1475-1480,
J58 179 when the Spanish adventurers made determined but unsuccessful attempts
J58 180 to secure the lion's share of
J58 181 **[ILLUSTRATIONS**]
J58 182 the Guinea trade for themselves, the Spaniards did not receive the
J58 183 same consistent and energetic support from their rulers as did the
J58 184 Portuguese from theirs. ^Moreover, for much of the fifteenth century,
J58 185 Spain's cereal and financial problems were less acute than were those
J58 186 of Portugal, and therefore the Spaniards had not the same economic
J58 187 incentives to seek new lands to conquer or to exploit. ^Finally, the
J58 188 existence of the Moorish kingdom of Granada on Andalusian soil, the
J58 189 prior commitments of the Crown of Aragon in the Mediterranean, and the
J58 190 need to strengthen the Crown of Castile against unruly vassals at
J58 191 home, provided powerful distractions that were not present to the same
J58 192 extent in Portugal.
J58 193    |^The actual voyages down the barren and featureless Saharan coast
J58 194 presented no exceptional difficulties to experienced seamen, other
J58 195 than the legendary but none the less real terrors of the unknown.
J58 196 ^These latter included the common, though not universal, belief that
J58 197 the torrid zone was too hot to support life, and that the {*1Mar
J58 198 Tenebroso}, *0or *"Sea of Darkness**" south of Cape Nun, was too
J58 199 shallow and too dangerous for navigation.
J58 200 *# 2033
J59   1 **[353 TEXT J59**]
J59   2    |^Lytton's telegram announcing his intentions reached the India
J59   3 Office on 9 September: Cranbrook was not at this time in London: he
J59   4 was at Braemore in the north of Scotland. ^He received his copy of the
J59   5 telegram on the 12th. ^Meanwhile Horace Walpole, his private
J59   6 secretary, a permanent civil servant, who was suspicious of Lytton's
J59   7 policies, had read Lytton's telegram, noticed that it proposed to send
J59   8 the mission off from Peshawar in less than a week, and decided that
J59   9 the telegram ought to be answered. ^He, therefore, at the same time as
J59  10 he sent Cranbrook his copy of the telegram, sent also a copy to
J59  11 Beaconsfield at Hughenden and one to Salisbury at the Foreign Office.
J59  12 ^The effect on both of them, and on Cranbrook when he read it, was
J59  13 immediate. ^To all of them it seemed that the proposal to insist on
J59  14 the expulsion of the Russian mission before the beginning of
J59  15 Anglo-Afghan negotiations would be *'an affront which a great power
J59  16 could not endure**'. ^It would intensify Russian activity in
J59  17 Afghanistan; it would bring the Russian government into direct
J59  18 conflict with the government of India; it would endanger peace in
J59  19 Europe and it must, therefore, before it was attempted, be considered
J59  20 very fully by the Cabinet.
J59  21    |^The Cabinet, however, could not meet. ^Its members were scattered
J59  22 over the country houses of England and Scotland. ^It was clear, from
J59  23 Lytton's telegram, that he did not know of the diplomatic protest to
J59  24 \0St. Petersburg and did not intend to wait for a Russian answer. ^The
J59  25 impression made by the telegram, as Horace Walpole found when he
J59  26 visited Salisbury on the morning of the 11th, was the thought that
J59  27 ~*'Lord Lytton [was] going a little too fast and plunging us into an
J59  28 Afghan war**'. ^The effects of such a war would be felt not only in
J59  29 Europe, but also in the constituencies. ^Less than a week later the
J59  30 prime minister was noticing *'symptoms... by no means confined to one
J59  31 party**' of a *'strong and rising feeling respecting this Afghan
J59  32 business**'. ^*'So long**', he told Salisbury, *'as the country
J59  33 thought they had obtained *"Peace with \1honor**", the conduct of
J59  34 {0H.M.} Government was popular, but if the country finds there is no
J59  35 peace, they will be apt also to conclude there is no honour**'. ^And
J59  36 his conclusion was not that Lytton should make the pace but that
J59  37 Salisbury himself, in Cranbrook's absence, should make sure that
J59  38 Lytton was properly informed of the views of a Government that would
J59  39 need to act *'with decision and firmness**'.
J59  40    |^It is, as we have seen, by no means clear that the decision to
J59  41 send the diplomatic protest to Russia on 19 August had been
J59  42 accompanied by a decision to delay Chamberlain's mission until a reply
J59  43 had arrived from \0St. Petersburg. ^So long as it was imagined that
J59  44 Lytton knew his limitations, Salisbury seems to have attached little
J59  45 importance to the protest. ^But as soon as it seemed that Lytton might
J59  46 be steering towards war, it comes forward from the back of Salisbury's
J59  47 mind as an occasion, or excuse, for delaying Lytton's action in India:
J59  48 and as a move in the parliamentary game which would, when the time
J59  49 comes, show that the British government had done its best to avoid war
J59  50 and accomplish by peaceful diplomacy what Afghan or Russian obstinacy
J59  51 had made impossible. ^Beaconsfield, as soon as he saw the telegram of
J59  52 8 September and had talked to Salisbury, wrote tartly to Cranbrook
J59  53 regretting that Lytton seemed not to know of the protest. ^Salisbury,
J59  54 on the 11th, after correspondence with Beaconsfield, telegraphed
J59  55 Horace Walpole to ask Cranbrook urgently for authority to stop Lytton
J59  56 sending the mission until the Russian reply had arrived. ^Cranbrook,
J59  57 meanwhile, feeling the same way in Scotland, had sent a telegram to
J59  58 Walpole forbidding the departure of the mission until further orders.
J59  59 ^On the 14th, two days before Chamberlain was supposed to start, this
J59  60 message was in Lytton's hands.
J59  61    |^When Lytton received the telegram, however, he was in no mood to
J59  62 delay. ^The events he had set on foot in August could not now be
J59  63 controlled. ^Chamberlain was already in Peshawar; Cavagnari had
J59  64 committed himself in the Khyber: the native ambassador had left for
J59  65 Kabul and the wide publicity Lytton had given to the mission through
J59  66 his private press officer in India, made it difficult to give the
J59  67 slightest sign of turning back. ^His information about the state of
J59  68 opinion in England came mainly through Burne in the India Office.
J59  69 ^Burne had been Lytton's private secretary in India until he returned
J59  70 to England with a sick wife in the spring of 1878. ^When his wife died
J59  71 and he returned to work at the India Office, he spent much time and
J59  72 money providing Lytton with telegraphic reports of the state of
J59  73 feeling in England and of conditions in the India Office. ^By the
J59  74 middle of August he had spent, out of Lytton's pocket, *+197 on
J59  75 private telegrams. ^Burne was not altogether a reliable guide. ^From
J59  76 his telegrams Lytton gathered, what was only half true, that there was
J59  77 much support for him in Afghan matters. ^He learnt from Burne's
J59  78 letters, also, what he thought he knew himself, that Cranbrook was too
J59  79 much under Salisbury's thumb, was lazy, well-meaning, and *'timid**'.
J59  80 ^Nor did he believe, or imagine anyone else seriously to believe, that
J59  81 the protest to \0St. Petersburg would achieve any result. ^Finally,
J59  82 perhaps most important of all, he knew that Cranbrook was not in
J59  83 London when the restraining telegrams were sent and he saw in them the
J59  84 influence, not altogether friendly and certainly not at all sensible,
J59  85 of Lord Salisbury. ^These things encouraged him to disobey.
J59  86    |^On the 13th, together with the telegram in which he was first
J59  87 told about the protest to \0St. Petersburg, Lytton also received one
J59  88 to say that Cranbrook would not send detailed approval and
J59  89 modification of Chamberlain's instructions until the Russian reply
J59  90 arrived in London. ^On the 17th, Lytton heard that an abstract of this
J59  91 reply had been received from Plunkett, the {6charge*?2 d'affaires}
J59  92 in \0St. Petersburg: he heard also that it was not satisfactory. ^But
J59  93 he was given no authority to send the mission off and no authority had
J59  94 arrived on the morning of the 21st. ^On the 16th he had, in accordance
J59  95 with Cranbrook's telegram of the 13th, postponed Chamberlain's
J59  96 departure from Peshawar for five days. ^On the 20th, he ordered
J59  97 Chamberlain to move forward to Jamrud: on the 21st, these five days
J59  98 having passed, he told him to enter Afghanistan.
J59  99    |^In sending Chamberlain forward in this way, Lytton did not wish
J59 100 to provoke war. ^He had written a friendly, though overbearing, letter
J59 101 to Sher Ali on the 14th asking again for his cooperation. ^He did not
J59 102 suppose that Sher Ali would refuse to admit the mission; and he hoped
J59 103 that Chamberlain would, within a week, be established in Kabul. ^His
J59 104 purpose in forcing the pace was therefore not so much to commit the
J59 105 cabinet to a policy of which it did not approve, as to achieve, by
J59 106 rapid action on the spot, a success which he supposed the Cabinet to
J59 107 desire but which, because it was hampered by all the stupidities of
J59 108 *'democratic**' England, and wrestling in the clutches of *'that
J59 109 deformed and abortive offspring of perennial political fornication,
J59 110 the present British constitution**', it could not easily authorize or
J59 111 agree upon. ^At the same time, the publicity with which the mission
J59 112 was sent to Jamrud, gave to its conduct an appearance of deliberate
J59 113 finality which was no accident. ^Chamberlain had not wanted to go
J59 114 forward to Jamrud to ask for entry into Afghanistan. ^He, a great
J59 115 frontier officer with the great frontier officer's personal prestige,
J59 116 did not want to risk a snubbing at the Afghan frontier which would
J59 117 affect that prestige whatever might be done afterwards to avenge it.
J59 118 ^He would have preferred to find out from Peshawar whether his mission
J59 119 would be admitted; and, if it were refused, to take whatever action
J59 120 might be necessary from there. ^But for Lytton this was not enough.
J59 121 ^This was a spectacular moment. ^This was Sher Ali's last chance. ^A
J59 122 great public affront, one of India's greatest frontier officers,
J59 123 waiting on the Afghan border and turned away by the commander of an
J59 124 outlying Afghan post*- this, if Sher Ali were really hostile, must
J59 125 certainly convince the Cabinet, and might even impress the Opposition.
J59 126 ^Chamberlain was chosen because he was, of active Indian frontier
J59 127 statesmen, the greatest pupil of Lord Lawrence. ^Lawrence, the
J59 128 greatest name amongst Lytton's critics, had attacked Lytton's frontier
J59 129 policy with mounting hostility ever since he arrived in India. ^If a
J59 130 lawrentian of Chamberlain's importance were snubbed by the Afghans,
J59 131 Lawrence would have an important weapon removed from his critical
J59 132 armoury. ^So Lytton in India, like Beaconsfield and Salisbury in
J59 133 London, continued his political posturings.
J59 134    |^Chamberlain moved from Peshawar to Jamrud on 20 September. ^On
J59 135 the following morning he sent Cavagnari and Colonel Jenkins, the
J59 136 commander of the mission's escort, together with a small section of
J59 137 the escort, on to Ali Musjid to ask for admission to Afghanistan.
J59 138 ^They were halted by Afghan troops a mile from the fort and forbidden
J59 139 to come closer. ^Faiz Mohamed, the commander of the garrison (whom
J59 140 Cavagnari knew well), asked Cavagnari to give him time to refer the
J59 141 request to Kabul. ^Cavagnari refused. ^He said that unless Faiz
J59 142 Mohamed specifically forbade the mission to advance, it would advance
J59 143 on the following morning. ^Faiz Mohamed replied that he would attack
J59 144 the mission if it attempted to pass Ali Musjid. ^Cavagnari and Jenkins
J59 145 thereupon returned to Jamrud and reported their failure to
J59 146 Chamberlain. ^Chamberlain reported the failure to Lytton: and Lytton,
J59 147 from Simla, ordered Chamberlain to return to Peshawar. ^So ended, he
J59 148 thought, the *'first round of the rubber**'. ^He could now prepare to
J59 149 coerce Sher Ali.
J59 150    |^With the repulse of the mission, Lytton's actions on the frontier
J59 151 became clear and vigorous: Sher Ali had shown himself to be hostile:
J59 152 of that in Lytton's mind there could be no doubt. ^He must be upset:
J59 153 his treachery demanded his downfall. ^To that end all the forces of
J59 154 the government of India must be turned. ^The problem, in this respect,
J59 155 was a problem in political warfare, how may one best upset an
J59 156 inconvenient neighbour? ^Also, how may one with the smallest
J59 157 expenditure of energy establish a new re*?2gime in Kabul? ^Lytton was
J59 158 not a soldier; he was a diplomat who had spent the better part of his
J59 159 professional life in comparatively junior positions in civilized
J59 160 capitals. ^He had an almost vicious contempt for military
J59 161 *'bumpkins**' when they could not understand that large political
J59 162 objects may often best be accomplished by employing a small military
J59 163 force. ^If he could arrange the deposition of Sher Ali without
J59 164 fighting a battle, could see an anglophile emir settled on the throne
J59 165 and could make a treaty with him, then it would be the merest
J59 166 professional obstinacy, an aspect of the *'{0K.C.B.} mania**', to
J59 167 collect a large force on the Indian frontier. ^Having manufactured the
J59 168 situation, Lytton would manage with the smallest force possible.
J59 169 ^After 23 September, therefore, he pushed forward his preparations,
J59 170 stationed troops in the cantonments of Thal, Sukkur and Peshawar and
J59 171 watched for the flight and departure of the emir. ^He prepared, in the
J59 172 last week of September, to issue a proclamation calling on the Afghan
J59 173 people to rise against the enemy of the Indian government: but was
J59 174 restrained because the Cabinet regarded this as tantamount to a
J59 175 declaration of war. ^He felt that he should send a force to the
J59 176 assistance of the Khyber tribesmen who helped to escort Chamberlain's
J59 177 mission. ^The Cabinet made it clear that he must not advance beyond
J59 178 Ali Musjid because that too would seem to imply war. ^But he did not,
J59 179 at any time during September or October, cease to hope that Sher Ali
J59 180 might fall spontaneously by the mere expression of Lytton's disfavour.
J59 181 ^From Kabul, however, there was no sign of weakness: the emir remained
J59 182 firm and unpoisoned; and he replied unhelpfully and (it seemed to
J59 183 Lytton's orientalists) insolently to Lytton's letter of 14 September.
J59 184 *# 2012
J60   1 **[354 TEXT J60**]
J60   2    |^*0The fact that he is not in possession of the details probably
J60   3 explains why his confidence in technique is so unbounded. ^There is
J60   4 even more of the mystic than of the intellectual in the young
J60   5 Vale*?2ry. ^No wonder that at this stage he more or less gives up the
J60   6 writing of poetry. ^Literature is {*"l'art de se jouer de l'a*?5me des
J60   7 autres**"}; by his own definition, poetry is not now for him the
J60   8 attempt to give expression to something in himself (however
J60   9 deliberately or consciously); the poet gets to know his material
J60  10 (language, poetry), the nature of the public (human psychology in
J60  11 relation to art), and then, like \da Vinci, having discovered the
J60  12 {*"relations... entre des choses dont nous e*?2chappe la loi de
J60  13 continuite*?2**"}, he can, at will, produce whatever effects he
J60  14 desires to produce in the reader. ^There is only one thing missing in
J60  15 this ideal scheme: a *1desire *0on the part of the poet to produce any
J60  16 effect at all. ^What would be the point? ^{*"Le ge*?2nie est
J60  17 *1facile.**"} ^{*0*"Facil cosa e farsi universale.**"} ^The young
J60  18 Vale*?2ry has more important things to do: he wants to follow up his
J60  19 programme of knowledge and self-knowledge (among other things, to
J60  20 fathom art and psychology, the complete knowledge of which is presumed
J60  21 in the \da Vinci and the Monsieur Teste created by him). ^The art of
J60  22 poetry as defined by Vale*?2ry is no longer of any interest from the
J60  23 creative point of view. ^It demands a {*"certain sacrifice de
J60  24 l'intellect**"}, chiefly because he would, if he went on composing
J60  25 poetry, be simply giving to any public for which he wrote what he
J60  26 knows would affect it, playing a rather inferior game which, in
J60  27 theory, he knows he could not lose. ^The implicit reasoning is
J60  28 somewhat circular. ^If he were a \da Vinci or a Monsieur Teste, he
J60  29 would not trouble himself with poetic composition. ^So he abandons it.
J60  30 ^But he is not yet, in fact, a \da Vinci or a Monsieur Teste, so he
J60  31 will devote all his time and energy to becoming a universal mind.
J60  32    |^Such, in outline, and with only a little simplification, is the
J60  33 theory of the young Vale*?2ry concerning inspiration and technique.
J60  34 ^It is clear that he has not yet formulated clear distinctions between
J60  35 *'total inspiration**' and the forms we have called *'intermittent**',
J60  36 *'intuitive**', *'exalted**' and *'personal**'; but he rejects them by
J60  37 implication. ^*'Attributed inspiration**' would presumably, it is
J60  38 true, have been accepted by him. ^But the other five forms he would
J60  39 have rejected: his theory allows them to be completely dispensed with.
J60  40    |^But is his theory convincing? ^Let us consider the first of the
J60  41 two conceptions of creation implicit in the {*1Technique
J60  42 litte*?2raire} *0article, according to which the poet has something in
J60  43 himself, impression, dream or thought, which he must communicate by
J60  44 controlled technique. ^Whilst surely nearer the truth than the other,
J60  45 the theory that works backwards, even this conception seems
J60  46 mechanistic, too simple and unsatisfactory. ^Vale*?2ry does not
J60  47 examine how impression, dream or thought originate. ^There is no
J60  48 mention of any possible dynamism behind them, no mention of the fact
J60  49 that the initial impetus may be accompanied by emotion or excitement
J60  50 which are commonly envisaged as attributes of inspiration. ^It may be
J60  51 conceded that poetry is certainly the communication of something, and
J60  52 that accordingly it is sound to claim that the poet is concerned with
J60  53 an audience, so that the more knowledge he has of this audience and of
J60  54 the nature of his art, the better. ^But it is surely not simply a
J60  55 question, in poetic creation, of the poet's having something clearly
J60  56 formed in his mind, even something so vague as a dream, and then
J60  57 transferring it to a reader by the technique of language. ^The truth
J60  58 surely is (and the mature Vale*?2ry certainly subscribed to this view)
J60  59 that the poet is concerned with clarifying and making enjoyably
J60  60 articulate for himself and the reader something within him which does
J60  61 not exist as poetry until the poem is composed. ^Given the nature of
J60  62 language and poetic creation, the poet is, to a certain extent,
J60  63 discovering what he has to say, or rather, what he can say, as he
J60  64 composes the poem. ^The poem is a kind of compromise between what the
J60  65 poet wanted to say initially (and this phrase *'what the poet wanted
J60  66 to say**' is perhaps too rational and explicit to describe what for
J60  67 many poets is vague and more anticipation than exact intention at this
J60  68 stage), what he finds to say, and all the new things to express which
J60  69 occur to him as he actually composes the poem. ^All these aspects of
J60  70 poetic creation will indeed be admirably brought out by the mature
J60  71 Vale*?2ry. ^Louis MacNeice writes of that *"dialect of purification**"
J60  72 whereby a poem is produced,
J60  73 **[BEGIN INDENTATION**]
J60  74 **[BEGIN QUOTE**]
J60  75    |a poem which is neither the experience nor the memory, nor an
J60  76 abstract dance of words, but a new life composite of all three.
J60  77 **[END QUOTE**]
J60  78 **[END INDENTATION**]
J60  79    |^In this respect, then, poetry can be considered as a kind of
J60  80 knowledge, of self-knowledge particularly, only to be found during the
J60  81 struggle to compose. ^Vale*?2ry in his youth does not show much
J60  82 awareness of these aspects of poetic creation and of this kind of
J60  83 self-knowledge. ^He is obsessed with the notion of art as
J60  84 communication, and therefore with the fact that, though the poet may
J60  85 be able to make the reader react as he wishes by his all-conquering
J60  86 technique, he is nevertheless, because he indulges in poetic
J60  87 composition, a slave to the reader and to language:
J60  88 **[LONG FOREIGN QUOTATION**]
J60  89    |^We are thus led on to the second theory of poetry revealed with
J60  90 some uncertainty in the {*1Technique litte*?2raire} *0article and
J60  91 unequivocally expounded towards the end of the {*1Introduction a*?3 la
J60  92 me*?2thode de Le*?2onard de Vinci}, *0the theory according to which
J60  93 the poet works backwards from the reader. ^This stands condemned on
J60  94 two counts. ^Firstly, it is a partial view of poetic creation,
J60  95 neglecting the personal contribution which the poet can, must, make
J60  96 ({0i.e.} *'personal inspiration**'; and this is not to mention the
J60  97 importance of *'intermittent**', *'intuitive**' and *'exalted
J60  98 inspiration**'). ^Vale*?2ry is at least consistent: having defined the
J60  99 work of art as {*"une machine destine*?2e a*?3 exciter et a*?3
J60 100 combiner les formations individuelles de ces esprits**"} (the public),
J60 101 he rejects such an activity as beneath him, as time-wasting when he
J60 102 has more important things to do. ^His initial definition of art is
J60 103 faulty, incomplete. ^Secondly, it stands condemned by the very
J60 104 inadequacy of its presentation. ^Not only is art ill defined, but no
J60 105 details are given of the nature of human psychology on which the
J60 106 success of the triumphant technique is supposed to depend. ^The fact
J60 107 is that, at this stage of his career, he has no adequate theory of
J60 108 language and no adequate conception of poetic creation such as he will
J60 109 have in later years. ^Few would question the value of technique, but
J60 110 how many would subscribe to the exaggerated thesis put forward by
J60 111 Vale*?2ry in his youth?
J60 112    |
J60 113    |^Nothing is more significant than the detached humour with which
J60 114 Vale*?2ry, in 1919, in the {*1Note et Digression} *0which he wrote for
J60 115 his {*1Introduction a*?3 la me*?2thode de Le*?2onard de Vinci},
J60 116 *0looks back, not without sympathy despite the detachment, at the
J60 117 ideas and difficulties which he had had in 1894, about the time of
J60 118 composition of the \*1Introduction. ^*0He excuses himself, so to
J60 119 speak, but does not really explain enough for our purposes. ^We are
J60 120 still left wondering why he should have had this absolute faith in the
J60 121 powers of technique and why therefore he believed, if only for a short
J60 122 time, that poetry can be composed without any trace of inspiration.
J60 123 ^The influence of Poe and Mallarme*?2, and the part it played in
J60 124 Vale*?2ry's abandonment of poetry and the development of his programme
J60 125 of knowledge and self-knowledge, has been clearly indicated by
J60 126 Vale*?2ry himself and often discussed by his critics. ^Less attention
J60 127 has been paid to an influence probably no less potent: that of
J60 128 contemporary scientific thought.
J60 129    |^The last three decades of the nineteenth century were an age in
J60 130 which, as the rift between philosophy and science widened, it was
J60 131 becoming evident that there was more than one reality, depending on
J60 132 the viewpoint of the observer. ^The scientist was cautious of claiming
J60 133 to interpret or explain phenomena: on the one hand, there was reality
J60 134 with its multiple facets, on the other, the man who sought to
J60 135 understand this reality. ^His understanding was necessarily
J60 136 subjective, but hope lay in his attempt to capture the manifold
J60 137 aspects of this reality. ^In fact, reality as such had no meaning: it
J60 138 is we who supply the meaning. ^The upshot of these tendencies of
J60 139 enlightened positivism was that the scientist avoided any metaphysical
J60 140 claims for his discoveries (similarly, Vale*?2ry had rejected
J60 141 philosophy, metaphysics, any form of *'absolute**' in the normal
J60 142 sense): he sought a limited goal, continuity, by establishing
J60 143 relationships between phenomena.
J60 144    |^Henri Poincare*?2 probably played a decisive ro*?5le in causing
J60 145 Vale*?2ry to shift his attention *"from *'objects in themselves**' to
J60 146 the *'relationships existing between objects**', in which alone is any
J60 147 meaning to be found.**" ^Thanks to his purely personal preoccupations
J60 148 (his cult of consciousness, together with his reaction against love
J60 149 and poetry, {*"les choses vagues**"} generally), thanks to the
J60 150 influence of Mallarme*?2's formalism, Vale*?2ry was already by the
J60 151 early 1890s well along the road of *'relations**' as opposed to
J60 152 *'objects in themselves**'. ^Marked similarities of attitude can be
J60 153 discovered between the views of Poincare*?2 and Vale*?2ry on
J60 154 intellectual creation, both poetic and scientific. ^Vale*?2ry writes
J60 155 in 1919:
J60 156 **[BEGIN INDENTATION**]
J60 157 **[BEGIN QUOTE**]
J60 158    |~{Toutes choses se substituent,*- ne serait-ce pas la
J60 159 de*?2finition des *1choses?}
J60 160 **[END QUOTE**]
J60 161 **[END INDENTATION**]
J60 162    |*0and, in 1944, looking back to his youth:
J60 163 **[LONG FOREIGN QUOTATION**]
J60 164    |^The young Vale*?2ry is interested in the {*"esprit universel**"},
J60 165 \da Vinci or Napoleon, whose supreme secret
J60 166 **[BEGIN INDENTATION**]
J60 167 **[BEGIN QUOTE**]
J60 168    |{est et ne peut e*?5tre que dans les relations qu'ils
J60 169 trouve*?3rent, *- qu'ils furent force*?2s de trouver,*- *1entre des
J60 170 choses dont nous e*?2chappe la loi de continuite*?2.}
J60 171 **[END QUOTE**]
J60 172 **[END INDENTATION**]
J60 173    |^*0Vale*?2ry is drawn by the rigour and the universality of
J60 174 mathematics and of positivistic science generally towards the end of
J60 175 the nineteenth century. ^His \da Vinci of the \*1Introduction, *0his
J60 176 Monsieur Teste, are animated by a central belief in the \*1continu;
J60 177 *0his attitude before 1900, and even long after that date, like that
J60 178 of Poincare*?2, rests on the postulate that we cannot yet explain all
J60 179 the relations between all phenomena, but that we shall be able to do
J60 180 so eventually. ^The \da Vinci of the \*1Introduction *0believes that
J60 181 our inability to see everything minutely and clearly is due merely to
J60 182 the infirmity of our senses; such was Clerk Maxwell's point of view,
J60 183 as exemplified by his imaginary demon who could perform various
J60 184 fantastic tasks beyond the powers of ordinary men. ^The function of
J60 185 the universal mind is to transform \*1discontinu *0into \*1continu,
J60 186 *0and there is a tacit assumption that if this process can be
J60 187 continued, all the elements which do not fit in with what we already
J60 188 know, all the \*1discontinu, *0past, present or future, will be
J60 189 transformed into \*1continu. ^*0Maxwell's demon is essentially the
J60 190 same monster as Vale*?2ry's \da Vinci*- a projection to the infinite
J60 191 of their positivistic belief in \*1rapports *0and the possibility of
J60 192 explaining the relationships between everything. ^Maxwell's demon and
J60 193 Vale*?2ry's \da Vinci (or Teste) are what Poincare*?2, Maxwell and
J60 194 Vale*?2ry wanted to be, hoped to be*- the universal mind. ^This
J60 195 Maxwell-Poincare*?2-Vale*?2ry relationship becomes all the more
J60 196 understandable if we remember that Poincare*?2, naturally, was well
J60 197 acquainted with the work of Maxwell, and Vale*?2ry acquainted with the
J60 198 work of both Poincare*?2 and Maxwell.
J60 199    |^So we see how Vale*?2ry came to transfer his interests and hopes
J60 200 from poetic creation to this positivistic ideal of universal
J60 201 knowledge. ^With a youthful enthusiasm and impatience which he later
J60 202 acknowledged in the {*1Note et Digression} *0of 1919, he fathoms, as
J60 203 he thinks, *"{le proble*?3me litte*?2raire}**" in the way we have
J60 204 seen, and more or less abandons poetic composition:
J60 205 **[LONG FOREIGN QUOTATION**]
J60 206 ^Poe and Mallarme*?2 had, in a sense, led him in the same direction as
J60 207 Poincare*?2. ^He is strong in his belief that there is
J60 208 **[BEGIN INDENTATION**]
J60 209 {une sorte de contraste entre l'exercice de la litte*?2rature et la
J60 210 poursuite d'une certaine rigueur et d'une entie*?3re since*?2rite*?2
J60 211 de la pense*?2e.}
J60 212 **[END QUOTE**]
J60 213 **[END INDENTATION**]
J60 214 *# 2012
J61   1 **[355 TEXT J61**]
J61   2    |^*0This is also where we get the stage-villain's hiss of ~*"Die he
J61   3 or Justice must**". ^God is much at his worst here, in his first
J61   4 appearance; but he needs to be, to make the offer of the Son produce a
J61   5 dramatic change. ^I do not know what to make of his expressing the
J61   6 Calvinist doctrine that the elect are chosen by his will alone, which
J61   7 Milton had appeared to reject (185); it has a peculiar impact here,
J61   8 when God has not yet even secured the Fall of Adam and Eve. ^One might
J61   9 argue that he was in no mood to make jokes; and besides, the effect
J61  10 here is not a sardonic mockery of Satan, which can be felt in the
J61  11 military joke readily enough, but a mysterious and deeply rooted sense
J61  12 of glory. ^A simple explanation may be put forward; Milton felt that
J61  13 this was such a tricky bit to put over his audience, because the
J61  14 inherent contradictions were coming so very near the surface, that he
J61  15 needed with a secret delight to call on the whole of his power. ^This
J61  16 is almost what Shelley took to be his frame of mind; and it is hard to
J61  17 accept, with the {*1De Doctrina} *0before us, without talking about
J61  18 Milton's Unconsciousness. ^But we may be sure that there is a
J61  19 mediating factor; if he had been challenged about the passage, he
J61  20 would have said that he was following the Old Testament scrupulously,
J61  21 and allowing God to mock his foes.
J61  22    |^This has often been said about the jokes of Milton's God, or at
J61  23 least about the one which can't be ignored because it is explained as
J61  24 a joke (*=5. 720); and one can make a rough check from the Concordance
J61  25 at the end of a Bible. ^The only important case is from Psalm **=2;
J61  26 here again we meet the ancient document in which the King of Zion is
J61  27 adopted as the Son of God:
J61  28 **[BEGIN INDENTATION**]
J61  29 **[BEGIN QUOTE**]
J61  30    |^{1Why do the heathen rage ... ? ^The kings of the earth set
J61  31 themselves, and the rulers take counsel together, against the Lord,
J61  32 and against his anointed. ... ^He that sitteth in the heavens shall
J61  33 laugh; the Lord shall have them in derision.}
J61  34 **[END QUOTE**]
J61  35 **[END INDENTATION**]
J61  36    |^This is echoed in Psalms **=37. 13 and **=59. 8, and perhaps in
J61  37 Proverbs **=1. 26, where Wisdom and not God mocks the worldly rather
J61  38 than a powerful aggressor; but after trying to look under all the
J61  39 relevant words I do not find that the Concordance ever ascribes the
J61  40 sentiment to the Prophets. ^It was thus an ancient tradition but one
J61  41 treated with reserve, as Milton would understand. ^Naturally his
J61  42 intention in putting so much weight on it has been found especially
J61  43 hard to grasp.
J61  44    |^The views of \0M. Morand about the divine characters have been
J61  45 neglected and seem to me illuminating. ^In the same year as {*1De
J61  46 Comus A Satan} *0he published a pamphlet in English, *1The Effects of
J61  47 his Political Life on John Milton, *0concerned to show that a certain
J61  48 worldly-mindedness entered Milton's later poetry as a result of his
J61  49 rather sordid experience of government, politics, and propaganda.
J61  50 ^What chiefly stands out in this lively work, I think, is an
J61  51 accusation that Milton himself had smuggled into a later edition of
J61  52 {*1Eikon Basilike} *0the prayer, derived from Sidney's *1Arcadia,
J61  53 *0for which he then so resoundingly denounced King Charles in
J61  54 {*1Eikonoclastes*0}; we are given a shocking picture of an English
J61  55 expert getting the evidence of a Dutch researcher ignored by
J61  56 gentlemanly bluff. ^\0Mr Robert Graves used the main story in *1Wife
J61  57 to \0Mr Milton, *0but I had not realized that the evidence for it was
J61  58 so strong; indeed, \0Mr Graves often seems too disgusted by Milton to
J61  59 be convincing*- disagreeable in many ways he may have been, but surely
J61  60 not a physical coward. ^I don't feel that the action is too bad for
J61  61 Milton; he would think the divine purpose behind the Civil War
J61  62 justified propaganda tricks, and need not have thought this a
J61  63 particularly bad one. ^The King was dead, and the purpose of the cheat
J61  64 was merely to prevent the people from thinking him a martyr. ^He
J61  65 hadn't written any of the book really, and Milton suspected that at
J61  66 the time, so it was only a matter of answering one cheat with another.
J61  67 ^Milton must in any case have been insincere in pretending to be
J61  68 shocked at the use of a prayer by Sidney, given in the story as that
J61  69 of a pagan, but so Christian in feeling as to be out of period (it
J61  70 assumes that God may be sending us evil as a test or tonic for our
J61  71 characters, which even if to be found in Aeschylus or Marcus Aurelius
J61  72 is not standard for Arcadia). ^Milton might comfort himself with the
J61  73 reflection that he wasn't even damaging the man's character in the
J61  74 eyes of fit judges, only making use of a popular superstition*- as
J61  75 Shelley expected on another occasion. ^However, \0M. Morand finds that
J61  76 this kind of activity brought about a Fallen condition, as one might
J61  77 say, in the mind of the poet, and such is what {*1De Comus A Satan}
J61  78 *0examines throughout the later poetry.
J61  79    |^There is an assumption here that to do Government propaganda can
J61  80 only have a bad effect upon a poet's mind, and I feel able to speak on
J61  81 the point as I was employed at such work myself in the Second World
J61  82 War, indeed once had the honour of being named in rebuttal by
J61  83 Fritzsche himself and called a curly-headed Jew. ^I wasn't in on any
J61  84 of the splendid tricks, such as Milton is accused of, but the
J61  85 cooked-up argufying I have experienced. ^To work at it forces you to
J61  86 imagine all the time what the enemy will reply; you are trying to get
J61  87 him into a corner. ^Such a training cannot narrow a man's
J61  88 understanding of other people's opinions, though it may well narrow
J61  89 his own opinions. ^I should say that Milton's experience of propaganda
J61  90 is what makes his later poetry so very dramatic; that is, though he is
J61  91 a furious partisan, he can always imagine with all its force exactly
J61  92 what the reply of the opponent would be. ^As to his integrity, he was
J61  93 such an inconvenient propagandist that the Government deserve credit
J61  94 for having the nerve to appoint and retain him. ^He had already
J61  95 published the Divorce Pamphlets before he got the job; well now, if
J61  96 you are setting out to be severe and revolutionary on the basis of
J61  97 literal acceptance of the Old Testament, the most embarrassing thing
J61  98 you can be confronted with is detailed evidence about the sexual
J61  99 habits of the patriarchs; it is the one point where the plain man
J61 100 feels he can laugh. ^Milton always remained liable to defend his side
J61 101 by an argument which would strike his employers as damaging; his style
J61 102 of attack is savagely whole-hearted, but his depth of historical
J61 103 knowledge and imaginative sympathy keep having unexpected effects. ^He
J61 104 was not at all likely to feel that he had forfeited his independence
J61 105 of mind by such work. ^\0M. Morand therefore strikes me as rather
J61 106 innocent in assuming that he was corrupted by it, but I warmly agree
J61 107 that it made his mind very political. ^Professor Wilson Knight has
J61 108 also remarked that Milton wrote a political allegory under the
J61 109 appearance of a religious poem, though he did not draw such drastic
J61 110 consequences from the epigram.
J61 111    |^On the Morand view, God is simply a dynastic ruler like those
J61 112 Milton had had to deal with; Cromwell had wanted his son to inherit,
J61 113 no less than Charles. ^\0M. Morand does not seem to realize it, but
J61 114 the effect is to make Milton's God much better. ^His intrigues and
J61 115 lies to bolster his power are now comparatively unselfish, being only
J61 116 meant to transfer it unimpaired to his Son, and above all he feels no
J61 117 malignity towards his victims. ^His method of impressing the loyalist
J61 118 angels will doom almost all mankind to misery, but he takes no
J61 119 pleasure in that; it simply does not bother him. ^The hypocrisy which
J61 120 the jovial old ruffian feels to be required of him in public has not
J61 121 poisoned his own mind, as we realize when he permits himself his
J61 122 leering jokes. ^This does, I should say, correspond to the impression
J61 123 usually made by the poem on a person not brought up as a Christian,
J61 124 such as my Chinese and Japanese students. ^The next step is to regard
J61 125 the debate in Heaven, where the Son, but no angel, offers to die for
J61 126 man, as a political trick rigged up to impress the surviving angels;
J61 127 the Son is free to remark (*=3. 245) that he knows the Father won't
J61 128 let him stay dead, so that the incantationary repetition of the word
J61 129 *1death *0comes to seem blatantly artificial. ^(We find in the {*1De
J61 130 Doctrina} *0Chapter *=12 that Milton includes *"under the head of
J61 131 death, in Scripture, all evils whatsoever**"...). ^Nobody is surprised
J61 132 at the absence of volunteers among the good angels, whereas Satan,
J61 133 during the parallel scene in Hell (*=2. 470), has to close the debate
J61 134 hurriedly for fear a less competent rebel put himself forward.
J61 135 ^Otherwise the two scenes are deliberately made alike, and the reason
J61 136 is simply that both are political:
J61 137 **[BEGIN INDENTATION**]
J61 138 **[BEGIN QUOTE**]
J61 139    |^{Ce qui frappe, c'est le parallelisme des moyens employe*?2es,
J61 140 conseils, discours. ^Me*?5me souci de garder pour soi tout gloire.}
J61 141 **[END QUOTE**]
J61 142 (\0p. 145)
J61 143 **[END INDENTATION**]
J61 144    |^On reaching *1Paradise Regained, \0*0M. Morand is interested to
J61 145 learn how the Son grew up. ^In *1Paradise Lost *0he often seems half
J61 146 ashamed of the autocratic behaviour of his Father, because his role is
J61 147 to induce the subject angels to endure it; but when he is alone on the
J61 148 earth-visit which has been arranged for him we find he has merely the
J61 149 cold calculating pride which we would expect from his training.
J61 150 ^However, we already find this trait, decides \0M. Morand, at the
J61 151 early public moment when he offers his Sacrifice; he is unable to
J61 152 avoid presenting himself as solely interested in his own career (\0p.
J61 153 169). ^As the Creation for which he was the instrument has already
J61 154 happened, he might at least speak as if he could tell a man apart from
J61 155 a cow, but he says that his Father's grace visits *"all his
J61 156 creatures**" (*=3. 230). ^Satan, on the parallel occasion, was at
J61 157 least genuinely concerned to get the job done, whoever did it; and
J61 158 \0M. Morand decides that the ringing repetition of ME in the speech
J61 159 of sacrifice of the Son is a little too grotesque, however perfectly
J61 160 in character. ^Milton
J61 161 **[BEGIN INDENTATION**]
J61 162 **[BEGIN QUOTE**]
J61 163    |{n'eu*?5t pas pense*?2 a*?3 ce que peut contenir de ridicule ce
J61 164 martellement du moi.
J61 165    |^De personnages extra-terrestres, le moins e*?2loigne*?2 de la
J61 166 modestie est encore Satan}.
J61 167 **[END QUOTE**]
J61 168 (\0p. 171)
J61 169 **[END INDENTATION**]
J61 170    |^This is at least a splendid reply to the argument that pride is
J61 171 the basic fault of all the characters who fall.
J61 172    |^The Morand line of argument can be taken an extra step, to argue
J61 173 that the Son too is being cheated by the Father; and this excites a
J61 174 suspicion that there is something inadequate about it. ^He says
J61 175 nothing of the means of his death, and speaks as if he is going to
J61 176 remain on earth till the Last Day:
J61 177 **[POEM**]
J61 178    |^Our chief impression here, surely, is not that he is too little
J61 179 interested in mankind but that he does not know what is going to
J61 180 happen, except for a triumph at which he can rejoice. ^If the Jews had
J61 181 not chosen to kill him, he would presumably have remained on earth
J61 182 till the Last Day, making history less bad than the poem describes it
J61 183 as being; and what they will choose can be foreknown by the Father
J61 184 only. ^The Son expects to find no frown upon the face of God on
J61 185 Judgement Day, the {*1Dies Irae} *0itself, so we can hardly doubt
J61 186 that he expects things to turn out better than they do. ^His prophecy
J61 187 appears to be a continuous narrative: *"not long lie... rise
J61 188 victorious... then... then**", as if he will lead the blessed to
J61 189 Heaven very soon after the Resurrection. ^Among human speakers
J61 190 *'lastly die**' is a natural way to express pathos, though a
J61 191 tautology; but a meaning which would make it a correct description of
J61 192 the career of the Son is hard to invent.
J61 193 *# 2032
J62   1 **[356 TEXT J62**]
J62   2 ^*0The wife, in this story, was dead and buried and yet her husband
J62   3 found her *'{in magno feminarum cetu de nocte}**' and snatched her
J62   4 away and brought her back home to human life once more. ^Whether this
J62   5 old Breton tale had already been contaminated with the classical
J62   6 legend of Orpheus and Eurydice we cannot say, but the strange
J62   7 oscillation between contrary concepts is characteristic of *1Orfeo
J62   8 *0as well.
J62   9    |^The motive for abduction in fairy tales is usually love, as, for
J62  10 example, in *1Guingamor, Lanval *0and *1Graelent; *0but Heurodis was
J62  11 not snatched away for love; the fairy king had his own queen; besides,
J62  12 to have introduced the love motive in this fashion would have cut
J62  13 across the theme of marital love and loyalty upon which the tale of
J62  14 Orpheus and Eurydice hinges. ^If the king of Fairy is not to be
J62  15 entirely identified with the king of the Dead, what reason can be
J62  16 offered for his behaviour?
J62  17    |^It is at this point, when Orfeo saw his wife lying under the
J62  18 {1*1ympe tre} *0in the castle courtyard, that the interlacing of the
J62  19 classical and Celtic stories appears at its most intricate.
J62  20    |^Heurodis was abducted in the *'{1*?24e comessing of May}**'.
J62  21 ^In a vague, imperceptible way, the fairy king, who was also the god
J62  22 of an underworld, since Orfeo had to go *'{1In at a roche}**' to
J62  23 reach him, seems here to have taken on some of the attributes of Dis,
J62  24 who stole Proserpina away as she was gathering spring flowers in the
J62  25 meadow; and Heurodis also seems to take the place of Proserpina, for
J62  26 Eurydice was not abducted, but killed by the poisonous fangs of a
J62  27 snake. ^In classical legend, Dis or Pluto was the king of the
J62  28 underworld and the dead; but, according to Caesar, the Celts also had
J62  29 a god of the underworld similar to Dis, from whom all the Gauls
J62  30 claimed to be descended: ~*'{Galli se omnes ab Dite patre prognatos
J62  31 praedicant}**', and in later fairy lore he or the classical Dis or
J62  32 both became identified with the king of Fairy, if Chaucer is to be
J62  33 believed: *'Pluto that is the \1kyng of \1fairye**' (*1Merchant's
J62  34 Tale, *0983). ^Again, in the classical legend, the two attributes of
J62  35 Dis fell together; he was not only the power of winter in seasonal
J62  36 myth, he was also the god of Hades, the ruler in the kingdom of the
J62  37 Dead. ^In Celtic legend also, there existed a seasonal myth similar to
J62  38 that of Dis and Proserpina; it took the form of an abduction story,
J62  39 closely resembling the abduction of Heurodis in some of the details to
J62  40 which the classical versions offer no similarity. ^Traces of this myth
J62  41 are to be found in *1Culhwch and Olwen *0and the {*1Vita Gildae},
J62  42 *0said to have been written by Caradoc of Llancarvon:
J62  43 **[BEGIN QUOTE**]
J62  44    |^(*1a*0) Creiddylad daughter of Lludd Silver-hand (the maiden of
J62  45 most majesty that was ever in the Island of Britain and its three
J62  46 adjacent islands). ^And for her Gwythyr son of Greidawl and Gwyn son
J62  47 of Nudd fight for ever each May-calends till the day of doom...
J62  48    |^Creiddylad daughter of Lludd Silver-hand went with Gwythyr son of
J62  49 Greidawl; and before he had slept with her there came Gwyn son of Nudd
J62  50 and carried her off by force. ^Gwythyr son of Greidawl gathered a host
J62  51 and he came to fight with Gwyn son of Nudd. ^And Gwyn prevailed...
J62  52 ^Arthur heard tell of this and he came into the North and summoned to
J62  53 him Gwyn son of Nudd and set free his noblemen from his prison and
J62  54 peace was made between Gwyn son of Nudd and Gwythyr son of Greidawl.
J62  55 ^This is the peace that was made: the maiden should remain in her
J62  56 father's house unmolested by either side, and there should be battle
J62  57 between Gwyn and Gwythyr each May-calends for ever and ever, from that
J62  58 day till doomsday; and the one of them that should be victor on
J62  59 doomsday, let him have the maiden.
J62  60 **[END QUOTE**]
J62  61 **[LONG FOREIGN QUOTATION**]
J62  62    |^The details worth noting in relation to *1Orfeo *0are: the
J62  63 abduction had reference to the May-calends or *'{1*?24e comessing of
J62  64 May}**' in (*1a*0) and there is an implication of seasonal cycle in
J62  65 *'{per unius anni circulum}**' in (*1b*0); the husband was a king
J62  66 and the stolen wife a queen in (*1b*0); the ravisher was also a king
J62  67 in both (*1a*0) and (*1b*0), but whereas in *1Culhwch and Olwen *0he
J62  68 was undoubtedly the king of the underworld, Gwyn \ap Nudd, king of
J62  69 Annwn, Melvas was made king of the *'summer region**' or Somerset,
J62  70 since it was to his castle in Glastonbury that he carried the queen.
J62  71 ^Possibly the roles of Arthur and Melvas have been exchanged, for
J62  72 Gwythyr \ap Greidawl seems to be equated with the sun or summer, if
J62  73 the elements in his name are any guide, *1Gwythyr, *0Victor and
J62  74 *1Greid-, *0Old Irish \*1?*?22greid, *0to scorch. ^Melvas ought to be
J62  75 the equivalent of Gwyn \ap Nudd. ^However, as the version in the
J62  76 {*1Vita Gildae} *0was obviously altered to boost Glastonbury abbey
J62  77 and Gildas, these differences may be bits of local colour. ^Finally,
J62  78 in both (*1a*0) and (*1b*0), an attempt was made to recapture the
J62  79 woman with the help of armed knights, and in (*1b*0) Guinevere was
J62  80 restored to her husband just as Heurodis was given back to Orfeo.
J62  81    |^Why Orfeo was a *'king**' might now appear to be more reasonable;
J62  82 and the fact that he was successful in bringing his wife safely out of
J62  83 Fairyland becomes something more than a mere romantic and neo-fairy
J62  84 ending to an old, tragic story. ^Yet, to understand *1Orfeo
J62  85 *0completely, we must turn again to the classical tale of Orpheus and
J62  86 Eurydice, for it is this alone which can explain why Heurodis was
J62  87 abducted for no apparent reason. ^Eurydice, like the dead mother in
J62  88 the Breton tale, {*1Filii Mortue}, *0was the beloved wife who died;
J62  89 Heurodis, her nominal counterpart, was at the same time
J62  90 semi-Proserpina, semi-Creiddylad-Guinevere, and was abducted; the
J62  91 reason for her abduction is omitted because, as Eurydice, she should
J62  92 have died, and, as Proserpina-Creiddylad-Guinevere, she should have
J62  93 been stolen for love; either reason is incompatible with the theme of
J62  94 *1Orfeo.
J62  95    |^*0When Orfeo arrived in the fairy underworld, he saw his queen,
J62  96 not in the palace among the ladies with whom he had met her in the
J62  97 forest, but in the outer courtyard, among a collection of sick, mad,
J62  98 crippled and headless people, who were lying there exactly as they had
J62  99 been on earth when they had been snatched away in their noontide
J62 100 sleep. ^In the forest she had been *'alive**'; she had recognized him
J62 101 and had wept; yet, when he followed the fairy company and came to find
J62 102 her in Fairyland, she is pictured as being in her first condition, not
J62 103 as she was the day she was abducted, for then she was not asleep, but
J62 104 as she was when the fairy king first appeared to her*- asleep under
J62 105 the {1*1ympe tre}.
J62 106    |^*0The poet says that all the people who were lying there, and
J62 107 that includes Heurodis, *'{1*?24ou*?26t dede and nare nou*?26t}**'.
J62 108 ^Even when full allowance has been made for the marvellous things
J62 109 which could happen in Fairyland, it is difficult to believe that a
J62 110 person without a head was not *'dead**' in the first instance. ^And
J62 111 are we to understand that these headless, armless, burnt and choked
J62 112 people, to say nothing of the mothers in childbed, also *'arose**' as
J62 113 Heurodis evidently did, and took part in the dancing and hunting in
J62 114 the forest? ^Analysis of this kind emphasizes the slight
J62 115 inconsistencies in the narrative and serves to show up the seams in
J62 116 the joining of the Celtic and classical tales. ^At the same time, we
J62 117 can scour *1Georgics, *0*=4 and *1Metamorphoses, *0*=10 in vain for
J62 118 any hint or detail which might help to throw light on this odd
J62 119 picture. ^The bodiless phantoms that came in their thousands from the
J62 120 depths of Erebus at the sound of Orpheus's lyre (*1Georgics, *0*=4,
J62 121 475-7) and the bloodless spirits who wept at the strain
J62 122 (*1Metamorphoses, *0*=10, 41) cannot honestly be considered as in any
J62 123 way comparable to the folk *'{1liggeand wi*?24in *?24e wal}**', for
J62 124 Orfeo had not yet entered the king's palace nor had he touched the
J62 125 strings of his harp nor did these people outside come in later on to
J62 126 listen to him.
J62 127    |^If it be remembered that not only the legend of Orpheus, but the
J62 128 whole of Virgil's work was widely known in the Middle Ages, a clue may
J62 129 be found in another Virgilian description of the classical underworld,
J62 130 the one in *1Aeneid, \0*0Bk. *=6.
J62 131    |^Aeneas, when he prayed to be allowed to visit his father's shade
J62 132 in Hades, made use of the story of Orpheus and Eurydice to strengthen
J62 133 his petition; if Orpheus could call up his wife's shade in Erebus,
J62 134 could not he, Aeneas, also a descendant of the gods, make the same
J62 135 journey? ^He was allowed to do so and when he reached the entrance to
J62 136 Hades he is pictured as approaching it across the \*1vestibulum *0or
J62 137 forecourt, with the \*1limen *0and \*1fores, *0the main door, at the
J62 138 far side; that is, Virgil has imagined the entrance to Hades in
J62 139 contemporary terms, those of the Roman house, just as the poet of
J62 140 *1Orfeo *0has visualized the entrance to the fairy underworld in terms
J62 141 of a medieval castle:
J62 142 **[LONG FOREIGN QUOTATION**]
J62 143    |^What Aeneas saw in the forecourt of Orcus was very similar to
J62 144 that which Orfeo saw in the courtyard of the fairy king's castle; all
J62 145 kinds of horrors had *'made their beds**' there, but where Virgil has
J62 146 enumerated abstractions and the customary grisly inhabitants of
J62 147 Tartarus, the author of *1Orfeo *0has presented a picture of examples,
J62 148 an oddly assorted gathering of people, most of whom would have been
J62 149 found, in the Middle Ages, in Purgatory, because they had died
J62 150 suddenly and unshriven*- the burnt, the drowned, women who had died
J62 151 mad in labour, soldiers killed in battle and those who, like Hamlet's
J62 152 father, had been taken, *'grossly, full of bread**' and had died
J62 153 choking. ^None of them has a right to a home in Fairyland, at least,
J62 154 not according to the ancient tradition concerning that place; all who
J62 155 go there are either stolen or lured from earth on account of their
J62 156 beauty or desirability. ^That Heurodis should be there is
J62 157 intelligible, but the rest seem to belong to the Christian otherworld
J62 158 of punishment, which, in the Middle Ages, owed many of its features to
J62 159 the pagan conception of Tartarus; both were places in which the wicked
J62 160 or the unassoiled found themselves after death and every traveller who
J62 161 had the temerity to visit them, were he an Orpheus, an Aeneas or a
J62 162 Knight Owen had his sight seared with visions of human agony. ^Orpheus
J62 163 descended into Hades, Orfeo tunnelled into Fairyland; the two stories
J62 164 which are so successfully merged in other parts of *1Orfeo *0are just
J62 165 here a little divergent, or perhaps it is that the classical element
J62 166 is for the moment uppermost and has, in its detail, been partly
J62 167 overlaid with contemporary notions. ^In any case, the similarity
J62 168 between the settings is very close.
J62 169    |^Another interesting point of comparison lies in the linking of
J62 170 sleep with the idea of Death's kingdom. ^Virgil has used the word
J62 171 \*1sopor, *0which has an intensive force, implying a torpor akin to
J62 172 the sleep of death, *'{consanguineus Leti Sopor}**'. ^Sleep, in
J62 173 classical legend, was associated with Hades. ^According to Hesiod
J62 174 (*1Theogony, *0*=1, 211 \0ff.), Erebus and Night were the children
J62 175 of Chaos; and Night, the mother of Doom, Fate and Death, also gave
J62 176 birth to Sleep and the tribe of Dreams and *'painful Woe**'. ^Cicero
J62 177 echoes this in his {*1De Natura Deorum, *03, 17: *'Amor Dolus
J62 178 Metus... Mors Tenebrae Miseria... Somnia quos omnes Erebo et Nocte
J62 179 natos ferunt**'}. ^In *1Orfeo *0the same idea is present, for, in the
J62 180 fairy otherworld, which is also an underworld, the miseries,
J62 181 exemplified by the folk *'{1liggeand wi*?24in *?24e wal}**', are
J62 182 definitely related to sleep: *'{1ri*?24t as *?24ai slepe her
J62 183 vndertides}**'.
J62 184    |^Next, there is the tree, the great Elm of Dreams. ^No true
J62 185 parallel to it has yet been found in classical legend.
J62 186 *# 2005
J63   1 **[357 TEXT J63**]
J63   2 ^*0For Hardy, then, Correggio is the artist of yearning, as, indeed,
J63   3 he himself tells us in *1A Pair of Blue Eyes *0in the passage
J63   4 describing the appearance of Elfride Swancourt, where he extends his
J63   5 method and sees his heroine through the eyes of three painters,
J63   6 Raphael, Rubens, and Correggio, in turn:
J63   7 **[BEGIN QUOTE**]
J63   8    |^Elfride had as her own the thoughtfulness which appears in the
J63   9 Madonna \della Sedia, without its rapture: the warmth and spirit of
J63  10 the type of woman's feature most common to the beauties*- mortal and
J63  11 immortal*- of Rubens, without their insistent fleshiness. ^The
J63  12 characteristic expression of the female faces of Correggio*- that of
J63  13 the yearning human thoughts that lie too deep for tears*- was hers
J63  14 sometimes, but seldom under ordinary conditions.
J63  15 **[END QUOTE**]
J63  16    |^This is the most elaborate of all Hardy's experiments in what
J63  17 might be called pictorial definition. ^It will be observed that in all
J63  18 the examples that I have given he seizes upon some quality that is
J63  19 peculiarly characteristic of the artist in question, so that the
J63  20 reader at once receives an impression of a general facial type before
J63  21 being invited to consider its particular manifestation. ^With quite
J63  22 subsidiary characters, however, a mere impression is sufficient, and
J63  23 no qualifications are added: thus the woman who opens the lodge gate
J63  24 at Endelstow, in *1A Pair of Blue Eyes, *0is simply described as
J63  25 having *'a double chin and thick neck, like the Queen Anne portrait by
J63  26 Dahl**'*- and although the incident has no importance in the story
J63  27 there is point in the choice of a painter who seems to have had no
J63  28 qualms about stressing the plainness and stodginess of his sitters.
J63  29    |^Even the nationality of the artist alluded to contributes to our
J63  30 impression of the character whom Hardy is presenting. ^If Cytherea
J63  31 Graye could have been painted by Greuze, or Lucetta Templeman by
J63  32 Titian, Liddy Smallbury, Bathsheba's servant in *1Far From the Madding
J63  33 Crowd, *0suggests rather the healthy, well-scrubbed girls of Dutch
J63  34 art:
J63  35 **[BEGIN QUOTE**]
J63  36    |~The beauty her features might have lacked in form was amply made
J63  37 up for by perfection of hue, which at this winter-time was the
J63  38 softened ruddiness on a surface of high rotundity that we meet with in
J63  39 a Terburg or a Gerard Douw;
J63  40 **[END QUOTE**]
J63  41    |while Sue Bridehead, with her dark beauty, conjures up in Jude's
J63  42 mind a recollection of *'the girls he had seen in engravings from
J63  43 paintings of the Spanish School**'.
J63  44    |^An effective use of this device of pictorial allusion to suggest
J63  45 the attitude of a character at a particular moment is to be found in
J63  46 the glimpse of \0Mr. Penny at work at his trade, in *1Under the
J63  47 Greenwood Tree. ^*0\0Mr. Penny is a shoemaker, and his house looks out
J63  48 on to the main road, *'\0Mr. Penny himself being invariably seen
J63  49 working inside like a framed portrait of a shoemaker by some modern
J63  50 Moroni**'. ^Although this is not a reference to an actual picture by
J63  51 Moroni (and no painting of a shoemaker by Moroni exists), the effect
J63  52 is still precise, for we know what such a picture by a
J63  53 nineteenth-century Moroni would look like. ^Moroni, we know,
J63  54 specialized in single portraits in which he emphasized his sitter's
J63  55 trade or calling, as in the *'Portrait of a Tailor**' in the National
J63  56 Gallery, which was probably the picture by which Hardy knew him best;
J63  57 and it was clearly Moroni's practice of putting a frame, as it were,
J63  58 around a single figure, and of isolating him in the context of his
J63  59 daily work, that Hardy found interesting.
J63  60    |^Many of the artists who fascinated Hardy were not particularly
J63  61 fashionable in his own day; and names of some of them would have been
J63  62 known to a mere handful of his readers. ^A curious example of his
J63  63 tastes is provided by his two allusions, first in *1The Return of the
J63  64 Native, *0and then in *1Tess of the D'Urbervilles, *0to Sallaert and
J63  65 Van Alsloot, artists in whom only recently much interest has been
J63  66 taken, and then mainly by specialists. ^Both worked in Brussels in the
J63  67 early years of the seventeenth century, devoting themselves chiefly to
J63  68 a class of processional scene crowded with tiny figures. ^Among the
J63  69 best known of these are the two pictures by Van Alsloot in the
J63  70 Victoria and Albert Museum representing the annual procession in
J63  71 Brussels known as the Ommeganck, which was held under the patronage of
J63  72 the church of Notre Dame \de Sablon, a church founded by the Guild of
J63  73 Crossbowmen. ^The object of the procession was to commemorate the
J63  74 translation to this church, from Antwerp, of a miraculous image of the
J63  75 Virgin, and it was preceded by the ceremony of the Shooting of the
J63  76 Popinjay (a wooden representation of a parrot fixed to the top of a
J63  77 steeple). ^Van Alsloot's pictures record the Ommeganck of 1615, when
J63  78 the Infanta Isabella, the consort of the Archduke Albert, had
J63  79 succeeded in shooting the popinjay at the first attempt. ^The
J63  80 Ommeganck was an extremely colourful affair, dominated as it was by
J63  81 the triumphal cars carrying elaborate enactments of \6*1tableaux *0of
J63  82 such scenes as the Nativity and \0St. George's fight with the Dragon.
J63  83 ^And dotted all over Van Alsloot's representations of it are the
J63  84 quaint little figures that seem above all else to have caught Hardy's
J63  85 fancy. ^Hardy first alludes to them in *1The Return of the Native*0:
J63  86 **[BEGIN QUOTE**]
J63  87    |^What was the great world to \0Mrs. Yeobright? ^A multitude whose
J63  88 tendencies could be perceived, though not its essences. ^Communities
J63  89 were seen by her as from a distance; she saw them as we see the
J63  90 throngs which cover the canvases of Sallaert, Van Alsloot, and others
J63  91 of that school*- vast masses of beings, jostling, zigzagging, and
J63  92 processioning in definite directions, but whose features are
J63  93 indistinguishable by the very comprehensiveness of the view.
J63  94 **[END QUOTE**]
J63  95    |^In *1Tess of the D'Urbervilles, *0published thirteen years later,
J63  96 it is a large herd of cows that brings these processional pictures
J63  97 before Hardy's eyes:
J63  98 **[BEGIN QUOTE**]
J63  99    |^The green lea was speckled as thickly with them as a canvas by
J63 100 Van Alsloot or Sallaert with burghers. ^The ripe hue of the red and
J63 101 dun \1kine absorbed the evening sunlight, which the white-coated
J63 102 animals returned to the eye in rays almost as dazzling.
J63 103 **[END QUOTE**]
J63 104    |^It may be added that this passage has a further interest, for it
J63 105 suggests that Hardy was aware of the colour-theories of men like Rood
J63 106 and Chevreul, which were to have some influence on Impressionism. ^We
J63 107 may compare a similar but much earlier observation upon the nature of
J63 108 colour in *1Far From the Madding Crowd *0(published in 1873): ^*'We
J63 109 learn that it is not the rays which bodies absorb, but those which
J63 110 they reject, that give them the colours they are known by.**'
J63 111    |^If Hardy could scarcely have assumed in the generality of his
J63 112 readers any knowledge of Sallaert or Van Alsloot, he could presumably
J63 113 have counted upon a much wider familiarity with the white horses which
J63 114 almost invariably appear in the landscapes of Wouwermans, always a
J63 115 popular artist in England, and which are alluded to in the scene in
J63 116 *1The Woodlanders *0where Grace Melbury watches her husband,
J63 117 Fitzpiers, who is being unfaithful to her, riding away on a white
J63 118 horse named Darling to his assignation with \0Mrs. Charmond:
J63 119 **[BEGIN QUOTE**]
J63 120    |^He kept along the edge of this high, uninclosed country, and the
J63 121 sky behind him being deep violet he could still see white Darling in
J63 122 relief upon it*- a mere speck now*- a Wouwermans eccentricity reduced
J63 123 to microscopic dimensions. ^Upon this high ground he gradually
J63 124 disappeared.
J63 125 **[END QUOTE**]
J63 126    |^Equally effective is the description, in the same novel, of a
J63 127 freshly pressed tablecloth*- *'reticulated with folds as in Flemish
J63 128 Last Suppers**'*- or of the clear outlines of figures thrown into
J63 129 relief by the light of a bonfire, in *1The Return of the Native:*0
J63 130 **[BEGIN QUOTE**]
J63 131    |^The brilliant lights and sooty shades which struggled upon the
J63 132 skin and clothes of the persons standing round caused their lineaments
J63 133 and general contours to be drawn with Dureresque vigour and dash.
J63 134 **[END QUOTE**]
J63 135    |^And, if poets and novelists have strained themselves to say
J63 136 something original about the moon, only Hardy could have likened it,
J63 137 as he does in *1Tess, *0to *'the outworn gold-leaf halo of some
J63 138 worm-eaten Tuscan saint**'.
J63 139    |^As Hardy develops as a writer it is interesting to observe the
J63 140 growing maturation of this device of pictorial allusion, which in his
J63 141 hands becomes a unique skill. ^In the later novels he is able to
J63 142 employ it in ways that go far beyond a purely descriptive intention.
J63 143 ^Towards the end of *1Tess, *0he wishes to suggest the psychological
J63 144 change which has been brought about in Angel Clare by his wife's
J63 145 confession, and he puts it thus:
J63 146 **[BEGIN QUOTE**]
J63 147    |^The picture of life had changed for him. ^Before this time he had
J63 148 known it but speculatively; now he thought he knew it as a practical
J63 149 man; though perhaps he did not, even yet. ^Nevertheless humanity stood
J63 150 before him no longer in the pensive sweetness of Italian art, but in
J63 151 the staring and ghastly attitudes of a Wiertz Museum, and with the
J63 152 leer of a study by Van Beers.
J63 153 **[END QUOTE**]
J63 154    |^Although the Poe-like horrifics of Wiertz are still remembered
J63 155 and have won a small place in the history of Romanticism, Van Beers,
J63 156 who seems to have deliberately invited comparison with him, has now
J63 157 been completely forgotten. ^In Hardy's day, however, he enjoyed
J63 158 something of a {6*1succe*?3s de scandale} *0with periodic
J63 159 exhibitions in Bond Street. ^One of these, held in November 1886, was
J63 160 condemned by a critic writing in *1The Magazine of Art *0as appealing
J63 161 *'to a class of sensations which have but little to do with those
J63 162 which art... should aim at evoking**'. ^Even *'as a purveyor of
J63 163 horrors**' the artist was unsuccessful, for he entirely lacked *'the
J63 164 vastness of conception, the measure of sincerity which gave to the
J63 165 art*- if we must so designate it*- of a Wiertz, resulting, as it did,
J63 166 from the real hallucinations of a diseased brain, a certain interest
J63 167 and a {6*1raison d'e*?5tre}**'.
J63 168    |^*0Towards the end of *1Tess, *0Clare returns at length from his
J63 169 wanderings, and we are given a striking picture of the outward change
J63 170 in him which has accompanied the inner:
J63 171 **[BEGIN QUOTE**]
J63 172    |^You could see the skeleton behind the man, and almost the ghost
J63 173 behind the skeleton. ^He matched Crivelli's dead *1Christus. ^*0His
J63 174 sunken eye-pits were of morbid hue, and the light in his eyes had
J63 175 waned. ^The angular hollows and lines of his aged ancestors had
J63 176 succeeded to their reign in his face twenty years before their time.
J63 177 **[END QUOTE**]
J63 178    |^The painting to which Hardy refers is in the National Gallery.
J63 179 ^Here Hardy's imagination is stimulated to enlarge upon the allusion
J63 180 and to paint a word-picture of great power. ^Crivelli was one of his
J63 181 favourite painters, and it is easy to see why the severity of
J63 182 Crivelli's types*- the farthest remove, as they are, from the pretty*-
J63 183 particularly appealed to him.
J63 184    |^As Hardy masters this technique he employs it more and more for
J63 185 dramatic effect. ^*1Tess *0again provides a fine example, in that
J63 186 melancholy scene at the end of the book when Angel Clare and 'Liza-Lu
J63 187 walk slowly up to the summit of the West Hill above Wintoncester to
J63 188 watch for the prison flag that will tell them that Tess's execution
J63 189 has been carried out: ^*'They moved on hand in hand, and never spoke a
J63 190 word, the drooping of their heads being that of Giotto's *"Two
J63 191 Apostles**".**' ^The picture to which Hardy here refers is a fragment
J63 192 of a fresco purchased for the National Gallery in 1856. ^It comes from
J63 193 a large decoration in the Carmine in Florence which was at that time
J63 194 believed to be by Giotto but which has since been reattributed to
J63 195 Spinello Aretino. ^The two heads originally formed part of a *'Burial
J63 196 of \0St. John the Baptist**'. ^Even more touching, perhaps, is the
J63 197 long, beautiful description, earlier in the same novel, of the labours
J63 198 of Tess and Marion in the fields, where again the image of two bowed
J63 199 heads is evoked by a simple and telling pictorial allusion: ^*'The
J63 200 pensive character which the curtained hood lent to their bent heads
J63 201 would have reminded the observer of some early Italian conception of
J63 202 the two Marys.**'
J63 203 *# 2002
J64   1 **[358 TEXT J64**]
J64   2 ^*0While the technical quality of the tapestry is high, the style is
J64   3 rather coarse and there is an element of doubt as to its origin in the
J64   4 imperial workshops.
J64   5    |^The second object which may refer to an imperial triumph is the
J64   6 ivory casket now in the Cathedral Treasury at Troyes. ^On the sides
J64   7 the casket is remarkable for hunting scenes of considerable power and
J64   8 for phoenixes in the Chinese style (\0Fig. 125); on the lid two
J64   9 mounted emperors placed symmetrically on either side of a town are
J64  10 offered a city-crown by a woman emerging from the gate followed by
J64  11 townsfolk (\0Fig. 126). ^It has been suggested that this last scene is
J64  12 related to the Triumph of Basil *=2 but, although undoubtedly
J64  13 portraying a victorious emperor, judging from the other scenes on the
J64  14 casket, it seems not to be connected with any particular event. ^A
J64  15 date, however, in the eleventh century is possible.
J64  16    |^More textiles may be assigned to the reign of Basil *=2. ^Several
J64  17 fragments of silk woven in compound twill with representations of
J64  18 large stylized lions at Berlin, Du"sseldorf, Krefeld and Cologne
J64  19 (\0Fig. 127) bear inscriptions referring to the Emperors Constantine
J64  20 *=8 and Basil *=2, the sovereigns who love Christ. ^Constantine *=8,
J64  21 younger brother of Basil *=2, idle and pleasure-loving like his father
J64  22 Romanus *=2, ruled jointly with the Bulgaroctonos between 976 and
J64  23 1025. ^Earlier versions of this type of silk, however, were known at
J64  24 one time. ^In the Cathedral at Auxerre under Bishop \0St. Gaudry
J64  25 (918-933) were two fragments of a Lion silk bearing the inscription
J64  26 *'in the reign of Leo, the sovereign who loves Christ**', which must
J64  27 refer to the Emperor Leo *=6 (886-912). ^At Siegburg another great
J64  28 Lion silk, now destroyed, bore an inscription referring to Romanus *=1
J64  29 Lecapenus and his son Christopher, whose joint reign lasted from 921
J64  30 to 923. ^A number of reduced, coarser versions of these Lion silks
J64  31 have survived but without inscriptions and in this case it is tempting
J64  32 to make a distinction between work done in the imperial factory and
J64  33 work done in the city. ^The magnificent Elephant silk (\0Fig. 128),
J64  34 introduced into the tomb of Charlemagne at Aachen by the Emperor Otto
J64  35 *=3 during the *'recognition**' of the year 1000, must also date from
J64  36 the early part of the reign of Basil *=2 and Constantine *=8, although
J64  37 the Greek inscription refers only to the fact that it was made *'under
J64  38 Michael, \kitonite and \eidikos, and Peter, \archon of the
J64  39 Zeuxippos**'. ^In addition, two Eagle silks may claim to have come
J64  40 from the imperial workshops under these emperors. ^The Chasuble of
J64  41 \0St. Albuin (975-1006) in the Cathedral Treasury at Brixen is made up
J64  42 from a silk compound twill woven with a pattern of large stylized
J64  43 eagles in dark green on a rose-purple ground with large dark green
J64  44 rosettes in the intervening spaces*- eyes, beaks, claws, and the ring
J64  45 in the beak are yellow (\0Fig. 129). ^The Shroud of \0St. Germain in
J64  46 the Church of Saint-Euse*?3be at Auxerre bears an identical pattern
J64  47 but in colours of dark blue, dark blue-green, and yellow, and the
J64  48 quality is finer than the Brixen silk. ^Unfortunately neither of these
J64  49 superb silks bears an inscription.
J64  50    |^With the possible exception of the last two silks, which differ
J64  51 considerably from Islamic Eagle silks that have survived, it may be
J64  52 said that Byzantine silk production of this time was heavily indebted
J64  53 to Persian and Abbasid models. ^The Elephant silk is clearly based on
J64  54 a Buwaiyid model for its subject matter and particularly for the
J64  55 stylized tree and its foliage behind the elephant, though the border
J64  56 of the medallion contains more specifically Byzantine ornament. ^It
J64  57 may be that the introduction of the inscriptions referring to the
J64  58 emperors and used as part of the design is an adoption of Islamic
J64  59 \*1tiraz *0protocol. ^Later in the century, when a series of
J64  60 particularly subtle silks, known for convenience as *'incised
J64  61 twills**' because the pattern in a silk of one colour appears to be
J64  62 engraved, are known in several sequences, the problem of deciding
J64  63 which were made in the Byzantine world and which were made under
J64  64 Islam, or by Islamic craftsmen in the Byzantine Empire, becomes acute.
J64  65 ^Some bear fine Kufic inscriptions with the name of an Amir of
J64  66 Diyarbakr in northern Syria dating about 1025, others bear polite
J64  67 wishes in Kufic, some have no inscriptions at all, and there is one
J64  68 remarkable silk, with the portrait of a Byzantine emperor, found in
J64  69 the tomb of \0St. Ulrich of Augsburg (\0d. 955), which seems to be
J64  70 without question of Greek manufacture. ^The textiles found in the tomb
J64  71 of Pope Clement *=2 (\0d. 1047) at Bamberg, of which one is closely
J64  72 related to a silk from the tomb of King Edward the Confessor (\0d.
J64  73 1066), present similar problems. ^There can be no doubt, however, that
J64  74 the imperial Byzantine silks have a power and a dignity, a feeling for
J64  75 design and texture, seldom rivalled in the history of textiles. ^There
J64  76 is little wonder that Bishop Liutprand of Cremona was tempted on his
J64  77 return from his unsatisfactory mission to the Emperor Nicephorus
J64  78 Phocas to smuggle imperial silks through the Byzantine customs.
J64  79    |^The mosaic panel in the South Gallery of Agia Sophia at
J64  80 Constantinople with the portraits of the Emperor Constantine *=9
J64  81 Monomachos and the Empress Zoe standing on either side of the seated
J64  82 Christ presents certain problems (\0Fig. 130). ^It continues the
J64  83 tradition of \6*1ex-voto *0mosaic panels representing the Augusti
J64  84 bearing gifts familiar in San Vitale at Ravenna in the sixth century
J64  85 and panels of a less exalted nature in the Church of \0St. Demetrius
J64  86 at Salonika in the seventh century. ^But in this panel all three heads
J64  87 and the inscriptions are substitutions. ^It is probable that the
J64  88 original mosaic was executed between 1028 and 1034 and it represented
J64  89 the Empress Zoe (1028-1050), daughter of Constantine *=8, and her
J64  90 first husband Romanus *=3 Argyrus (1028-1034). ^There is no
J64  91 documentary evidence, incidentally, that the Empress Zoe was
J64  92 interested in patronizing large-scale works of art though she had a
J64  93 fancy for expensive trinkets and chemical experiments, but Romanus *=3
J64  94 instigated repairs to Agia Sophia and to the Church of \0St. Mary at
J64  95 Blachernae. ^His name would seem to fit the space allowed for the
J64  96 inscription better than that of Michael his successor and, since he
J64  97 was unpopular, it was more likely to be excised than that of Michael
J64  98 *=4 the Paphlagonian (1034-1041), who was well liked and the uncle of
J64  99 Michael *=5 Kalaphates (1041-1042). ^Zoe, who was not fitted by
J64 100 temperament to govern, according to Michael Psellus, retained the
J64 101 affection of the people in spite of her eccentricities. ^She had lived
J64 102 in retirement during the later years of Michael *=4's rule and had
J64 103 been persuaded to adopt his nephew as Emperor. ^Michael *=5, however,
J64 104 induced the Senate to banish Zoe as a nun to the island of Prinkipo.
J64 105 ^It was presumably at this time that the mosaic panel was defaced.
J64 106 ^Michael *=5's triumph was brief. ^The people were not prepared to see
J64 107 a daughter born to the purple of the Macedonian house treated with
J64 108 such contumely and they rioted. ^The Empress was brought back from
J64 109 exile. ^She and her sister Theodora, who had long been a nun in the
J64 110 convent of the Petrion by the Phanar, were reinstated in the purple.
J64 111 ^Michael *=5 was persuaded to leave the altar in the Church of \0St.
J64 112 John of Studius where he had taken refuge, and was blinded in a street
J64 113 of the city. ^The two sisters, who had little love for one another,
J64 114 ruled for a few months as co-Empresses and coins were struck with
J64 115 their images (\0Fig. 131) but later in the year of 1042 Zoe at an
J64 116 advanced age took another husband, Constantine Monomachos (1042-1055),
J64 117 and Theodora was kept in the background of affairs. ^About this time
J64 118 the imperial portraits were restored. ^It is still far from clear,
J64 119 however, why it was necessary to restore the head of Christ.
J64 120    |^As opposed to the figures of Constantine and Justinian on the
J64 121 tympanum of Basil *=2 (\0Fig. 123), which are seen in depth and
J64 122 modelled with some solidity, the bodies of the Augusti are little more
J64 123 than lay figures of imperial power. ^In contrast with the Virgin in
J64 124 the south vestibule the drapery of Christ has become considerably more
J64 125 mannered with its cross-currents of folds and the face shows a marked
J64 126 difference of approach, more sketchy and schematic. ^But in view of
J64 127 the different styles current in Constantinople it would be rash to
J64 128 press these contrasts too far. ^The figures of Constantine and
J64 129 Justinian were probably copied from earlier imperial portraits, which
J64 130 would give them the definition that the Macedonian Augusti lack. ^The
J64 131 portrayal of the reigning Augusti behind a flat curtain of patterned
J64 132 dress and regalia establishes a convention of official portraiture
J64 133 which continued to the end. ^The heads in official portraiture, on the
J64 134 other hand, are presented in terms which presuppose recognition.
J64 135 ^While the restored heads in the Zoe panel have become considerably
J64 136 more conceptualized than all three heads in the tympanum of Basil
J64 137 *=2*- the accentuation of the cheek-bones by circular devices, the
J64 138 broadening of the planes of the face*- the Empress and her consort are
J64 139 rendered as plausible historic statements.
J64 140    |^Constantine *=9, brought back from exile in Mytilene to marry an
J64 141 aged Empress preoccupied with religion and making scents, flaunted a
J64 142 beautiful Caucasian mistress at public ceremonies, but for all his
J64 143 love of entertainment, he was by no means unaware of the
J64 144 responsibilities of his position. ^He built the church and convent of
J64 145 \0St. George of the Manganes and founded the Nea Moni on Chios after
J64 146 the miraculous discovery of an icon by shepherds on Mount Privation.
J64 147 ^It is probable that mosaicists were sent from the capital to decorate
J64 148 the church on Chios. ^Fragments of their work have survived including
J64 149 a Virgin Orans in the apse, a few angels and saints, and fourteen
J64 150 scenes ranging from the Annunciation to the Pentecost. ^But the
J64 151 sombre, forceful style of these mosaics has unfortunately no
J64 152 counterpart in the capital and contrasts strangely with the slightly
J64 153 inconclusive images of imperial power in Agia Sophia. ^The style at
J64 154 the Nea Moni does not resemble the work done at Osios Loukas in Phocis
J64 155 about the middle of the eleventh century, which seems to be the work
J64 156 of a provincial school, nor the uneven quality of the work done in
J64 157 Agia Sophia at Kiev about 1045 with the help of mosaicists sent from
J64 158 Constantinople. ^The style, moreover, contrasts with that of the
J64 159 mosaics executed in the narthex of the Church of the Dormition at
J64 160 Nicaea, now destroyed, under the patronage of the patrician Nicephorus
J64 161 after the earthquake of 1065. ^This decoration consisted of a double
J64 162 cross against a ground of stars within a roundel in the centre of the
J64 163 vault surrounded by medallions containing the busts of Christ
J64 164 Pantocrator, \0St. John the Baptist, \0St. Joachim and \0St. Anne; in
J64 165 the lunette over the door there was a bust of the Virgin Orans; in the
J64 166 four corners of the vault there were the four Evangelists. ^The
J64 167 meaning of this iconographical programme is far from clear and the
J64 168 absence of comparable programmes in the capital handicaps speculation.
J64 169 ^Stylistically the forms are rather broad and heavy; the face of the
J64 170 Virgin Orans in the lunette over the door seems to be a development of
J64 171 the Virgin and Child over the door in the south vestibule of Agia
J64 172 Sophia but the work, as far as one may judge from the the photographs,
J64 173 seems coarser. ^In the portrayal of the Evangelists the bodies tend to
J64 174 disintegrate under the pattern of folds; in \0St. Matthew, for
J64 175 example, the relationship of the upper part of the body to the lower
J64 176 is uneasy and the right thigh seems unwarrantably stressed*- this
J64 177 figure executed during the reign of Constantine *=10 Dukas (1059-1067)
J64 178 looks forward to late Comnene art; \0St. Luke, on the other hand,
J64 179 depends almost directly from the works executed in the palace
J64 180 scriptoria; in all four figures, the tendency of the drapery to create
J64 181 its own pattern counter to the form it covers echoes one of the main
J64 182 features of middle Byzantine style.
J64 183 *# 2021
J65   1 **[359 TEXT J65**]
J65   2 *<*6RITUAL ART*>
J65   3 *<*0by *2CECIL ROTH*>
J65   4    |^A CHARACTERISTIC *0recommendation of the Talmud justifies and
J65   5 proves the antiquity of the ritual art of the Jewish synagogue and
J65   6 home. ^Rabbis make this comment about the Biblical verse ^*"This is my
J65   7 God, and I will glorify [\0lit. *'adorn**'] him**" (Exodus, *=15, 2):
J65   8 ^*"Adorn \1thyself before Him in the performance of the commandments.
J65   9 ^Make before him a goodly \*1succah, *0and goodly \*1lulab, *0and a
J65  10 goodly \*1shophar, *0and goodly fringes for your garments, and a
J65  11 goodly {*1Sepher Torah}... *0and bind it up with goodly
J65  12 wrappings.**" ^Elsewhere, we learn of the adornments hung in the
J65  13 \*1succah, *0and of the gold fillets used to bind up the \*1lulab,
J65  14 *0and more than once of the wrappings for the sacred books. ^But there
J65  15 is no evidence that at this time any of these appurtenances had any
J65  16 uniformity or were expressly made for a specific purpose. ^With the
J65  17 exception of a few eight-burnered clay lamps presumably intended for
J65  18 use on the feast of Hanukkah, there is barely any evidence of
J65  19 specifically-made Jewish ritual adornments, other than those of the
J65  20 Temple, until the close of the first millenium.
J65  21    |^It must have been about this period that their manufacture began,
J65  22 for not long after we read of such objects as commonplace. ^Thus in an
J65  23 inventory of the property of the Palestinian Synagogue in Fostat
J65  24 (Cairo), drawn up in 1186-87, we find scheduled *"Two Torah-crowns
J65  25 made out of silver, and three pairs of finials (\*1rimmonim) *0made of
J65  26 silver, and twenty-two Torah-covers made of silk, some of them
J65  27 brocaded with gold,**" and so on. ^Presumably, domestic ritual objects
J65  28 began to be made at much the same time. ^The name of Rabbi Meir of
J65  29 Rothenburg, the great German Jewish ritual art as we know it now had
J65  30 begun to **[SIC**] frequently in connection with our literary
J65  31 evidences, and it may be assumed that by his day Jewish ritual art as
J65  32 we know it now had begun to assume its form.
J65  33    |^Little or nothing of this date, however, has been preserved to
J65  34 the present time, our evidence being indirect. ^The primary reason for
J65  35 this was presumably the vicissitudes of Jewish life. ^Synagogues
J65  36 everywhere were sacked, burned, and pillaged; communities were driven
J65  37 into exile, expressly forbidden to take with them anything made of
J65  38 precious material: synagogues could sell their sacred treasures in
J65  39 order to ransom prisoners or succor refugees. ^As a result of all
J65  40 these and similar recurrent crises, as well as normal wear and the
J65  41 natural tendency (from the antiquary's point of view disastrous) to
J65  42 replace the old by the new, Jewish ritual art of the medieval period
J65  43 has disappeared almost entirely. ^Hardly more than a handful of
J65  44 specimens anterior to the sixteenth century are now traceable. ^This
J65  45 generalization, to be sure, may perhaps need qualification in due
J65  46 course. ^If careful and expert inspection could be made of the
J65  47 property of ancient and even modern synagogues, especially in the
J65  48 East, with the same care as has been devoted to the study of ancient
J65  49 manuscripts, it is not improbable that some memorable ritual objects
J65  50 of great antiquity might even now be discovered.
J65  51    |^However that may be, the fact remains that the objects of Jewish
J65  52 ritual art which are now extant are virtually all of the post-medieval
J65  53 period. ^After a trickle of the sixteenth century, there is a great
J65  54 mass of material of the seventeenth and eighteenth, some of it very
J65  55 fine. ^Perhaps an unduly large proportion is German in origin,
J65  56 reflecting the religious enthusiasm, economic well-being and good
J65  57 taste of the new groupings in those countries, especially the
J65  58 newly-arisen class of Court Jews. ^It may be remarked that here
J65  59 domestic religious adornments figure in great abundance side by side
J65  60 with those intended for the synagogue. ^The taste and charm of some of
J65  61 the objects then manufactured in Poland and Eastern Europe belies the
J65  62 general impression of the economic misery and unaesthetic outlook of
J65  63 the Jewish communities in this area.
J65  64    |^On the whole, these objects reflect the tastes and fashions of
J65  65 the countries and periods in which they were manufactured. ^To be
J65  66 sure, in some cases the craftsmen were Jews. ^Gold and silver-smithery
J65  67 was one of the characteristic Jewish occupations in most countries.
J65  68 ^It is believed that from early times until the modern era, Jews in
J65  69 the Eastern countries were responsible for the manufacture of most of
J65  70 these objects. ^But in Western Europe, with the growing tendency to
J65  71 exclude the Jews from handicrafts after the period of the Crusades,
J65  72 this was different. ^Moreover, in remote communities where a Jewish
J65  73 craftsman might not be available, it was necessary to have recourse to
J65  74 the local silversmiths. ^However that may be, it is certain that much
J65  75 Jewish ritual metal-work is of non-Jewish manufacture; in England,
J65  76 Germany and Holland it often bears the mark of the Gentile
J65  77 manufacturers, sometimes well-known masters of their craft*- {0e.g.}
J65  78 the prolific Matthews Wolff (Augusburg, \0c. 1700), Jeremiah Zobel
J65  79 (Frankfurt \am Main, \0c. 1700), and John Ruslen, Frederick Kandler,
J65  80 Hester Bateman and William Grundy (London, 18th century). ^We know of
J65  81 at least two medieval contracts for the manufacture of silver
J65  82 ornaments for the Torah, made between Gentile craftsmen and the
J65  83 leaders of the local Jewish communities*- one from Arles (1439), the
J65  84 other from Avignon (1477). ^In the former instance, silversmith Robin
J65  85 Tissard undertook that the commission was to be executed in a room
J65  86 placed at his disposal in the house of one of the local Jews, and that
J65  87 no work should be done on Sabbaths or Jewish holy days.
J65  88    |^On the other hand, besides the vast amount of anonymous work of
J65  89 this type which falls into this category, a good deal was carried out
J65  90 by ascertainable Jewish craftsmen of some reputation. ^We know, for
J65  91 example, of the London silversmith Abraham \d'Oliviera (\0d. 1750),
J65  92 who has been mentioned elsewhere in this work in connection with his
J65  93 work as an artist-engraver, who designed and executed a good deal of
J65  94 ritual silver in London in the first half of the eighteenth century;
J65  95 and his younger contemporary Myer Myers (1723-94), first President of
J65  96 the Silversmith's Guild of New York, who carried out some
J65  97 distinguished work for synagogues (as well as churches) in America.
J65  98    |^Certain decorative features became very common in, and almost
J65  99 characteristic of, the Jewish ritual art of the post-medieval period.
J65 100 ^In \0St. Peter's in Rome there is a spirally fluted bronze column,
J65 101 the {*1colonna santa}, *0late Classical in origin; it is legendary
J65 102 said to have been brought from the Temple in Jerusalem, where Jesus
J65 103 leaned against it while disputing with the rabbis. ^From the
J65 104 Renaissance period, two twisted columns, apparently copied from the
J65 105 {*1colonna santa}, *0and inevitably identified with Jakhin and Boaz
J65 106 of Kings *=7, 21, began to figure as a typical feature on the engraved
J65 107 title-pages of Hebrew books (see \0fig. 175). ^It was from there that
J65 108 this feature was copied on various objects of European Jewish ritual
J65 109 art until the end of the eighteenth century.
J65 110    |^Other symbols which are commonly found include the lion,
J65 111 representing the Lion of the Tribe of Judah (Genesis *=49, 9) which,
J65 112 as we have seen, was one of the most common symbols found in Jewish
J65 113 art from classical antiquity. ^This illustrated also the Rabbinic
J65 114 dictum (Ethics of the Fathers, *=5, 23) that a man should be bold as a
J65 115 lion, light as an eagle and fleet as a deer to fulfill the will of his
J65 116 Father in Heaven. ^The eagle and deer also figure, though less
J65 117 commonly (\0fig. 138). ^The two Tablets of Stone bearing the Ten
J65 118 Commandments, in the shape which had become conventional in the Middle
J65 119 Ages (among the Christians perhaps earlier than among the Jews) is
J65 120 found very frequently (\0fig. 139). ^Sometimes, too, we see other
J65 121 ancient Temple furniture, such as the altar and table of shew-bread,
J65 122 perpetuating the tradition already found in medieval manuscripts.
J65 123    |^A gift presented by a *1Cohen *0would often bear a representation
J65 124 of the hands joined in the priestly benediction, of a *1Levite *0that
J65 125 of the ewer and basin used by members of that tribe in laving the
J65 126 priest's hands. ^In Italy (and later in the ex-Marrano communities)
J65 127 other family badges and armorial bearings were not unusual. ^The whole
J65 128 would be commonly surmounted by a crown, symbolizing the traditional
J65 129 Crown of the Law: sometimes by a triple crown, in reference to the
J65 130 Rabbinic dictum (Ethics of the Fathers, *=4, 17) that there are three
J65 131 crowns*- that of the Torah, of Monarchy, and of Priesthood *"and that
J65 132 of a Good Name surpasses them all.**"
J65 133 *<*=2*>
J65 134    |^*2THE RITUAL *0art of the synagogue naturally centered on the
J65 135 Scroll of the Pentateuch or {*1Sepher Torah}, *0used in the Biblical
J65 136 readings, and wound upon two staves. ^It is impossible to determine
J65 137 when the practice arose of covering this by an ornament of precious
J65 138 metal. ^Probably, however, it was relatively late. ^The Talmud (Baba
J65 139 Bathra 14a) speaks of the Pentateuch deposited by Moses in the
J65 140 Tabernacle as being on silver rollers, but this legendary model does
J65 141 not seem to have been imitated, and in representations in synagogue
J65 142 interiors and on Holy Scrolls in various media (gold glasses, \0etc.)
J65 143 in the classical period there is no trace of anything in the way of
J65 144 ornament. ^The account of the sack of the Synagogue of Minorca in 438
J65 145 speaks of the synagogical ornaments and silver, without giving any
J65 146 further details. ^The same is true of the sacred appurtenances which
J65 147 Pope Gregory the Great ordered to be restored to the Synagogue of
J65 148 Palermo in 599.
J65 149    |^In Oriental communities, the Scroll of the Law was enclosed
J65 150 entirely in a case (\*1tik*0), which was placed upright on the reading
J65 151 desk and opened out for reading the prescribed portion. ^This was the
J65 152 general practice in Iraq and the neighboring countries as early as the
J65 153 10th century, and has remained to our own day. ^These cases were
J65 154 usually of wood, frequently with inscriptions applied in metal, but
J65 155 were occasionally of silver, finely worked and engraved, and sometimes
J65 156 of gold. ^In the former metal, a few fine examples are extant; none,
J65 157 however, which are anterior to the seventeenth century (\0fig. 140).
J65 158 ^Though the \*1tik *0was commonly used only in Eastern communities,
J65 159 cases were made for the scrolls sometimes also in Western countries,
J65 160 especially for well-to-do householders, who wished to have portable
J65 161 Torah-scrolls on their travels. ^An exquisite pair of such cases in
J65 162 silver, with polygonal sections opening on hinges and spirally fluted
J65 163 handles and finials, was executed in 1766-7 by a Gentile master
J65 164 craftsman for *"\0Dr.**" Samuel \de Falk, the so-called {*1Baal
J65 165 Shem} *0of London.
J65 166    |^The practice of placing crowns of precious metal on the
J65 167 {*1Sepher Torah}*0*- at least on such special occasions as the feast
J65 168 of the Rejoicing of the Law*- seems also to have been established in
J65 169 Iraq as early as the tenth century ({*1Shaare Semahot}, \0*0p. 117).
J65 170 ^The Fostat contract of 1186-7 lists among other objects *"Two
J65 171 {*1Sepher}*0-Crowns made out of silver.**" ^This form of ornament
J65 172 was naturally suggested by the Rabbinic dictum cited above which
J65 173 refers to the dignity of learning as *"the Crown of the Law**"*- a
J65 174 phrase inscribed innumerable times on such objects and others
J65 175 connected with the synagogue ritual. ^These objects, which became
J65 176 known generally as \*1atarah, *0were at the outset especially
J65 177 associated with Southern Europe. ^Aaron of Lunel tells in his
J65 178 {*1Sepher haManhig} *0how in 1203 he persuaded some community which
J65 179 he visited, in Southern France or Spain, to make a silver crown
J65 180 (\*1atarah*0) for the {*1Sepher Torah} *0instead of decorating it
J65 181 with miscellaneous female adornments. ^The contract already referred
J65 182 to of March 12, 1439 between the Avignonese silversmith Robin Tissard
J65 183 and the \*1baylons *0of the Jewish community of Arles was for
J65 184 manufacture, for a total sum of fifty florins, of an \*1atarah *0for
J65 185 the *"scroll of the Jews,**" hexagonal in shape, superimposed on a
J65 186 copper drum with which Tissard was to be provided. ^There were to be
J65 187 six towers*- one at each corner*- the top crenellated like a fortress,
J65 188 and the surface to be engraved in imitation of masonry. ^Chains and
J65 189 columns decorated with lions' heads were also to be part of the
J65 190 design.
J65 191 *# 2001
J66   1 **[360 TEXT J66**]
J66   2 ^*0Referring to this very impressive example of expressionist
J66   3 painting, Ensor himself stated that ~*'{Je me suis joyeusement
J66   4 confine*?2 dans le milieu solitaire ou*?3 tro*?5ne le masque, tout de
J66   5 violence, de lumie*?3re et d'e*?2clat. ^Le masque me dit: fraicheur de
J66   6 ton, expression suraigue", de*?2cor somptueux, grands gestes
J66   7 inattendus, mouvements de*?2sordonne*?2s.}**'
J66   8    |^Following the Belgian school, we come to the French Nabis with
J66   9 fine examples of the \6*1intimiste *0work of Vuillard and, in
J66  10 particular, of Bonnard whose {*1Nu a*?3 Contre-Jour}, *0painted in
J66  11 1908, and lent by the {Muse*?2es Royaux des Beaux-Arts de Belgique},
J66  12 Bruxelles, is possessed of every single quality of drawing, painting
J66  13 and composition that any, and every, artist seeks to achieve.
J66  14    |^This exhibition of *'{Les Sources du *=20e*?3me Sie*?3cle}**'
J66  15 has been so well planned and displayed that one is continually
J66  16 startled and excited by the contrasting schools and groups of artists
J66  17 that confront one as one moves on from room to room. ^After the
J66  18 reposed and subdued work of the Nabis we suddenly come face to face
J66  19 with the agitated, violent chromatic paintings of the Fauves and the
J66  20 cynical, cruel expressionism of Rouault whose large strident
J66  21 water-colour on paper of {*1\0M. et \0Mme. Poulot} *0(collection of
J66  22 \0M. Philippe Leclercq, Hem) reproduced here, is one of his greatest
J66  23 works.
J66  24    |^Next come the German Expressionists and the paintings of Nolde
J66  25 and of Munch, in particular, have been carefully selected to indicate
J66  26 the important role that this School played in the formation of
J66  27 20th-century art. ^\*1L'Angoisse, *0by Munch (which is reproduced
J66  28 here, and lent by the {Collections Municipales des Beaux-Arts},
J66  29 Oslo) is, to say the least, agonizing in its able form of expression.
J66  30    |^And then we come to the British section which is very revealing
J66  31 (for the French public, anyway) in that the accent is much more on
J66  32 arts and crafts than on painting and sculpture. ^The artist-architect
J66  33 who stands out most prominently is Charles \0F. Annesley Voysey,
J66  34 member of the Art Workers Guild and nominated, in 1936, Royal Designer
J66  35 for industry. ^Principal among the number of exhibits lent to the
J66  36 Museum of Modern Art by the Victoria and Albert Museum, is an
J66  37 enchanting tapestry, designed by Voysey and which was executed, in
J66  38 1899, by Alexander Morton and \0Co; and a series of delightful
J66  39 wall-paper designs by Arthur Heygate Macmurdo, who was a close friend
J66  40 of William Morris and of Ruskin.
J66  41    |^From the elegant designs of these British artists we are shown
J66  42 the fantastic French *'{style metro}**' furniture of the turn of the
J66  43 century. ^A complete dining-room suite has been transported from the
J66  44 {Muse*?2e de l'E*?2cole de Nancy} and installed in a separate room
J66  45 in the exhibition at the Museum of Modern Art. ^This ensemble,
J66  46 executed in 1903, has to be seen to be believed. ^This likewise
J66  47 applies to the ghastly style of the *'{Lit Papillon}**', also lent
J66  48 from the Museum in Nancy. ^But it was not only in France that the
J66  49 craftsmen produced furniture and fittings of extraordinary and
J66  50 extravagant design. ^During the reign of Queen Victoria, sensational
J66  51 *'works of art**' were fabricated such as the startling dining-room
J66  52 table centre-piece, executed by Alfred Gilbert and his assistants, to
J66  53 commemorate the jubilee of Queen Victoria, in 1887, and which Her
J66  54 Majesty the Queen has graciously lent to the present exhibition in
J66  55 Paris.
J66  56    |^Again, by way of contrast, the exhibition continues with the work
J66  57 of the Cubists and important painting-collages by Braque and Picasso.
J66  58 ^Le*?2ger, too, is exhibited to marked advantage with his cubist
J66  59 composition, {*1La Noce}, *0painted in 1910, and owned by the Museum
J66  60 of Modern Art in Paris. ^Guillaume Apollinaire, speaking of this
J66  61 canvas, said ^*'{Les gens de la Noce se dissimulent l'un derrie*?3re
J66  62 l'autre. ^Encore un petit effort pour se de*?2barrasser de la
J66  63 perspective, du truc mise*?2rable, de la perspective, de cette
J66  64 quatrie*?3me dimension a*?3 rebours, la perspective, de ce moyen de
J66  65 tout rapetisser ine*?2vitablement.}**'
J66  66    |^And then we come to the grandfather of the {Peintres de
J66  67 Dimanche}, {Le Douanier Rousseau}. ^His {*1Charmeuse de Serpents}
J66  68 *0(from the Louvre) is surely one of the greatest, and most natural,
J66  69 of primitive paintings.
J66  70    |^{*1Der Blaue Reiter} *0group of avant-garde artists is
J66  71 admirably represented with important paintings by Kandinsky, among
J66  72 which the dramatic and powerful composition entitled {*1Avec l'Arc
J66  73 Noir}, *0painted in 1912, and lent by the widow of the artist; by
J66  74 Jawlensky, whose {*1Portait de Jeune Fille} *0(from the Kunstmuseum,
J66  75 Dusseldorf) is a superb example of his work; and by Franz Marc whose
J66  76 well-known composition of {*1Les Trois Chevaux Rouges} *0(lent by
J66  77 \0M. Paul Geier, Rome) typifies his search after the
J66  78 *'spiritualization of nature**'.
J66  79    |^Nearby are hung a few small water-colours and drawings by Klee.
J66  80 ^This is the only artist in this very important and instructive
J66  81 exhibition whose work I find poorly represented. ^The originality, the
J66  82 fascination of his very individual art certainly merited more than
J66  83 this.
J66  84    |^Futurism, the short-lived beginning of the century revolutionary
J66  85 movement, founded by Marinetti who spoke of *'a roaring motor-car,
J66  86 which runs like a machine-gun and is more beautiful than the Winged
J66  87 Victory of Samothrace...**' is mainly represented by Boccioni with a
J66  88 disturbing quasi-religious composition entitled \*1Matie*?3re *0(lent
J66  89 by \0M. Gianni Mattioli, Milan).
J66  90    |^The origin of pure modern abstract painting is fully exemplified
J66  91 in the work of Mondrian. ^In the present exhibition I was intrigued by
J66  92 his {*1L'Arbre Rouge} *0(from the Gemeente Museum, La Haye) for I
J66  93 always remember Mondrian telling me, in his own studio in Paris, that
J66  94 he was more interested in painting a lamp-post than a tree!
J66  95    |^*'{Les sources du *=20e*?3me Sie*?3cle}**' exhibition concludes
J66  96 with some fine examples of the work of Modigliani, \de Chirico, and
J66  97 Chagall. ^Kokoschka, I am pleased to say, is very well represented
J66  98 with several portraits and landscapes which reveal the true talent of
J66  99 this artist who, I feel, is still not sufficiently known and
J66 100 appreciated.
J66 101    |^There is much I would have liked to say about many other
J66 102 interesting exhibitions now taking place in Paris. ^But I find I have
J66 103 sacrificed my allotted space to this outstanding exhibition at the
J66 104 Museum of Modern Art. ^Thus I am obliged to leave reviews of the
J66 105 exhibition of sculpture by Lilla Kunvari (at the Galeries Raymond
J66 106 Duncan); of enamels, by Andre*?2 Marchand (at the Galerie David &
J66 107 Garnier); of painting by De Gallard (at the newly opened Galerie
J66 108 Herve*?2); and of the annual E*?2cole \de Paris show (at the Galerie
J66 109 Charpentier) until the next issue.
J66 110    |
J66 111    |^*2NEW ART GALLERIES *0continue to spring up in Paris all over the
J66 112 place. ^Since six months ago, when I calculated that there were more
J66 113 than two hundred and fifty of them, I reckon that the figure is now
J66 114 not far off the three hundred mark. ^As this is one of the busiest
J66 115 seasons of the year for exhibitions, I am receiving daily so many
J66 116 invitations for private views that I have to decide which shows are
J66 117 *1not *0worth seeing. ^The other day, one of the small Left Bank
J66 118 galleries sent me an invitation for a new exhibition and stamped on
J66 119 the envelope was ~*'{Les tableux sont le meilleur placement au
J66 120 monde}**' (*'paintings are the best investment in the world**'),
J66 121 which is proof enough of the very profitable business now being done
J66 122 by the Paris dealers during the present boom.
J66 123    |^After reviewing the remarkable exhibition at the Museum of Modern
J66 124 Art, of *'{Sources du *=20e*?3me Sie*?3cle}**', in last month's
J66 125 Paris Commentary, there was not space enough left for me to refer to
J66 126 Lilla Kunvari's sculpture, at the Galeries Raymond Duncan; and Michel
J66 127 \de Gallard's paintings at the new Herve*?2 gallery. ^I have followed
J66 128 the progress of this talented young artist's work since I called on
J66 129 him, shortly after the war, in his tiny, drab *'studio**' in the
J66 130 squalid La Ruche building way over in the 15th arrondissement.
J66 131    |^De Gallard managed to escape from La Ruche a few years ago and he
J66 132 now lives outside Paris where he leads a retired and happy life
J66 133 painting realistic scenes of the countryside and of the peasants
J66 134 working in the fields. ^His drawing has gained in strength and his
J66 135 palette is becoming more varied while he seeks to bring more light
J66 136 into his well balanced compositions. ^His impressive {*1Cathedrale de
J66 137 Sens}, *0which was reproduced in last month's *1Studio, *0testified
J66 138 to these qualities.
J66 139    |^Lilla Kunvari is an able Hungarian sculptor who was educated in
J66 140 France and who studied art in the Paris academies. ^Her drawings have
J66 141 the delicate force of Rodin while her small terra-cotta busts and
J66 142 figures (like that of \*1L'Orateur: *0see my last Paris Commentary)
J66 143 recall the grotesque heads so cleverly caricatured and modelled by
J66 144 Daumier. ^For all that, Lilla Kunvari's art has an appealing
J66 145 individuality.
J66 146    |^One of the most thrilling exhibitions I have seen for a long time
J66 147 at the very active Galerie \de France is that of recent paintings by
J66 148 Tamayo who is considered one of the greatest living Mexican artists
J66 149 and whose work is well known and admired in America, but less known in
J66 150 France, and even less in the {0U.K.}
J66 151    |^Tamayo was born in Oaxaca, in 1899. ^He took to painting when
J66 152 very young and, at sixteen years of age, studied at the {Academie des
J66 153 Beaux-Arts de San Carlos}. ^He left the Academy three years later and
J66 154 devoted himself to a study of the Impressionists and the Cubists. ^He
J66 155 held his first one-man exhibition when twenty-two years old at a time
J66 156 when he was attempting to combine in his compositions both the
J66 157 pre-Columbian tradition and the modern expressionism that he had
J66 158 learnt from his study of the School of Paris. ^In 1929, he was
J66 159 nominated Professor at the {E*?2cole des Beaux-Arts} in Mexico City.
J66 160 ^Four years later he executed the first of a series of outsize mural
J66 161 decorations for the {E*?2cole Nationale de Musique}, Mexico City.
J66 162    |^In 1943, Tamayo moved to New York where he held his first one-man
J66 163 show there at the Pierre Matisse Gallery. ^Since the war, he has
J66 164 travelled widely throughout Europe and has exhibited at all the big
J66 165 international shows while executing frescoes here and there. ^I saw
J66 166 and spoke to him in Paris during his exhibition at the Galerie \de
J66 167 France and he told me he had to hasten back to Mexico City where he
J66 168 had to start work on a gigantic mural for the {Muse*?2e de
J66 169 l'Histoire} which will measure about 100 metres by 15 metres! ^He
J66 170 reckoned that this will take him at least a full year's hard work to
J66 171 complete.
J66 172    |^Tamayo is, indeed, a prodigious worker. ^The twenty-five canvases
J66 173 on view at the Galerie \de France represented only a part of what he
J66 174 had produced in 1960. ^His particular form of expression is difficult
J66 175 to describe on account of its striking originality; but what is
J66 176 apparent is the strange and unusual combination of Mexican folklore
J66 177 art and a quasi-abstract European form of painting, as can be judged
J66 178 from his {*1Homme au Mur}, *0reproduced here.
J66 179    |^At the same time there exists a fantasy, especially in his
J66 180 smaller canvases, which reminds one of the intriguing and charming
J66 181 esprit of Paul Klee. ^A certain cubist expressionism is to be found in
J66 182 his compositions wherein the arithmetical balance is based on the laws
J66 183 of The Golden Section. ^And there is a haunting, evasive, subtle
J66 184 quality about his colour orchestration of harmonies of pastel hues.
J66 185 ^The texture, too, of his paintings is of a very individual and
J66 186 striking quality. ^Tamayo himself told me of the secrets of this: he
J66 187 mixes his paint with powdered marble.
J66 188    |^An exhibition which was not widely advertised but which was, in
J66 189 my opinion, of equal importance and significance to that of Tamayo*-
J66 190 though quite different in aspect*- was the show held at the re-opened
J66 191 Galerie Jeanne Bucher, in the Rue \de Seine, of recent paintings by
J66 192 Vieira \da Silva, whose work I have always greatly admired. ^I hope to
J66 193 be able to write about her at some length in a forthcoming series of
J66 194 articles in *2THE STUDIO *0on leading abstract, and near-abstract,
J66 195 artists of the School of Paris, so I shall praise her work here in
J66 196 short terms.
J66 197    |^Like those of Tamayo, Vieira \da Silva's paintings are very
J66 198 individual and original and this in itself is a rare enough quality
J66 199 these days.
J66 200 *# 2008
J67   1 **[361 TEXT J67**]
J67   2 *<*6A GROUP OF ENGLISH AND IMPORTED MEDIEVAL POTTERY FROM LESNES
J67   3 ABBEY, KENT; AND THE TRADE IN EARLY HISPANO-MORESQUE POTTERY TO
J67   4 ENGLAND*>
J67   5 *<*1By {0*2G. C.} DUNNING, {0F.S.A.}*>
J67   6    |^THE *0group of medieval pottery described in this paper was found
J67   7 at Lesnes Abbey in June 1959, when the smaller of two stone-lined pits
J67   8 added against the west end of the Reredorter was cleared. ^The pit
J67   9 measured 8 \0ft. by 5 \0ft. internally, and was about 10 \0ft. deep.
J67  10 ^The greater part of the filling, about 7 \0ft. in depth, consisted of
J67  11 chalk and stone rubble, fragments of sandy mortar, a few pieces of
J67  12 worked stone, and broken roofing tiles. ^Below this filling was a
J67  13 layer of dark soil, about 2 \0ft. in depth, at the bottom of the pit.
J67  14 ^All the pottery was found in the layer of dark soil; there is thus no
J67  15 doubt that it is contemporary, and was absolutely sealed by several
J67  16 feet of building debris. ^I am indebted to the officers of the
J67  17 Historic Buildings Section of the London County Council for these
J67  18 details, and for permission to examine the pottery and prepare this
J67  19 report for publication.
J67  20    |^The pottery belongs to six vessels, of which four are almost
J67  21 complete and must have been thrown away whole. ^It is divided into the
J67  22 following classes:
J67  23 **[BEGIN INDENTATION**]
J67  24    |^1. Two green-glazed jugs of types frequently found in the City of
J67  25 London, and probably made in east Surrey.
J67  26    |^2. An unglazed jug, probably made at Limpsfield, Surrey.
J67  27    |^3. A jug of polychrome ware decorated with birds and shields, and
J67  28 part of a glazed pitcher. ^Both were made in western France in the
J67  29 region of Saintes.
J67  30    |^4. A large cover of Hispano-Moresque lustreware, imported from
J67  31 Malaga.
J67  32 **[END INDENTATION**]
J67  33    |^The group is outstanding for several reasons. ^In a single find
J67  34 pottery made in the locality is associated with imports from two
J67  35 different countries on the Continent. ^The three English jugs are of
J67  36 different types, and it is valuable to have them together in a group.
J67  37 ^The polychrome jug is a type long recognized as imported to England,
J67  38 and brought here by the wine trade of Gascony. ^The cover of Spanish
J67  39 lustreware is new to British medieval archaeology, and increases the
J67  40 range of imported pottery known to have reached England in the course
J67  41 of sea-trade.
J67  42    |^The date of the group is closely determined by the polychrome
J67  43 jug. ^Pottery of this class was made in western France and exported to
J67  44 England during a very short period. ^The available evidence, cited
J67  45 below (\0p. 5), points to the period \0*1c. *01280-1300 for the date
J67  46 of the group of pottery from Lesnes Abbey.
J67  47 *<1. *2GREEN-GLAZED JUGS (\0*0pl. 1*1a *0and \0figs. 1, 2)*>
J67  48    |^\0Fig. 1. ^Baluster jug, 16 1/4 \0in. high, made of light grey
J67  49 sandy ware, mostly covered outside by a buff slip, and glazed streaky
J67  50 light green on the neck and body to below the bulge. ^The profile
J67  51 shows a continuous curve, the only demarcation between neck and body
J67  52 being a ridge at two-thirds of the height. ^The handle is plain and
J67  53 circular in section. ^The edge of the base is slightly moulded, and
J67  54 the middle of the base sags slightly below the level of the edge.
J67  55    |^This is a typical example of the standard type of baluster jug
J67  56 frequently found in the City of London. ^The slender form, absence of
J67  57 decoration, and unstable base suggest that the type was not primarily
J67  58 intended for use at the table, but rather for drawing water out of a
J67  59 well. ^That pottery jugs were used for this purpose is shown by the
J67  60 accumulation of over fifty jugs, many intact, in the filling of a
J67  61 medieval well excavated by \0Mr. {0S. S.} Frere between \0St.
J67  62 George's Street and Burgate, Canterbury, in 1952.
J67  63    |^\0Fig. 2. ^Ovoid jug, 12 1/4 \0in. high, made of light grey sandy
J67  64 ware with light reddish buff surface, covered by yellow slip. ^Mottled
J67  65 green glaze covers the neck and body to below the bulge. ^The neck is
J67  66 cylindrical, separated from the bulbous body by a ridge, and the base
J67  67 is retracted above the foot-ring on which the jug stands steadily.
J67  68 ^The rim has an outward slope, with a groove and moulding below, and
J67  69 is pinched to form a small lip. ^At the middle of the neck is a broad
J67  70 rounded cordon between a ridge and a narrow flat cordon. ^The handle
J67  71 is plain and circular in section.
J67  72    |^The ovoid jug with retracted foot is also a type common in
J67  73 London, and sometimes profusely decorated.
J67  74    |^The contemporaneity of these two jugs is confirmed by the finding
J67  75 of fragments of both types in medieval buildings in Joyden's Wood,
J67  76 near Bexley, where the occupation is limited to the period \0*1c.
J67  77 *01280-1320. ^The kilns where they were made have not yet been
J67  78 located, but probably they were to the south of London, in east
J67  79 Surrey. ^One site was at Earlswood, where potters' refuse and wasters
J67  80 **[SIC**] have been known for a long time.
J67  81 *<2. *2UNGLAZED JUG (\0*0fig. 3)*>
J67  82    |^Large part of neck, body, and base of a small jug, about 6.1
J67  83 \0in. high, made of grey sandy ware with dark grey surface, unglazed.
J67  84 ^The body is bulging, with wide sagging base. ^The upper part of the
J67  85 body is marked by fine horizontal grooves and wheel-marks. ^The neck
J67  86 contracts upwards, and the rim was everted. ^The lower part of the
J67  87 handle is preserved separately; it is roughly circular in section, and
J67  88 deeply stab-marked down the back.
J67  89    |^Unglazed jugs of grey ware, rather archaic in character, are
J67  90 known from a number of sites in north-west Kent. ^The major site is
J67  91 Eynsford Castle, where excavations by the Ministry of Works have
J67  92 produced many jugs of this type in deposits of the end of the
J67  93 thirteenth century. ^Other sites are at Joyden's Wood near Bexley, and
J67  94 at Bexley. ^Pottery of this character was made in east Surrey, where
J67  95 at least one kiln-site is known. ^Recently \0Mr. Brian Hope-Taylor
J67  96 excavated a kiln and potter's workshop at Vicars Haw, Limpsfield,
J67  97 which produced a mass of jugs, cooking-pots, and bowls with the
J67  98 characteristics given above.
J67  99 *<3. *2POTTERY FROM WESTERN FRANCE*>
J67 100 *<*1Polychrome jug *0(\0pl. 1*1b *0and \0fig. 4)*>
J67 101    |^Several fragments of a nearly complete jug, skilfully restored at
J67 102 the Institute of Archaeology, London. ^The jug, 10.3 \0in. high, is
J67 103 made of thin whitish ware with a thin colourless glaze on the outside
J67 104 surface. ^It is of slender pear-shape with retracted foot. ^The
J67 105 decoration in free-style is of a bird and a shield on each side, and a
J67 106 third shield beneath the spout. ^The figures are outlined in dark
J67 107 brown; the birds are coloured green and the shields are orange-yellow,
J67 108 with three bars instead of the more usual two. ^One bird and two
J67 109 shields are nearly complete, but the rest of the decoration is
J67 110 fragmentary.
J67 111    |^The bird and shield design is one of the leading patterns on
J67 112 polychrome ware. ^Examples, more or less complete, are known in
J67 113 England and Wales from London, Stonar, Felixstowe, Cardiff, and
J67 114 Llantwit Major. ^The shape of the jug also occurs several times on
J67 115 jugs from London, Ipswich, Writtle, Canterbury, Old Sarum, Glastonbury
J67 116 Abbey, and Whichford Castle.
J67 117    |^Since the initial discussion and inventory of polychrome ware in
J67 118 *1Archaeologia *0in 1933, a considerable number of new finds has been
J67 119 made in Britain. ^The total number of sites now stands at twenty-five
J67 120 in England, six in Wales, still one in Scotland, and Ireland (as
J67 121 predicted in the original paper) can now show three sites. ^These
J67 122 additions alone call for a re-evaluation of the material, but even
J67 123 more significant is the new evidence in France. ^The kilns of an
J67 124 intense medieval pottery industry have been discovered at La
J67 125 Chappelle-des-Pots, a village to the east of Saintes in Charente
J67 126 Maritime. ^The manufacture here of polychrome ware and the other types
J67 127 of pottery also exported from France to England is now an established
J67 128 fact. ^It is now possible, therefore, to discuss more fully the trade
J67 129 in polychrome ware from its centre of production in France, and to
J67 130 give a more balanced evaluation of its distribution in the British
J67 131 Isles.
J67 132    |^For the present purpose it must suffice to summarize the evidence
J67 133 for the date of polychrome ware. ^This is based on finds made at five
J67 134 castles, either built by Edward *=1, occupied by the English for a
J67 135 limited period, or where the deposits are related to building periods
J67 136 of the structure. ^The castles and the limiting dates are as follows:
J67 137 **[TABLE**]
J67 138    |^The gist of this evidence is that at the longest range polychrome
J67 139 ware dates between 1270 and 1325. ^In fact the range can be narrowed
J67 140 down to between 1280 and 1300, since most of the initial and terminal
J67 141 dates overlap. ^Although pottery of other types made in the same part
J67 142 of western France has been found in Britain in contexts both earlier
J67 143 and later than the above dates, there is no evidence otherwise that
J67 144 polychrome ware had a longer range in date. ^The evidence as a whole
J67 145 suggests that polychrome ware was not only imported but indeed made
J67 146 during a very short period, and that it was produced in the lifetime
J67 147 of one or at most two generations of potters.
J67 148 *<*1Glazed pitcher *0(\0fig. 5)*>
J67 149    |^The base and lower half of a pitcher is also identified as an
J67 150 import from western France. ^It is made of thin, hard yellow ware with
J67 151 fine red grit. ^The surface is smooth and yellow-buff, with patches of
J67 152 green glaze above the bulge. ^The base is markedly raised at the
J67 153 middle.
J67 154    |^The pot belongs to a group well represented at Saintes by
J67 155 barrel-shaped and ovoid pitchers and jugs. ^These have a large
J67 156 bridge-spout and a single strap-handle, as on the polychrome jugs, and
J67 157 the base is usually hollowed underneath. ^On some of the jugs the
J67 158 decoration consists of slip lines in brown or red forming a chevron or
J67 159 trellis pattern limited to the upper part of the body, as was
J67 160 evidently the case on the Lesnes Abbey pot. ^The ware of the pots at
J67 161 Saintes is sometimes equal in quality to that of the polychromes, and
J67 162 sometimes more gritty. ^It is probable, therefore, that these vessels,
J67 163 of which fragments were found at the kiln-sites at La
J67 164 Chappelle-des-Pots, were also made elsewhere in the vicinity of
J67 165 Saintes. ^A pitcher decorated with a trellis in red slip, in the
J67 166 {Muse*?2e Municipal} at Saintes, has been used to complete the
J67 167 drawing of the Lesnes Abbey pot.
J67 168 *<4. *2SPANISH LUSTREWARE *0(\0pl. 11 and \0fig. 6)*>
J67 169    |^Two fragments of thick whitish ware, glazed and decorated on both
J67 170 surfaces. ^The outside is mostly covered by zones of pale amber
J67 171 lustre, comprising broad and narrow solid bands, sloping panels,
J67 172 chevrons, and large scrolls. ^Between the lustre are two narrow bands
J67 173 painted in cobalt-blue (hatched in the drawing). ^The smaller fragment
J67 174 has two concentric mouldings on the outside above the inner blue band;
J67 175 the inner moulding is more prominent than the outer. ^On the inside
J67 176 surface the lustre is fainter, and shows the same range of motifs as
J67 177 on the outside, also a narrow band of guilloche; no blue bands are
J67 178 present on the inside.
J67 179    |^The pieces belong to the same vessel, a large cover or lid, 15
J67 180 3/4 \0in. in diameter at the rim. ^At the inner edge of the upper
J67 181 piece the profile turns sharply upwards for a knob for lifting, as
J67 182 restored in the drawing.
J67 183    |^The Lesnes Abbey cover is identified as Hispano-Moresque ware
J67 184 made at Malaga in Andalusia by comparison with numerous fragments, in
J67 185 the Victoria and Albert Museum, found at Fostat near Cairo. ^The
J67 186 origin of this lustre-painted pottery is demonstrated by a foot-ring
J67 187 from Fostat, inscribed with the Arabic word \*1Malaga. ^*0Such marks
J67 188 are seldom found on this class of pottery, and may indicate that they
J67 189 were limited to vessels destined for exportation. ^A close parallel
J67 190 for the shape and decoration of the Lesnes Abbey cover is provided by
J67 191 a large piece of a cover from Fostat (\0pl. *=3*1a*0). ^This is also
J67 192 decorated on both sides by bands of pale amber lustre, and near the
J67 193 top are mouldings precisely like those on the Lesnes Abbey cover.
J67 194    |^The shape of these covers is given by a complete cover for a
J67 195 pedestalled bowl, both painted with arabesque patterns in lustre and
J67 196 in blue, also in the Victoria and Albert Museum (\0pl. *=3*1b*0).
J67 197 *# 2032
J68   1 **[362 TEXT J68**]
J68   2 ^*0All this, the great corpus of Russian song, remains almost
J68   3 unknown*- or known by its least fine and subtle examples. ^And not
J68   4 only Russian song; Poland has produced at least two remarkable
J68   5 song-writers, Moniuszko in the last century and Szymanowski in the
J68   6 present one, of whom Szymanowski is known only in German translations
J68   7 and Moniuszko not at all, for his songs have never been translated
J68   8 into English and the wretched French selection is a hundred years old.
J68   9    |^Instrumental music, of course, penetrates the curtain with no
J68  10 difficulty, with the result that we think of Russian and Polish music
J68  11 as mainly instrumental. ^This is a false picture. ^It is less false, I
J68  12 think, of Czech music. ^The Czechs (among whom I include the Moravians
J68  13 and Slovaks and Ruthenians, beside the Czechs proper) are an intensely
J68  14 musical people but, whether because they nearly lost their language as
J68  15 a culture-language under the Habsburg monarchy (so that even Smetana
J68  16 had to learn it as a foreigner) or from deficiencies in the language
J68  17 itself ({0e.g.} in vowel-sounds), for some reason their vocal
J68  18 literature is less rich than their instrumental.
J68  19    |^The language-curtain obstructs much more than the free passage of
J68  20 Slavonic vocal music. ^It obstructs our knowledge of a great deal of
J68  21 music that would present no difficulty at all if we could only hear
J68  22 it: the older instrumental music of the Czechs and Poles, and their
J68  23 Latin church music. ^For*- and here I come at last to the very heart
J68  24 of my subject*- the Czechs and Poles have always shared the culture of
J68  25 Western Europe, including its music, whereas the Russians began to do
J68  26 so only in the second half of the eighteenth century. ^Not only were
J68  27 the Russians Christianised from Byzantium, either directly or through
J68  28 Bulgarian missionaries, and left with a different alphabet, a
J68  29 different liturgy and a different liturgical language, for two
J68  30 centuries in the later Middle Ages they suffered under the *'Tatar
J68  31 yoke**' and the Princes of Moscow were mere tributaries to Mongol
J68  32 khans. ^On the other hand, whatever the penetration of Central Europe
J68  33 by the old Slavonic liturgy, whatever the nature of the conflict there
J68  34 between Eastern and Western churches (and on this there are many
J68  35 important points on which the experts still disagree), whatever the
J68  36 political vicissitudes of the Western Slav states, they were never
J68  37 detached in this way from the influences of Western Christendom; the
J68  38 Roman alphabet conquered the Cyrillic and in the church Latin
J68  39 conquered Old Slavonic. ^Polish and Czech chapter and monastery
J68  40 libraries at Gniezno and Vys*?10ebrod possess Gregorian missals from
J68  41 the eleventh or early twelfth century, and although these no doubt
J68  42 came from the West*- the Gniezno missal has \0St. Gall-type neumes*-
J68  43 manuscripts of Polish and Czech origins were compiled before long.
J68  44 ^The Prague Troparium of 1235 is only the earliest of a number of
J68  45 Czech and Moravian musical codices of the thirteenth and fourteenth
J68  46 centuries and the Poles claim the composition of a plainsong antiphon
J68  47 which can hardly be later than the twelfth century: *'{Magna vox,
J68  48 laude sonora}**' in honour of \0St. Adalbert, who played such an
J68  49 important part in the Christianisation (or Romanisation) of both Poles
J68  50 and Czechs. ^And there is a significant parallelism in the appearance
J68  51 of the earliest religious songs with Czech or Polish words; both the
J68  52 Polish *'\Bogurodzica**' (Hymn to the Mother of God) and the Czech
J68  53 *'{Hospodine, pomiluj ny}**' (*'Lord have mercy on us**', a
J68  54 vernacular Kyrie) are more or less centos of plainsong motives.
J68  55 ^Moreover the earliest preserved sources for both date from the same
J68  56 period; the oldest known manuscript of the *'\Bogurodzica**' dates
J68  57 from about 1407, that of *'{Hospodine, pomiluj}**' from just ten
J68  58 years earlier, though the words are found without the music as early
J68  59 as \0*1c. *01380.
J68  60    |^I have no intention of inflicting on you a potted history of
J68  61 Western Slavonic music, beginning with the Middle Ages. ^I wish, by
J68  62 these facts, only to drive home two points: the essential oneness of
J68  63 this musical culture with that of Europe generally*- and the
J68  64 differences. ^The Western Slavs shared in the common stock but often
J68  65 drew from it elements which they put to their own special uses.
J68  66 ^Standing on the outer edge of Western culture, they developed all the
J68  67 fascinating peculiarities one expects to find in peripheral cultures.
J68  68 ^One finds similar things in the music of Portugal and at some periods
J68  69 of history in our own. ^Peripheral cultures naturally tend to be
J68  70 *'backward**'; even in a country the size of England, provincial
J68  71 architecture has often been half-a-century or more behind the style
J68  72 fashionable in London; as we all know, even Germany was very late in
J68  73 developing polyphony. ^But there are wonderful compensations in the
J68  74 variety, in the range of dialects (as it were). ^Sometimes political
J68  75 or other non-musical factors play a part; the Hussite wars of the
J68  76 fifteenth century gave a tremendous stimulus to vernacular Czech song
J68  77 just as the two centuries and more of Habsburg domination after the
J68  78 Battle of the White Mountain overlaid and even seemed to extinguish
J68  79 the peculiarly Czech elements in the music of Bohemia. ^But the Slavs
J68  80 were quite capable of developing special musical characteristics
J68  81 without the help of extra-musical circumstances. ^Even in the field of
J68  82 notation, Czech neumes evolved with certain differences. ^In the
J68  83 thirteenth century the Czechs were still using non-diastematic neumes;
J68  84 in the fourteenth they progressed to the stave*- and their neumes
J68  85 began to assume peculiar rhomboid forms. ^But let me remind you again
J68  86 how much *1more *0different things were in Russia, where liturgical
J68  87 melody had developed*- and developed quite a long way on its own
J68  88 lines*- from Byzantine chant but was stuck fast in a primitive
J68  89 notation which is still unreadable up to the late fifteenth century,
J68  90 although comparative study with Byzantine notation is now showing how
J68  91 it may be deciphered. ^As for the five-line stave, it reached the
J68  92 Ukraine only in the seventeenth century and Russia proper in the
J68  93 eighteenth. ^Genuine polyphony was impossible though a very primitive
J68  94 form of three-part polyphony*- in the so-called \11*1troestrochnoe
J68  95 *0style, noted in three rows of neumes*- begins to appear about the
J68  96 middle of the sixteenth century: the liturgical {6*1cantus firmus}
J68  97 *0in the middle part is supported at first in unison or octaves by
J68  98 upper and lower voices which branch out from it and close in again to
J68  99 the unison in the manner of the \11*1podgoloski *0of Russian
J68 100 polyphonic folk-music. ^It is not until the mid-seventeenth century
J68 101 that one begins to find four-part polyphony, with the {6*1cantus
J68 102 firmus} *0in the tenor and the added parts in note-against-note style
J68 103 producing common chords in root position.
J68 104    |^At this period, when Russian liturgical polyphony was in its
J68 105 earliest infancy and Russian secular music reached no higher level
J68 106 than the songs and dance music of the \11*1skomorokhi *0(buffoons),
J68 107 Poland and Bohemia were enjoying what modern Polish and Czech
J68 108 historians claim as a *'golden age of polyphony**'. ^It may at first
J68 109 strike us as no more than a pale reflection of the golden age that was
J68 110 being enjoyed at the same time by all Europe, but that is not the
J68 111 whole truth. ^A great deal of this music deserves not only intensive
J68 112 study but performance.
J68 113    |^Two difficulties confront the Western student of this music. ^One
J68 114 I have already mentioned: the language curtain. ^It does not conceal
J68 115 so much of the music itself, for a great deal of it is Latin church
J68 116 music, but it makes it difficult for most of us to get at the
J68 117 information about it, the existing stylistic research, and so on.
J68 118 ^Czech and Polish musicology have fairly long traditions and very high
J68 119 standards, as indeed has Soviet musicology, and the amount of study
J68 120 devoted to the Western Slav polyphonists*- to say nothing of the
J68 121 instrumental composers of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries,
J68 122 and early Czech and Polish romantic piano music*- is enormous. ^It
J68 123 exists in print, in books and monographs and learned periodicals, but
J68 124 it might be in Etruscan or Cretan Linear B for all that most of us can
J68 125 make of it and it would be well worth the while of some of the young
J68 126 musicologists now studying Russian to make Polish or Czech their
J68 127 second Slav language.
J68 128    |^The second difficulty is that of actual scores. ^It has at times
J68 129 seemed as if Western Slav musicologists were more interested in
J68 130 studying their old masters than in getting their texts published.
J68 131 ^Josef Syrzyn*?2ski made an excellent start in 1885 with his Polish
J68 132 \*1Monumenta *0but succeeded in bringing out only four volumes; the
J68 133 later Polish series, {*1Wydawnictwo dawnej muzyki polskiej},
J68 134 *0edited by Chybin*?2ski and begun in the 1930s, has produced nearly
J68 135 forty numbers but many of them are very slim, containing only a single
J68 136 work or a selection of short pieces. ^(The editorial prefaces were
J68 137 from the first provided with a French translation and the post-war
J68 138 numbers are translated into English, French, German and Russian.) ^The
J68 139 somewhat similar Czech series, {*1Musica Antiqua Bohemica}, *0has
J68 140 been devoted almost entirely to instrumental music of the late
J68 141 eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries; it is only in the last few
J68 142 years that the Czechs have begun to publish the work of their classic
J68 143 polyphonists*- with trilingual \6*1re*?2sume*?2s *0of the prefaces,
J68 144 but not of the critical apparatus.
J68 145    |^A third difficulty is the paucity of surviving material. ^Poland
J68 146 and the Czechoslovak lands have provided innumerable battlefields
J68 147 during the last four centuries; the Thirty Years War and the two World
J68 148 Wars were only the worst of a series, and the total destruction of
J68 149 music, both manuscript and printed, must have been enormous.
J68 150 ^(Incidentally, these countries began to print music quite early; a
J68 151 Czech-printed Catholic \*1Kanciona*?2l *0appeared in 1529 and a Polish
J68 152 music-publisher, L*?11azarz Andrysowic, was active at Cracow from 1553
J68 153 onward). ^One reads of a Polish master such as Wacl*?11aw \z
J68 154 Szamotul*- or Szamotulczyk, as he is often called*- who was obviously
J68 155 a very considerable figure in the middle of the sixteenth century; two
J68 156 of his psalm-motets were published by Montanus and Neuber at Nuremberg
J68 157 in 1554 and in 1564 in collections of works by the leading French and
J68 158 Netherland masters, and what survives of his music justifies the high
J68 159 esteem in which he was held. ^Yet one finds so little that does
J68 160 survive: these two motets, another preserved only in organ tablature,
J68 161 some songs with Polish words*- a very small proportion of what he is
J68 162 known to have written. ^His eight-part Mass for the wedding of King
J68 163 Sigismund Augustus is lost; his Office settings are lost; of his
J68 164 \*1Lamentationes, *0printed at Cracow by Andrysowic, only the tenor
J68 165 part has been preserved. ^Another, rather later composer Tomasz
J68 166 Szadek*- a member first of the king's private chapel and later of the
J68 167 royal chapel of the Rorantists at Cracow, the two chief centres of the
J68 168 Polish *'golden age**'*- survives in only two works, other than
J68 169 fragments, and of those two Masses one lacks the Agnus.
J68 170    |^Technically these works are more or less in the *'late
J68 171 Netherland**' style. ^What distinguishes them and gives them special
J68 172 interest is the infusion of Polish melodic elements, here a phrase
J68 173 from a Polish devotional song, there a pseudo-plainsong found only in
J68 174 Polish sources. ^Marcin Leopolita, composer and organist to the king
J68 175 in the early 1560s, composed a five-part {*1Missa paschalis} *0or
J68 176 {*1Missa de resurrectione}, *0the earliest complete setting of the
J68 177 Ordinary by a Polish composer that has come down to us, which is based
J68 178 on four Easter songs current in Poland and Germany.
J68 179    |^The Polish *'golden age**' was finally submerged by a flood of
J68 180 Italian musicians brought in by Sigismund *=3. ^There had of course
J68 181 been foreign musicians at the Polish court before; Heinrich Finck was
J68 182 a chorister in the royal chapel in his youth and returned there for
J68 183 fourteen years, perhaps as director, from 1492 to 1506. ^And there had
J68 184 been Italian musical influence. ^But Sigismund *=3 was a fanatic for
J68 185 the Counter-Reformation and for everything Italian; he moved his court
J68 186 from Cracow to Warsaw, enticed Marenzio to go there (but failed to
J68 187 keep him), invited Giovanni Gabrieli (also in vain) and appointed a
J68 188 whole series of Italians as directors of his chapel, including
J68 189 Asprilio Pacelli, an ancestor of the late Pope (Pius *=12), and
J68 190 Giovanni Francesco Anerio.
J68 191 *# 2022
J69   1 **[363 TEXT J69**]
J69   2    |^*0On differentiation, each reverts to the other:
J69   3 **[FORMULA**]
J69   4    |and
J69   5 **[FORMULA**]
J69   6    |^The hyperbolic tangent, \0tanh *1at, *0is \0sinh *1at*0/ \0cosh
J69   7 *1at *0and, starting at zero, never exceeds unity, however large *1t
J69   8 *0may become.
J69   9 **[DIAGRAM**]
J69  10    |^The remaining three hyperbolic functions, \0sech, \0cosech and
J69  11 \0coth, are the reciprocals of the above three ratios respectively.
J69  12 ^\0Fig. 1.4 shows the whole family of curves.
J69  13    |^Tables of the hyperbolic functions are available, but are not so
J69  14 readily available as those of the circular functions. ^A device by
J69  15 which the more extensive circular function tables may be used in
J69  16 conjunction with a subsidiary table (the Gudermannian) is described in
J69  17 Appendix 2.
J69  18    |^The general case, where the time constants of the two exponential
J69  19 terms are not the same, may be expressed as the product of another
J69  20 exponential and a hyperbolic function. ^Thus:
J69  21 **[FORMULA**]
J69  22    |^If *1a *0is positive, this expression will always diverge.
J69  23 **[DIAGRAM**]
J69  24    |^If *1a *0is negative (with *1b *0positive), the final value will
J69  25 always be zero, and this is the more usual in practice. ^\0Fig. 1.5(a)
J69  26 shows the result of the sum of two negative exponentials, and \0Fig.
J69  27 1.5(b) the difference. ^The second is seen to start at zero, reach a
J69  28 maximum, and then decay. ^As Sallust remarked: ~{*1Omnia orta occidunt
J69  29 et aucta secuntur}, *0or ~*'Everything rises but to fall and increases
J69  30 but to decay**'. ^The time at which the maximum is reached is easily
J69  31 found to be
J69  32 **[FORMULA**]
J69  33    |and there is a point of inflexion where
J69  34 **[FORMULA**]
J69  35    |^This type of curve is encountered, for example, in radioactive
J69  36 cases where a substance *1A *0decays into another substance *1B,
J69  37 *0which, in turn decays into a stable end-product *1C. ^*0The curve
J69  38 shows how the amount of the second substance varies with time.
J69  39 *<*4Intuitive estimation of transients*>
J69  40    |^*0A demonstration will now be given of how the transient current
J69  41 resulting from switching operations may be obtained in simple cases,
J69  42 without resort to mathematics (or very little). ^The following
J69  43 plausible assumptions are made:
J69  44    |1. That an uncharged capacitor behaves as a short circuit at the
J69  45 instant of applying a steady {0p.d.}; and after a long time, when
J69  46 fully charged, acts as a disconnexion or infinite impedance.
J69  47    |2. That a pure (resistanceless) inductance behaves in the opposite
J69  48 way; offering apparently infinite impedance at the instant of
J69  49 application of the direct voltage, and short circuit after a long
J69  50 time*- that is, when the current is steady.
J69  51    |3. That, in the interim period, the current changes according to a
J69  52 simple exponential law; the time constant of which is either *1RC *0or
J69  53 *1L/ R, *0where *1R, L *0or *1C *0may be simple or compound.
J69  54    |4. That there can be no discontinuous jumps in either the voltage
J69  55 across a capacitor or the current in an inductor.
J69  56    |^The magnetic space constant {15m}*;0**; (otherwise the
J69  57 permeability of free space) has dimensions henry/ metre, and the
J69  58 electric space constant, or permittivity of free space, {15e}*;0**;,
J69  59 farad/ metre. ^The square root of the reciprocal of the product of
J69  60 these two, therefore, has the dimensions of velocity and this is the
J69  61 velocity of electro-magnetic waves, *1c, *0equal to 299792 \0km/
J69  62 \0sec, according to the latest evidence. ^It follows that *?22(*1LC*0)
J69  63 has dimensions of time, and *?22(*1L/ C*0) dimensions of resistance.
J69  64 ^In fact, *?22(*1L/ C*0) is the well-known expression for the
J69  65 characteristic impedance of a loss-free transmission line.
J69  66    |^From this it is seen that *1L/ R *0and *1CR *0both have
J69  67 dimensions of time, *1and this time is the time constant. ^*0Any time
J69  68 constants we may encounter in the study of transients must be in the
J69  69 form of a certain inductance divided by a certain resistance, or a
J69  70 capacitance multiplied by a resistance, or else the square root of the
J69  71 product of an inductance and a capacitance. ^No other combinations are
J69  72 possible.
J69  73    |^Let a simple series *1LR *0circuit be suddenly connected to a
J69  74 constant voltage source *1V, *0at time *1t *0= 0. ^The initial current
J69  75 will be zero and after the transient has subsided will be *1V/ R.
J69  76 ^*0At first sight, this is not a decaying exponential; it decays
J69  77 upwards, so to speak. ^It may be easier to consider the voltage across
J69  78 the (pure) inductance *1L. ^*0The initial voltage across this part of
J69  79 the circuit is equal to *1V, *0and the final value will be zero.
J69  80 ^Using the assumptions made above, the voltage across *1L *0in the
J69  81 transient period will be
J69  82 **[FORMULA**]
J69  83    |and, because there are only two circuit elements, *1T *0is
J69  84 obviously equal to *1L/ R.
J69  85    |^*0The voltage *1V*;R**; *0across the resistive part of the
J69  86 circuit when added to *1V*;L**; *0must always give *1V, *0hence
J69  87 **[FORMULA**]
J69  88    |and the current in *1R *0(and also *1L, *0of course) is
J69  89 **[FORMULA**]
J69  90    |the well-known result of a problem which is often given to
J69  91 beginners as an exercise in solving differential equations of the
J69  92 first order.
J69  93    |^By similar reasoning, the current through a *1CR *0series circuit
J69  94 is found to be
J69  95 **[FORMULA**]
J69  96    |^The voltage across the resistor is
J69  97 **[FORMULA**] and that across the capacitor is, therefore,
J69  98 **[FORMULA**], and so the charge in the capacitor at time *1t *0is
J69  99 **[FORMULA**]
J69 100    |^Theoretically, the current never *1does *0reach its final value;
J69 101 the *'final value**' may be said to be attained when it falls short of
J69 102 the theoretical final value by an amount too small to be detected by
J69 103 the measuring instrument in use, or, in decay, when it has reached the
J69 104 {0r.m.s.} value of the noise level.
J69 105    |^For practical purposes, and as a rough guide, the current will
J69 106 have reached within one per cent of the final value in a time five
J69 107 times the length of the time constant (see \0p. 2). ^This is roughly
J69 108 seven times as long as the half-life of radioactivity. ^One cannot
J69 109 help feeling that, subconsciously or not, people who think in terms of
J69 110 half-life have the idea that all activity will have ceased in about
J69 111 twice that time.
J69 112 *<*4Three-element circuits*>
J69 113    |^*0It may well be argued at this point that the above type of
J69 114 reasoning is all very well for simple two-element circuits, but would
J69 115 fail if carried further. ^Let us consider, therefore, the circuit of
J69 116 \0Fig. 1.6 in which the capacitor *1C *0has a leakage resistance
J69 117 *1R*0*;2**;.
J69 118 **[DIAGRAM**]
J69 119    |^The initial current on making the switch (*1t *0= 0) is *1V/
J69 120 R*0*;1**;, and the final current will be
J69 121 **[FORMULA**]. ^This fixes the limits between which the current must
J69 122 vary exponentially.
J69 123    |^The time constant of this exponential must be the product of a
J69 124 capacitance and a resistance. ^The capacitance is obviously *1C, *0but
J69 125 what are we to take as the resistance? ^The answer is, that resistance
J69 126 which effectively appears across the terminals of *1C *0when the
J69 127 switch is closed; this is clearly *1R*0*;1**; and *1R*0*;2**; in
J69 128 *1parallel, *0the voltage source having no internal resistance. ^So
J69 129 the time-constant is
J69 130 **[FORMULA**]
J69 131    |and we can now sketch the current/ time curve as in \0Fig. 1.7.
J69 132 ^The exponential part is
J69 133 **[FORMULA**]
J69 134    |and to this must be added
J69 135 **[FORMULA**]; after a little manipulation the current can be written
J69 136 **[FORMULA**]
J69 137    |^The final capacitor voltage
J69 138 **[FORMULA**] will be *1VR*0*;2**;/ (*1R*0*;1**;+*1R*0*;2**;), and its
J69 139 variation with time is
J69 140 **[FORMULA**]
J69 141    |^The case of two capacitors and one resistor is amenable to
J69 142 similar treatment, though not quite so easily (see \0Fig. 1.8). ^Here
J69 143 there is a little awkwardness due to the fact that the initial rush of
J69 144 current is very high; theoretically infinite but lasting for zero time
J69 145 (see under *'Delta Function**' in the next chapter). ^We shall
J69 146 side-step the current question and work, instead, in terms of voltage
J69 147 or quantity of charge, neither of which becomes infinite.
J69 148    |^When the switch is made, the capacitors immediately charge up to
J69 149 *1VC*0*;2**;/ (*1C*0*;1**;+*1C*0*;2**;) and *1VC*0*;1**;/
J69 150 (*1C*0*;1**;+*1C*0*;2**;) volts respectively, and the quantity of
J69 151 charge on the plates of each is *1VC*0*;1**;*1C*0*;2**;/
J69 152 (*1C*0*;1**;+*1C*0*;2**;) coulombs.
J69 153    |^Because of the presence of the resistance, *1C*0*;1**; will
J69 154 discharge exponentially, with *1T = R*0(*1C*0*;1**;+*1C*0*;2**;) while
J69 155 *1C*0*;2**;, following its initial charge at time *1t *0= 0, will
J69 156 acquire further charge until its {0p.d.} reaches the source voltage,
J69 157 *1V, *0and it holds *1C*0*;2**;*1V *0coulombs.
J69 158    |^Hence: charge in *1C*0*;1**;
J69 159 **[FORMULA**]
J69 160    |and charge in *1C*0*;2**;
J69 161 **[FORMULA**]
J69 162    |^The current taken from the supply, which is the same as that in
J69 163 *1C*0*;2**; may be found by differentiating
J69 164 **[FORMULA**] with respect to time and is
J69 165 **[FORMULA**]
J69 166    |plus, of course, the initial pulse of current. ^See \0p. 43,
J69 167 equation (2.8).
J69 168    |^Circuits comprising *1R, C *0and *1L *0are, in general, beyond
J69 169 this simple intuitive treatment, though there are exceptions. ^One of
J69 170 these is shown in \0Fig. 1.9 where a constant voltage source, *1V,
J69 171 *0is applied to two elementary circuits, *1LR*0*;1**; and *1CR*0*;2**;
J69 172 respectively.
J69 173 **[DIAGRAM**]
J69 174    |^We shall suppose that the two time constants are the same; *1L/
J69 175 R*0*;1**; = *1CR*0*;2**; or *1R*0*;1**;*1R*0*;2**; = *1L/ C. ^*0The
J69 176 initial current *1i*0*;0**; will be *1V/ R*0*;2**; and the final
J69 177 current,
J69 178 **[FORMULA**] will be *1V/ R*0*;1**;. ^Thus, during the transient
J69 179 period, the current will be switched over from the capacitive side to
J69 180 the inductive side at a rate governed by the common time constant.
J69 181    |^Alternatively, we can make use of results already obtained on
J69 182 \0p. 9 and write down the supply current immediately as
J69 183 **[FORMULA**]
J69 184    |^In the special case where *1R*0*;1**; = *1R*0*;2**; = *1R, *0the
J69 185 term containing the exponential vanishes, so there is no transient and
J69 186 the current taken from the supply is constant and equal to *1V/ R.
J69 187 ^*0In other words, the network is distortionless and free from phase
J69 188 shift for all frequencies; provided always that *1R *0= *?22(*1L/
J69 189 C*0).
J69 190 *<*4Analogies*>
J69 191    |^*0In the elementary teaching of electricity use is often made of
J69 192 analogies with mechanical systems. ^Electricity seems to be more
J69 193 difficult to understand than mechanics for most people, because the
J69 194 mind can readily picture mechanical processes, but electrical
J69 195 phenomena require the effort of abstract thought. ^As the
J69 196 understanding develops, the debt can be repaid, often with much
J69 197 interest, as problems in mechanical engineering are referred to their
J69 198 electrical counterparts for solution; an example of this is in the
J69 199 theory of vibrations, both free and forced.
J69 200    |^The analogue of electro-motive force, *1E, *0is force, *1F, *0or
J69 201 mechano-motive force as it has been called: that which moves
J69 202 mechanical systems or particles, the unit being the *1newton*0; though
J69 203 it is only fair to say that this unit is making but slow progress into
J69 204 mechanical circles. ^The magnetic circuit analogue, magneto-motive
J69 205 force, is not so good since, although we speak of flux, there is
J69 206 nothing which actually flows. ^In angular motion the equivalent is
J69 207 torque, *1T*;q**;, *0measured in newton . metre or joule/ radian.
J69 208    |^Electric current has its analogue in velocity*- linear, *1v, *0or
J69 209 angular, \15o, and consequently quantity of charge, the time-integral
J69 210 of current, corresponds to linear displacement *1x, *0or angular
J69 211 displacement \15th.
J69 212    |^Mass (kilogram) or moment of inertia (kilogram . metre*:2**:) is
J69 213 analogous to inductance. ^It is noteworthy that while there has never
J69 214 been any confusion in the mind of the electrician between
J69 215 electro-motive force and self-inductance, the tyro mechanician often
J69 216 finds difficulty in distinguishing force and mass, and tortures
J69 217 himself with *'big pounds**' and *'little pounds**' as well as
J69 218 *'slugs**' and *'poundals**'. ^The increased use of the newton might
J69 219 soften these difficulties.
J69 220    |^Electrical
J69 221 **[FORMULA**]
J69 222    |^Mechanical
J69 223 **[FORMULA**]
J69 224    |^Rotational
J69 225 **[FORMULA**]
J69 226    |(*1I *0being the moment of inertia).
J69 227    |^Figure 1.10 shows how current and angular and linear velocity
J69 228 increase with time in systems where the resistance or friction is
J69 229 zero. ^If the force is removed after a certain time, *1t*0*;1**;, the
J69 230 current will go on flowing with circuit energy
J69 231 **[FORMULA**], or the wheel will continue to rotate with angular
J69 232 energy
J69 233 **[FORMULA**], or the particle will continue with constant velocity
J69 234 (Newton's law), and kinetic energy
J69 235 **[FORMULA**].
J69 236    |^If resistance is present, the current (or velocity) does not
J69 237 increase indefinitely but reaches a limit, as we have already seen (p.
J69 238 9). ^The initial slope is the same as for the resistanceless case and
J69 239 the final value is given by the resistance divided into the
J69 240 electro-motive force, or the mechanical resistance divided into the
J69 241 mechano-motive force and so on.
J69 242 **[DIAGRAM**]
J69 243    |^Alternatively, the electrical resistance in ohms (or volt .
J69 244 ampere*:-1**: or henry . second*:-1**:) is given by *1E/ I *0where *1I
J69 245 *0is the final value of current: and similarly, mechanical resistance
J69 246 is
J69 247 **[FORMULA**], where *1v*;T**; *0is the final or terminal velocity;
J69 248 and rotational resistance is *1T*;q**;/ {15o}*;T**;. ^*0It follows
J69 249 that the unit of mechanical resistance is newton . metre*:-1**: .
J69 250 second, or kilogram . second*:-1**:, and of rotational resistance is
J69 251 newton . metre . second, or kilogram . metre*:2**: . second*:-1**:.
J69 252 ^The terms mechanical ohm and rotational ohm are used by Olson, but
J69 253 these seem rather far-fetched, particularly as they are referred to
J69 254 {0c.g.s.} and not practical units.
J69 255 *# 2021
J70   1 **[364 TEXT J70**]
J70   2 *<*42*>
J70   3 *<*5General Properties of Ferrites*>
J70   4 *<*62.1 FERRITE STRUCTURE*>
J70   5    |^*2APART *0from ferromagnetic metals, a number of chemical
J70   6 compounds ({0e.g.} ferrites, garnets, plumbites and perovskites)
J70   7 exhibit ferromagnetic properties. ^Of these compounds ferrites have to
J70   8 date proved to be the most important from the standpoint of microwave
J70   9 applications. ^As the majority of ferrites crystallise with a cubic
J70  10 structure, similar to the mineral spinel, (magnesium aluminate
J70  11 \0Mg*:++**:Al *;2**;*:+++**:O*;4**;*:--**:), the term ferromagnetic
J70  12 spinel is sometimes used to describe those ferrites which exhibit
J70  13 magnetic properties.
J70  14    |^The general chemical formula of a ferrite is
J70  15 \0(MFe*;2**;O*;4**;)*;n**; where \0M represents a metallic cation. ^It
J70  16 is found that a spinel crystal structure is only formed if the ionic
J70  17 radius of the cation \0M is less than about 1 \0A*?15. ^If it is
J70  18 greater than 1 \0A*?15 then the electrostatic Coulomb forces are
J70  19 insufficient to ensure the stability of the crystal. ^For example
J70  20 \0Ca*:++**: (ionic radius 1.06 \0A*?15) does not form spinel crystals,
J70  21 while \0Mn*:++**: (ionic radius 0.91 \0A*?15) does. ^The cation \0M is
J70  22 generally divalent, but other valencies are possible if the number of
J70  23 anions is doubled, {0e.g.} lithium ferrite
J70  24 \0Li*:+**:Fe*;5**;*:+++**:O*;8**;*:--**:. ^The ions forming ferrites
J70  25 of practical importance are {0Ni*:++**:, Mn*:++**:, Fe*:++**:,
J70  26 Co*:++**:, Cu*:++**:, Zn*:++**:, Cd*:++**:, Li*:+**:, Mg*:++**:}.
J70  27    |^The spinel unit cell (see \0Fig. 2.1) consists of a close packed
J70  28 cubic array of 32 oxygen anions, between which there are 96 spaces or
J70  29 interstices, 24 of which are filled with a cation, the remaining 72
J70  30 being empty. ^The sites occupied by the cations are of two kinds known
J70  31 as tetrahedral or *3A *0sites and octahedral or *3B *0sites. ^The *3A
J70  32 *0sites of which eight are occupied, are surrounded by four oxygen
J70  33 anions and the *3B *0sites of which sixteen are occupied, are
J70  34 surrounded by six oxygen anions. ^When the chemical formula is
J70  35 written, the ions in the *3B *0sites are often enclosed in brackets to
J70  36 indicate their position, {0e.g.} \0Fe(NiFe)O*;4**; for nickel
J70  37 ferrite.
J70  38    |^It might seem at first sight that the most likely arrangement of
J70  39 the cations would be with \0M*:++**: ions on the *3A *0sites and
J70  40 \0Fe*;2**;*:+++**: ions on the *3B *0sites but in practice three types
J70  41 of spinel can be distinguished.
J70  42 **[BEGIN INDENTATION**]
J70  43    |^(1) Normal spinels in which \0M*:++**: ions occupy the *3A
J70  44 *0sites and \0Fe*;2**;*:+++**: the *3B *0sites.
J70  45    |^(2) Inverse spinels in which \0M*:++**: ions occupy the *3B
J70  46 *0sites together with half the \0Fe*:+++**: ions, the other half being
J70  47 on the *3A *0sites.
J70  48    |^(3) Random spinels in which both \0M*:++**: ions and \0Fe*:+++**:
J70  49 ions occur on the *3A *0and *3B *0sites.
J70  50 **[END INDENTATION**]
J70  51    |^The preference of certain ions for *3A *0or *3B *0sites is of
J70  52 importance, as it is found that in general normal ferrite spinels are
J70  53 paramagnetic while inverse spinels are ferromagnetic. ^Many ions show
J70  54 no strong preference for a particular site, this being especially true
J70  55 for those ions with a noble gas configuration such as {0Li*:+**:,
J70  56 Mg*:++**:, Al*:+++**:} and also those with a half-filled 3*1d
J70  57 *0electron shell {0e.g.} \0Fe*:+++**:Mn*:++**:. ^Where there is no
J70  58 strong site preference the most stable cation distribution can be
J70  59 calculated from a static model of charged spheres. ^Of the remaining
J70  60 ions in ferrites which are of microwave interest \0Zn*:++**:, has a
J70  61 preference for *3A *0sites while only \0Ni*:+++**: and \0Cr*:+++**:
J70  62 have a strong preference for *3B *0sites.
J70  63    |^When two or more cations are present, the distribution of ions
J70  64 with weak site preference may be affected by the presence of an ion
J70  65 with a strong site preference.
J70  66    |^Most ferrite spinels can form solid solutions with each other in
J70  67 any proportion. ^This arises since there is a greater probability of a
J70  68 solid solution when two ferrite spinels are reacted together, than
J70  69 there is of the formation of separate crystals of the two spinels. ^A
J70  70 well-known example of a solid solution is nickel zinc ferrite,
J70  71 \0Ni*;1-*1a**;*0Zn*;*1a**;*0Fe*;2**;O*;4**;, where *1a *0can take any
J70  72 value between 0 and 1.
J70  73    |^Unless great care is taken in the manufacture, the final ferrite
J70  74 formed is not exactly that corresponding to the proportions of raw
J70  75 materials used. ^This is because most ferrites can take up oxides into
J70  76 solution without forming a second phase and thus give rise to
J70  77 non-stoichiometric ferrite. ^In particular the ability of most
J70  78 ferrites to take up \0Fe*;2**;O*;3**; in solution is important. ^In
J70  79 the preparation of ferrites the component oxides are reacted at high
J70  80 temperatures. ^During this sintering process there is a tendency for
J70  81 most ferrites to give off oxygen, as the equilibrium pressure in this
J70  82 reaction is often greater than one atmosphere and increases rapidly
J70  83 with temperature. ^This gives rise to an oxygen deficiency in the
J70  84 final product and to the formation of ferrous ions. ^The presence of
J70  85 ferrous ions in microwave ferrites is undesirable however, since it
J70  86 causes increased dielectric and magnetic loss as is discussed in this
J70  87 chapter and Chapter 4. ^For this reason, compounds are often made iron
J70  88 deficient, great care being taken to avoid loss of oxygen during
J70  89 sintering.
J70  90 *<*62.2. PREPARATION OF FERRITES*>
J70  91    |^*0Ferrites are prepared by a ceramic technique which involves
J70  92 sintering the component oxides at temperatures between 1000*@ and
J70  93 1450*@\0C. ^The stages in the preparation of ferrites are listed
J70  94 below:*-
J70  95 **[BEGIN INDENTATION**]
J70  96    |Raw materials
J70  97    |*?16
J70  98    |Decomposition to oxide
J70  99    |*?16
J70 100    |Milling
J70 101    |*?16
J70 102    |Presintering (partial reaction)
J70 103    |*?16
J70 104    |Remilling
J70 105    |*?16
J70 106    |Pressing and Extruding to shape
J70 107    |*?16
J70 108    |Final sintering
J70 109    |*?16
J70 110    |Grinding to shape
J70 111 **[END INDENTATION**]
J70 112    |^A number of raw materials can be used in the manufacture of
J70 113 ferrites; these include oxides, carbonates, oxylates and nitrates.
J70 114 ^The last three compounds decompose to oxides on heat treatment, and
J70 115 are thus prepared {6*1in situ} *0at a temperature near to that at
J70 116 which solid state reactions commence. ^This process should favour the
J70 117 formation of good quality homogeneous materials. ^For example in the
J70 118 case of \0MgMn ferrites it has been reported that the use of nitrates
J70 119 gives rise to better microwave properties. ^An explanation is that the
J70 120 high decomposition temperature of the nitrates and the presence of
J70 121 nitrogen oxides help to prevent the formation of ferrous ions during
J70 122 the sintering process.
J70 123    |^The raw materials are first milled, usually in a steel ball mill,
J70 124 to give a homogeneous mixture of very fine particles. ^The process is
J70 125 generally carried out with the raw materials in a slurry of methylated
J70 126 spirit or any other liquid which is easily removed after milling. ^The
J70 127 evaporation of the methylated spirit is carried out rapidly to avoid
J70 128 any heavier particles separating out.
J70 129    |^The mixture of raw materials is then pre-fired at a temperature
J70 130 some 200*@\0C below its final firing temperature. ^This process causes
J70 131 partial reaction of the constituents and helps to reduce shrinkage
J70 132 during final sintering. ^The presintered powder is then remilled. ^Two
J70 133 methods of moulding the powder into shape prior to the final sintering
J70 134 are commonly employed; die pressing and extrusion. ^For die pressing a
J70 135 small quantity of binder is added to the powder so that when the
J70 136 sample has been pressed to shape, it can be handled relatively easily.
J70 137 ^To avoid the possibility of contamination of the sintered ferrite,
J70 138 distilled water has been used as a binder, although for certain shapes
J70 139 ({0e.g.} rods) organic wax emulsions have been found more
J70 140 satisfactory. ^Gentle heating to remove the binder is necessary as
J70 141 violent volatilisation could cause the sample to crack. ^A moulding
J70 142 pressure of between 2 and 10 tons/ {0sq. in.} ensures a uniform end
J70 143 product without the risk of forming laminates in the pressed sample.
J70 144    |^For satisfactory extrusion a higher percentage of binder is
J70 145 required than for moulding. ^A solution of wax in petroleum has been
J70 146 used as a binder for extrusion and by careful choice of extrusion
J70 147 orifice very dense samples may be produced. ^As high a density as 99%
J70 148 has been achieved under special conditions. ^Extruded samples, in
J70 149 general, however are not as dense or uniform as those produced by
J70 150 die-pressing. ^The principal use of extrusion techniques has been for
J70 151 the manufacture of long thin rods, a shape often required in microwave
J70 152 applications. ^Rods as long as 12\0in. x 0.04 \0in. diameter have been
J70 153 produced by this method.
J70 154    |^The properties of the final product depend critically on the
J70 155 sintering process and the closest control of sintering time,
J70 156 temperature and atmosphere is required. ^Generally, the sintering
J70 157 process is carried out at a temperature between 1000*@ and 1450*@\0C
J70 158 for between 4 hours and 24 hours, depending on the ferrite. ^Ferrites
J70 159 containing lithium and cadmium are usually sintered at lower
J70 160 temperatures due to the volatility of \0LiO and \0CdO*;2**; while
J70 161 those containing nickel, cobalt and magnesium are sintered at the
J70 162 highest temperatures. ^By sintering for a long time at high
J70 163 temperatures, a uniform final product with a minimum of air pores can
J70 164 be obtained. ^The near absence of pores is a requirement for certain
J70 165 microwave ferrites. ^This is discussed in greater detail in Chapter 3.
J70 166 ^As already mentioned, however, the oxygen equilibrium pressure
J70 167 increases rapidly with increasing temperatures and this sets a limit
J70 168 on the maximum sintering temperature that can be used without
J70 169 reduction of ferric iron to ferrous iron.
J70 170    |^The porosity of a particular polycrystalline ferrite sample is
J70 171 usually quoted with reference to its X-ray or single-crystal density.
J70 172 ^The X-ray density is determined from measurements of the spinel
J70 173 lattice constant and Table 2.1 gives values for a number of commonly
J70 174 used ferrites, for which the lattice constants are known. ^The density
J70 175 of typical polycrystalline pressed samples is between 80% and 95% of
J70 176 X-ray density, though figures as high as 99% have been achieved.
J70 177    |^During sintering, shrinkage of the ferrite sample occurs. ^This
J70 178 may be controlled by careful preparation and by ensuring a uniform
J70 179 temperature over the sample, although the final shape may not have the
J70 180 tolerances required in practice. ^Sintered ferrites, being ceramic in
J70 181 nature, require special methods of shaping. ^Cutting can be carried
J70 182 out by use of a thin diamond slitting wheel or by use of an ultrasonic
J70 183 machine with a knife edge cutting head. ^An accurate finish can then
J70 184 be obtained by surface grinding with a carborundum wheel.
J70 185    |^The growth of single crystals of ferrite was originally of
J70 186 interest mainly to the physicist, as the crystals produced were too
J70 187 small for use in microwave applications. ^However, the development of
J70 188 non-linear devices employing small single-crystal samples has modified
J70 189 this situation, although they are still extensively used for the study
J70 190 of the fundamental properties of ferrites.
J70 191    |^Two principal methods have been used for the formation of single
J70 192 crystals; the borax melt and the flame fusion process.
J70 193    |^In the borax melt process, the constituent oxides of the ferrite
J70 194 are dissolved in a flux of molten borax by heating the mixture to
J70 195 between 1300*@ and 1400*@\0C and maintaining this temperature for
J70 196 several hours. ^The melt is then cooled at a few degrees per hour
J70 197 until crystals start to form, or alternatively the flux is evaporated
J70 198 at a constant rate. ^A disadvantage of the method is that the borax
J70 199 vapour evolved is very corrosive and destroys most refractory
J70 200 materials, which necessitates the use of special furnace equipment.
J70 201 ^Crystals of linear dimensions of about 1 \0cm can be obtained by this
J70 202 method.
J70 203    |^In the flame-fusion process constituent oxides are mixed in the
J70 204 correct proportions and sprinkled into an oxy-hydrogen flame.
J70 205 ^Crystals of reasonable length, {0e.g.} 1-2 \0cm can then be grown
J70 206 on a refractory rod held in the flame. ^It is, however, very difficult
J70 207 to control the exact chemical composition of the crystal obtained by
J70 208 the flame-fusion process.
J70 209 *<*62.3 MAGNETIC PROPERTIES OF FERRITES*>
J70 210    |^*0The purpose of the following section is to provide an
J70 211 elementary account of the magnetic properties of ferrites, together
J70 212 with enough background material to enable the reader to place the
J70 213 section in perspective. ^It is stressed that since the object is to
J70 214 equip the microwave user of ferrites with a knowledge of their
J70 215 magnetic properties, the finer details of the subject must be sought
J70 216 in the bibliography provided.
J70 217    |^Consideration will first be given to the origin of magnetism in
J70 218 electrons, atoms and ions, choosing as examples of the latter,
J70 219 elements which occur in ferrites. ^The mechanisms of para-, ferro- and
J70 220 ferri-magnetism will then be explained and reference made to the
J70 221 temperature behaviour of the saturation magnetisation of certain
J70 222 ferrites. ^In ferrites, one is principally concerned with the
J70 223 phenomenon of ferrimagnetism which will be treated in greater detail.
J70 224 *# 2002
J71   1 **[365 TEXT J71**]
J71   2 *<*05.5. *2VARIATION OF MATERIAL STRENGTH*>
J71   3    |^*0Two alloys of widely different strengths from HE30-WP were
J71   4 selected in order to study the effect of material properties on strut
J71   5 behaviour. ^The alloys were NE6-M and HE15-WP, which have 0.1% proof
J71   6 stresses of approximately 10 tons/ \0in*:2**: and 28 tons/ \0in*:2**:
J71   7 respectively. ^The specimens were fabricated from 3 \0in. x 2 1/4
J71   8 \0in. x 0.15 \0in. (*176.2 x 57.15 x 3.81 \0mm*0) {0A.D.A.} unequal
J71   9 bulb angle section, and were of the same design as for the first
J71  10 series of {0A.D.A.} specimens shown in \0Fig. 13.
J71  11    |^As material failure might be expected to have the greatest
J71  12 influence on strut behaviour in the lower slenderness ratios, these
J71  13 specimens were made in a limited range of slenderness ratios only: 30
J71  14 to 60 for the HE15-WP and 30-90 for the NE6-M.
J71  15    |^The overall picture of failure behaviour was similar to that for
J71  16 the previous sets of specimens*- torsion-flexure. ^Failure of the
J71  17 higher strength material specimens was generally of an elastic
J71  18 buckling nature, with torsional and flexural deflections starting near
J71  19 the ultimate load and growing very rapidly to large magnitudes, when
J71  20 no further increase in load could be sustained. ^On unloading, there
J71  21 was almost complete recovery, showing that the buckling was largely
J71  22 elastic. ^An exception was one of the *1L/ k *0= 40 specimens where
J71  23 the torsional deflection was increased so much that local collapse
J71  24 occurred in the lower third of the specimen.
J71  25    |^The lower strength specimens generally failed quite suddenly,
J71  26 with very little deflection visible beforehand. ^Failure was of the
J71  27 torsion-flexure form, with flexure more predominant than in the tests
J71  28 previously described, coupled in all cases below *1L/ k *0= 50 with
J71  29 local failure of the outstanding bulbed edge of the individual angle
J71  30 member. ^There was scarcely any recovery on unloading, showing that
J71  31 the distortion had given rise to large areas of plasticity. ^The forms
J71  32 of specimens of the two materials after failure for slenderness ratios
J71  33 30, 40 and 50 are shown in \0Fig. 33, where the large permanent set of
J71  34 the NE6-M specimens can be clearly seen, and compared with the almost
J71  35 complete recovery of the HE15-WP ones. ^The right-hand specimen of the
J71  36 middle pair is the exceptional case of local collapse in the HE15-WP
J71  37 series referred to above. ^\0Fig. 34 shows the *1L/ k *0= 90 specimen
J71  38 in NE6-M after failure.
J71  39    |^The results of this series of tests are given in Table *=16 and
J71  40 \0Fig. 35 shows the strengths of the two series of specimens compared
J71  41 with those for the HE30-WP. ^It will be noticed that the results for
J71  42 NE6-M are presented in two parts:
J71  43 **[ILLUSTRATION**]
J71  44 **[ILLUSTRATION**]
J71  45 this is because a second batch of material for these specimens had an
J71  46 appreciably higher strength than the first.
J71  47 *<5.6. *2DETERMINATION OF MATERIAL PROPERTIES*>
J71  48    |^*0Tension specimens were taken from each different batch of
J71  49 section. ^In some cases machined round specimens of 0.282 \0in.
J71  50 (*17.16 \0mm*0) diameter were made from the corner of the section or
J71  51 from the bulbed edge, in others standard flat specimens were made from
J71  52 the longer leg of the section. ^Strains were measured with a 1 \0in.
J71  53 (*125.4 \0mm*0) gauge length Robertson optical extensometer on the
J71  54 round specimens, and with a Gerard extensometer on the flat ones. ^To
J71  55 make a satisfactory compression test, the length of the specimen
J71  56 should not exceed about 2 1/2 times its diameter; therefore the length
J71  57 of compression specimens taken from small structural sections must be
J71  58 small. ^As the greatest diameter of specimen that could be obtained
J71  59 from the
J71  60 **[DIAGRAM**]
J71  61 3 \0in. x 2 1/4 \0in. (*176.2 *0x *157.15 \0mm*0) {0A.D.A.} Section
J71  62 was about 3/8 \0in. (*19.5 \0mm*0) the length was limited to 1 \0in.
J71  63 (*125.4 \0mm*0). ^A jig was made in which the specimen was clamped and
J71  64 both ends could be ground at one setting, so that they were finished
J71  65 accurately flat and parallel. ^Strains were measured by a pair of
J71  66 Martens extensometers having a gauge length of 0.6 \0in. (*115.24
J71  67 \0mm*0). ^The test was carried out in parallel platen apparatus to
J71  68 ensure, as far as possible, that compression took place without
J71  69 bending. ^The results are summarised in Table *=17.
J71  70    |^It will be noticed that where test pieces were taken from both
J71  71 the bulb and corner and from the flat part of the section, the
J71  72 material in the flat part of the section had an appreciably lower
J71  73 tensile proof strength.
J71  74    |^The Young's moduli are generally of the order of 5% higher in
J71  75 compression than in tension. ^Observations of this nature have been
J71  76 recorded before with aluminium alloy but no satisfactory explanation
J71  77 seems to have been offered.
J71  78 **[TABLE**]
J71  79 *<*46. Analysis of Results*>
J71  80    |^*0The analysis of the results falls naturally into three
J71  81 categories: the comparison of values of failing stress predicted
J71  82 analytically with those obtained experimentally: a similar comparison
J71  83 of the results obtained from standard design methods; and a study of
J71  84 the behaviour of double angle struts having different cross-sectional
J71  85 profiles.
J71  86 *<6.1. *2PREDICTION OF FAILURE*>
J71  87    |^*0The prediction of the elastic buckling load of members where
J71  88 there is interaction between the flexural and torsional modes has been
J71  89 fully dealt with by Timoshenko and many other authors.
J71  90    |^For members having one axis of symmetry, the critical load is
J71  91 given by the smallest root of the equation:
J71  92 **[FORMULA**]
J71  93    |where *1p*;*01**;, *1p*;*02**;, *1p*;*03**;, are respectively the
J71  94 critical stresses for flexural buckling about the principal axis *1x-x
J71  95 *0at right angles to the axis of symmetry, flexural buckling about the
J71  96 axis of symmetry *1a-a, *0and torsional buckling. ^The value of *1r
J71  97 *0is given by
J71  98 **[FORMULA**]
J71  99    |where *1a *0is the distance between the shear centre and the
J71 100 centroid, and *1k*;x**; *0and *1k*;a**; *0are the respective principal
J71 101 radii of gyration.
J71 102    |^The exact analysis of the buckling of built-up members such as
J71 103 those considered here is extremely complex, but provided the
J71 104 individual members are fastened together at a sufficient number of
J71 105 points it is justifiable, as a first approximation, to treat the
J71 106 members as being homogeneous.
J71 107    |^In the case of the struts used in this investigation the bending
J71 108 stiffnesses about the two principal axes are approximately equal;
J71 109 therefore, as the member is effectively fixed-ended for buckling about
J71 110 the *1x-x *0axis, *1p*;*01**; *0will always be greatly in excess of
J71 111 the actual buckling stress, and may be disregarded. ^The stiffness for
J71 112 bending about the axis of symmetry is taken as the reduced value
J71 113 calculated in 4.1. ^The value of the torsional stiffness used in
J71 114 calculating the torsional buckling load is obtained for the various
J71 115 slenderness ratios by multiplying by the appropriate factor \15b from
J71 116 Table *=11. ^The warping stiffness of the angle sections themselves,
J71 117 which is very low, has very little effect on the torsional buckling
J71 118 load and is neglected in the calculation.
J71 119    |^Thus the torsional buckling stress
J71 120 **[FORMULA**],
J71 121    |where *1GJ *0is the free-ended torsional stiffness of the
J71 122 composite member, and *1I*;p**; *0is the polar second moment of area
J71 123 of the cross-section about the shear centre.
J71 124    |^The values obtained for the buckling stresses are shown below in
J71 125 Table *=18.
J71 126    |^\0Fig. 36 shows these values graphically, curve (1), and those
J71 127 for the HE30-WP struts (2).
J71 128    |^The immediate observation is that the experimental failing stress
J71 129 curve lies well below the theoretical one, the discrepancy being most
J71 130 marked in the lower slenderness ratios. ^The most obvious explanation
J71 131 for this is the reduction of the effective stiffness due to inadequate
J71 132 rigidity of the fastenings, discussed in 4.1. ^If the experimental
J71 133 results were re-plotted on a basis of slenderness ratios calculated
J71 134 from actual stiffness, then the curve would be moved to the right.
J71 135 ^Some confirmation of this explanation is given
J71 136 **[TABLE**]
J71 137 by the results for the few tests with the knife-edge along the *1x-x
J71 138 *0axis, in which the effects of the fastenings on flexural buckling
J71 139 might be expected to be much smaller, which lie much nearer to the
J71 140 theoretical curve.
J71 141    |^It is interesting to re-calculate the torsion-flexure buckling
J71 142 stress values when the flexural buckling stress is derived from that
J71 143 obtained by taking the measured bending stiffness, the torsional
J71 144 stiffness remaining as before. ^These values are plotted in curve (3),
J71 145 \0Fig. 36, which lies much closer to the experimental values of curve
J71 146 (2) than does the original theoretical torsion-flexure curve.
J71 147 **[DIAGRAM**]
J71 148    |^On the other hand, it might be argued that compression should
J71 149 tend to reduce the effects of bolt clearances and that the discrepancy
J71 150 between the experimental and theoretical values might be due to
J71 151 plasticity of the material at the higher stresses. ^From the
J71 152 compression stress-strain curve of the HE30-WP material used, values
J71 153 of the tangent modulus may be deduced, and the Engesser plastic
J71 154 flexural buckling curve can be constructed, curve (4), as a
J71 155 continuation of the Euler curve for the elastic range. ^This curve
J71 156 diverges rapidly from the Euler and elastic torsion-flexure curves as
J71 157 the slenderness ratio diminishes. ^The limit of proportionality of the
J71 158 HE30-WP was just below 8 tons/ \0in*:2**: (*112.7 \0kg/ \0mm*:*02**:),
J71 159 and it might be expected that after the critical stress of this value,
J71 160 which occurs at about *1L/ k *0= 70, the true torsion-flexure buckling
J71 161 curve would begin to diverge from the elastic one. ^There is no direct
J71 162 method of constructing the plastic torsion-flexure buckling curve.
J71 163 ^However, by assuming that the critical load for the torsional mode
J71 164 does not change, which is reasonable if the shear modulus remains
J71 165 nearly constant, it is possible to devise a method of successive
J71 166 approximation.
J71 167    |^Taking for the flexural buckling stress, *1p*;*02**;, the value
J71 168 obtained for flexural plastic buckling, a new value can be obtained
J71 169 for the torsion-flexure buckling stress *1p. ^*0From the compression
J71 170 stress-strain curve the value of the tangent modulus *1E*;*0t**; at
J71 171 the stress *1p *0is obtained. ^Using this value of *1E*;*0t**; in the
J71 172 Engesser equation, *1p *0= *1E*;*0t**;/ (*1L/ k*0)*:2**:, the buckling
J71 173 stress of a strut of the same slenderness ratio can be calculated.
J71 174 ^This value will generally be found to differ from the value chosen
J71 175 for *1p*;*02**;. ^Another value is now chosen for *1p*;*02**;, and the
J71 176 process repeated until a value is obtained, for the plastic
J71 177 torsion-flexure buckling stress, at which the value for the tangent
J71 178 modulus corresponds to plastic flexural buckling at the chosen value
J71 179 of *1p*;*02**;. ^The values obtained by this method are shown in
J71 180 \0Fig. 36, curve (5), where it will be seen that, except for
J71 181 slenderness ratios below 40, the curve lies above the experimental
J71 182 one*- between those obtained from the elastic torsion-flexure equation
J71 183 using modified flexural stiffness and the ordinary elastic
J71 184 torsion-flexure equation. ^It may be concluded that both plasticity
J71 185 and loss of expected stiffness contribute to the divergence of the
J71 186 experimental from the predicted values.
J71 187    |^Confirmation of this is obtained by examination of the results
J71 188 for HE15-WP and NE6-M materials; the elastic limit of HE15-WP is about
J71 189 23 tons/ \0in*:2**: so that, as the critical stress for elastic
J71 190 torsion-flexural buckling at *1L/ k *0= 30 is 23.1 tons/ \0in*:2**:,
J71 191 it might be expected that plasticity would have scarcely any influence
J71 192 on failure in the range of slenderness ratios used in the tests.
J71 193 ^\0Fig. 37 shows that the experimental values are in reasonable
J71 194 agreement with the values obtained from the elastic torsion-flexure
J71 195 equation with modified flexural stiffness. ^The small discrepancy at
J71 196 the lower slenderness ratios could be attributed to an over-estimation
J71 197 of the torsional stiffness. ^The NE6-M alloy, with an elastic limit of
J71 198 between 4 and 5 tons/ \0in*:2**:, gives the opposite picture in that
J71 199 plasticity affects failure over the whole range of slenderness ratios
J71 200 considered. ^The plastic torsion-flexure curve, in \0Fig. 37, lies
J71 201 well below the elastic values
J71 202 **[DIAGRAM**]
J71 203 and a little above the experimental ones. ^This seems to indicate
J71 204 that, although plasticity is the dominating factor affecting failure,
J71 205 the reduced flexural stiffness contributes to the difference between
J71 206 experimental and predicted values, and the best prediction might be
J71 207 obtained from the plastic torsion-flexure approach using the reduced,
J71 208 experimental flexural stiffnesses. ^The results of this calculation
J71 209 for HE30-WP and NE6-M are shown in \0Fig. 38, where it will be
J71 210 **[DIAGRAM**]
J71 211 seen that good agreement is obtained except at the lowest slenderness
J71 212 ratio where the stiffnesses have probably been over estimated.
J71 213 *<6.2. *2DESIGN METHODS*>
J71 214    |^*0As the mode of failure at all slenderness ratios up to 150 was
J71 215 torsion-flexure it is evident that direct design from the
J71 216 Perry-Robertson strut curve is unsatisfactory. ^Forms of compression
J71 217 instability, other than purely flexural, may be dealt with by the
J71 218 Equivalent Slenderness Ratio ({0e.s.r.}) method.
J71 219 *# 2017
J72   1 **[366 TEXT J72**]
J72   2 *<*3SUMMARY*>
J72   3    |^*0The authors discuss the testing of explosives with special
J72   4 reference to the ability of a test to indicate the presence of
J72   5 significant differences in ignition probability and also to the
J72   6 reliability of the test. ^It is suggested that tests requiring low
J72   7 ignition rates, and particularly no-ignition tests, are, as a class,
J72   8 poor discriminators.
J72   9    |^The ability to discriminate can be increased by increasing the
J72  10 number of ignitions accepted as the pass level. ^It is suggested that
J72  11 a test of 26 shots, in which 13 ignitions are permitted, represents a
J72  12 good compromise, in view of the need to keep the number of shots
J72  13 within reasonable limits.
J72  14 *<*11. *3INTRODUCTION*>
J72  15    |^*0About a hundred million shots a year are fired in British mines
J72  16 and usually about 6 ignitions are reported each year. ^It is clear
J72  17 that with a practical ignition rate of roughly 10*:-7**:, a test no
J72  18 more severe than practical use required an impossibly high number of
J72  19 shots to give a reliable answer; and therefore the test must be made
J72  20 so much more severe ({0i.e.} the ignition rate in the test must be
J72  21 made so much higher) that an effective assessment of the safety of an
J72  22 explosive may be made with a practicable number of shots.
J72  23    |^In rigorous terms this thesis demands that the ignition rate be
J72  24 multiplied ten million times or so. ^The multiplying factor can be
J72  25 made up by
J72  26 **[BEGIN INDENTATION**]
J72  27    |(**=1) Ensuring the presence of practical conditions which are
J72  28 dangerous but rare, {0e.g.} the presence of considerable volumes of
J72  29 an explosive mixture of methane/ air, the absence of stemming in the
J72  30 shothole, and so on.
J72  31    |(**=2) Modifying the test apparatus to increase the ignition rate,
J72  32 {0e.g.} firing the shot in a steel cannon instead of the rock or
J72  33 coal in which it is fired in the mine.
J72  34 **[END INDENTATION**]
J72  35    |^All of these devices are used in explosives testing; but apart
J72  36 from some tentative results recorded in the literature (Cybulski,
J72  37 1959; Schultze-Rhonhof and others, 1959) no firm estimate can be made
J72  38 of the relative contributions they make to the multiplying factor.
J72  39 ^However it is probably wise to assume that the contribution of the
J72  40 second group is substantial rather than preponderant. ^This is
J72  41 fortunate rather than the reverse because scientifically any process
J72  42 that extrapolates a million times may be expected to require a lot of
J72  43 proving.
J72  44    |^British approval tests have been such that an explosive is failed
J72  45 if ignitions are obtained in any of the tests. ^This reliance on
J72  46 no-ignition tests has been an almost uniform feature of explosive
J72  47 testing throughout the world although the French system permits
J72  48 ignitions in one of the tests, and recently the United States Bureau
J72  49 of Mines has made a decided break with tradition in this regard
J72  50 (United States Bureau of Mines, 1961).
J72  51    |^For the past three years a detailed study of the testing
J72  52 procedure has been conducted at {0S.M.R.E.}; particular attention
J72  53 has been paid to the statistical problems raised by no-ignition tests.
J72  54 ^It has been concluded that the no-ignition test, as applied to
J72  55 explosives, gives too little information about the ignition
J72  56 probability of the material tested, and that this weakness cannot be
J72  57 removed by any practicable increase in the number of shots fired.
J72  58 *<*12. *3RELIABILITY AND DISCRIMINATION*>
J72  59    |^*0A good test should meet, {6inter alia}, two requirements:
J72  60 **[BEGIN INDENTATION**]
J72  61    |^(**=1) It should be reliable, {0i.e.} a repeat test of the same
J72  62 material should give the same result.
J72  63    |^(**=2) It should have adequate discrimination, {0i.e.} it
J72  64 should indicate the presence of significant differences.
J72  65 **[END INDENTATION**]
J72  66    |^No measurement is exactly reproducible, since all are subject to
J72  67 random errors. ^In explosive testing random error appears as a
J72  68 variation in the number of ignitions obtained in repeated tests on
J72  69 identical material. ^However often a trial is repeated, one can never
J72  70 say how many ignitions will take place; but, at the same time, the
J72  71 more often a trial is repeated, the more exactly can the probability
J72  72 of ignition by an individual shot be stated. ^Once this probability of
J72  73 ignition by an individual shot is known it becomes possible to
J72  74 calculate the probability of any particular number of ignitions in a
J72  75 given number of shots. ^Alternatively, it is possible to calculate the
J72  76 number of shots that must be fired to achieve a given probability of a
J72  77 particular number of ignitions.
J72  78    |^In this situation, complete reliability of acceptance or
J72  79 rejection is impossible; one may assign only the probability with
J72  80 which material of specified characteristics shall be accepted or
J72  81 rejected. ^This probability can, by firing enough shots, be made to
J72  82 approach certainty as closely as is desired, although a situation is
J72  83 rapidly reached where an enormous number of shots must be fired to
J72  84 achieve a small improvement.
J72  85    |^It is also fundamental that the acceptance and rejection limits
J72  86 cannot be equal although, again, by firing enough shots they may be
J72  87 made to approach each other as closely as is desired. ^The difference
J72  88 between the acceptance and rejection levels is analogous to
J72  89 discrimination.
J72  90    |^Whatever values of ignition probability are chosen as the
J72  91 rejection and acceptance limits and whatever level of probability be
J72  92 chosen for the rejection or acceptance at those limits, material with
J72  93 an ignition probability equal to the mean of the limits will be almost
J72  94 as likely to fail as it is to pass. ^This again is fundamental to all
J72  95 systems of assessment.
J72  96    |^It will be seen therefore that the concepts of reliability and
J72  97 discrimination as applied to testing are complex ones: overall, a
J72  98 system can be made reliable to a chosen extent at the limits of a
J72  99 chosen range.
J72 100 *<*13. *3EXAMINATION OF THE NO-IGNITION TEST*>
J72 101    |^*0In the last section it was pointed out that the reliability of
J72 102 rejection or acceptance is a matter of choice, and clearly opinions
J72 103 will differ as to the desirable level. ^However, it appeared
J72 104 reasonable to the present writers to require that the test should have
J72 105 a 0.95 probability of rejecting an explosive having an ignition
J72 106 probability at the chosen reject level. ^Correspondingly there should
J72 107 be a 0.95 probability of accepting an explosive at the acceptance
J72 108 level.
J72 109    |^Calculations were then made which permitted the plotting of Curve
J72 110 1 in \0Fig. 1. ^In this figure the true probability of ignition with a
J72 111 single shot is plotted against the number of shots of the explosive
J72 112 that must be fired to give a 0.95 probability of one or more
J72 113 ignitions. ^For example a *"no-ignition**" test of 28 shots will
J72 114 reject, 19 times out of 20, an explosive with an ignition probability
J72 115 of 0.1 (for the rest of this paper 19 times out of 20 will be called
J72 116 *"reliable**" rejection or acceptance.) ^Curve 2 in \0Fig. 1 shows the
J72 117 number of shots for which the probability of one or more ignitions is
J72 118 0.05, {0i.e.} there is a probability of 0.95 of acceptance.
J72 119    |^From these curves it will be seen that although a 28-shot
J72 120 sequence will reliably reject an explosive of ignition probability of
J72 121 0.1, it will not reliably accept explosives until the ignition
J72 122 probability has fallen to 0.0018; in other words, if a manufacturer
J72 123 submits an explosive that has a slightly lower ignition probability
J72 124 than 0.1, he has a moderate chance of getting it through the test but
J72 125 if he submits another that is ten times better in this respect, he has
J72 126 a fair chance of having it rejected. ^Summarizing, if the probability
J72 127 is lower than 0.0018 or higher than 0.1, the explosive will be
J72 128 reliably passed or failed, but if it has an intermediate value, the
J72 129 test will not give reliable results. ^The curves in \0Fig. 1 also show
J72 130 that the rejection level and the number of shots in the test may be
J72 131 varied over a wide range but without an appreciable change in the
J72 132 value of approximately 50 for the ratio of the acceptance to the pass
J72 133 level. ^It appears to be impossible to avoid poor discrimination with
J72 134 no-ignition tests.
J72 135 *<*14. *3TESTS PERMITTING IGNITIONS*>
J72 136    |^*0In the last section it was found that poor discrimination
J72 137 appeared to be a characteristic of no-ignition tests: the effect of
J72 138 permitting one ignition is shown in \0Fig. 2 and \0Fig. 3 shows the
J72 139 characteristics for 2-ignition tests. ^It will be noted that the gap
J72 140 between the rejection and the acceptance curves narrows, {0i.e.} the
J72 141 discrimination is improved when the number of permitted ignitions is
J72 142 increased.
J72 143 **[TABLE**]
J72 144    |^The calculations on which \0Fig. 2 and 3 are based have been
J72 145 extended, and the results are summarized in Table 1. ^The accuracy of
J72 146 discrimination steadily increases with the number of ignitions (m)
J72 147 accepted as the pass level. ^Confining attention for the time being to
J72 148 a reliable rejection level of p*;r**; equal to 0.1, Table 1 shows that
J72 149 the ratio (p*;r**;/ p*;a**;) does not fall to the neighbourhood of 2
J72 150 until the number (n) of shots fired is nearly 200 and the acceptable
J72 151 number (m) of ignitions rises to 12.
J72 152 **[DIAGRAM**]
J72 153    |^The table does not extend beyond the point where (p*;r**;/
J72 154 p*;a**;) falls to the neighbourhood of two because this seemed a good
J72 155 compromise, as far as explosives are concerned, between the
J72 156 requirements of discrimination and the need to keep the number of
J72 157 shots within practicable limits; in view of the variabilities inherent
J72 158 in the conditions of use, perhaps it should not be taken too seriously
J72 159 if the value of (p*;r**;/ p*;a**;) for a given explosive fluctuates in
J72 160 the range of 2 to 1. ^The following example may illustrate the
J72 161 operation of a test with a pass level of not more than 12 ignitions in
J72 162 200 shots. ^This test has a reliable p*;r**; of 0.1 and a reliable
J72 163 p*;a**; (acceptance level) of \0approx 0.05; for reliable acceptance
J72 164 the manufacturers must work to an ignition probability per shot (p) of
J72 165 0.05. ^If the product deteriorates, and is then re-tested, there is a
J72 166 probability of 0.95 that the deterioration will be detected when the
J72 167 ignition probability has increased by a factor of 2.0.
J72 168    |^To a considerable extent the sensitivity of existing explosives
J72 169 tests is adjustable at will, usually by adjusting the charge weight
J72 170 but also by changes in the test apparatus. ^What are the consequences
J72 171 of changing the sensitivity? ^Table 1 gives the appropriate figures
J72 172 for rejection ignition probability of 0.5 and shows that equally good
J72 173 discrimination can be obtained but with far fewer shots. ^Table 1
J72 174 indicates that an economical and discriminating test at a rejection
J72 175 level of p*;r**; = 0.5 is to fire 35 shots and permit 12 ignitions.
J72 176 ^The calculations have since been extended by \0Mr. \0G. Fogg of
J72 177 {0S.M.R.E.} and it appears that at a rejection level of p*;r**; =
J72 178 0.673 a discrimination ratio of 2 is obtained with a round (n) of 26
J72 179 shots and a permitted number (m) of 13 ignitions.
J72 180 *<*15. *3MATHEMATICAL BASIS*>
J72 181    |^*0The mathematical basis on which \0Figs 1, 2 and 3 and Table 1
J72 182 were calculated is simple and well-known; see for example David,
J72 183 {0F.N.} (1949).
J72 184    |^The probability, P, of an explosive being accepted after a series
J72 185 of tests is a calculable function of the probability of ignition in a
J72 186 single test, p, and of the standards required in the series. ^For
J72 187 example, if our standard requirement is 0 ignitions in n trials, we
J72 188 have
J72 189 **[FORMULA**]
J72 190    |^For sufficiently large p, P is small and the explosive is almost
J72 191 certain to fail the test. ^It is useful to consider the probability of
J72 192 ignition which will almost certainly cause a device to be failed. ^To
J72 193 do this, it is necessary to fix a corresponding value for P; that is,
J72 194 to give a numerical expression to the phrase *"almost always
J72 195 failed**". ^If we define *"reliable rejection**" by requiring P < 5%,
J72 196 we will obtain it whenever p > p*;r**; such that
J72 197 **[FORMULA**]
J72 198    |^Similarly, for sufficiently small p, P approaches 1 and the
J72 199 explosive is almost certain to pass. ^So if we define *"reliable
J72 200 acceptance**" by requiring P > 95%, we will obtain it whenever p <
J72 201 p*;a**; such that
J72 202 **[FORMULA**]
J72 203    |^The range of possible p-values can thus be divided into three
J72 204 parts:
J72 205 **[BEGIN INDENTATION**]
J72 206    |Reliable rejection, P < 5%, p*;r**; < p < 1
J72 207    |Results not consistent, 5% < P < 95%, p*;a**; < p < p*;r**;
J72 208    |Reliable acceptance, 95% < P, 0 < p < p*;a**;
J72 209 **[END INDENTATION**]
J72 210    |^If we put these ranges side by side for different values of n, we
J72 211 obtain \0Fig. 1, in which two curves of p*;r**; against n (Curve 1)
J72 212 and of p*;a**; against n (Curve 2) divide the area into three regions:
J72 213 consistent failures, results not consistent and consistent passes.
J72 214 *# 2042
J73   1 **[367 TEXT J73**]
J73   2 ^*0Details can be seen in the photograph, \0Fig. 4.
J73   3    |^During the early part of the tests the rotors were run at 1,800
J73   4 {0r.p.m.}, at which speed the radial acceleration was approximately
J73   5 2,350 g, resulting in very high forces at the hub. ^The blades were
J73   6 provided with both flapping and drag hinges, the former being freely
J73   7 mounted on ball races and the latter having adjustable cork friction
J73   8 dampers. ^The blades were found to vary slightly in weight so
J73   9 provision was made for final balancing by means of small adjustable
J73  10 weights on screwed rods radiating from the hubs between the blades.
J73  11 ^These can be seen in the photograph, \0Fig. 4.
J73  12    |^In order to avoid the possibility of resonance it was at first
J73  13 thought advisable to run the rotors with drag hinges locked.
J73  14 ^Eventually however fatigue cracks were noticed in the roots of two of
J73  15 the blades and it was suspected that the lack of freedom in the drag
J73  16 hinges was the possible cause. ^Later, after new blades had been
J73  17 fitted, it was thought better to run with drag hinges free and so
J73  18 reduce root stresses, experience having shown that the possibility of
J73  19 resonance was small. ^As a further precaution, to eliminate fatigue
J73  20 failure, the new blades of a modified design were run at a reduced top
J73  21 speed of 1200 {0r.p.m.} ^This question of blade fatigue is more
J73  22 fully discussed in the Appendix.
J73  23 *<2.3 *1Equipment for measuring tracking of blades and flapping angle*>
J73  24    |^*0The front rotor carried a commutator with a single brass
J73  25 segment contacting four carbon brushes mounted on a ring attached to
J73  26 the front rotor spindle housing. ^Three of these brushes were
J73  27 approximately 120*@ apart and the fourth diametrically opposite to one
J73  28 of the three. ^The brush contacts were used to trigger off a
J73  29 stroboscope lamp illuminating the blades whilst rotating. ^The three
J73  30 contacts at approximately 120*@ spacings were set so that, with all
J73  31 three in circuit together, they were successively out of phase by
J73  32 about one chord length when the ends of the rotor blades were
J73  33 observed. ^By this method it could be seen if the blades were tracking
J73  34 correctly.
J73  35    |^The two diametrically opposed contacts were used to facilitate
J73  36 the observation of flapping angles. ^Each contact had a switch in
J73  37 circuit and the timing adjusted so that the stroboscope flashed when a
J73  38 particular blade was parallel to the longitudinal body axis either in
J73  39 a fore or aft direction. ^The height of the blade tips in each
J73  40 position was measured by means of a travelling periscope projecting
J73  41 vertically downwards into the tunnel. ^The difference in height of the
J73  42 blade tips in these two positions gave a measure of flapping angle.
J73  43 ^The periscope was of the type used on midget submarines. ^The
J73  44 stroboscope lamp was mounted on gimbals and the direction of the
J73  45 light, shining through a thick perspex window, could be adjusted by
J73  46 the observer to illuminate the particular blade tip under observation.
J73  47 ^It was estimated that the accuracy of the measurements was of the
J73  48 order of one tenth of a degree. ^A photograph of the head of the
J73  49 periscope is shown in \0Fig. 6 from which can be seen one of the two
J73  50 vertical slides behind which is the measuring scale.
J73  51    |^As the periscope weighed about 60 \0lb it had to be
J73  52 counterweighted and the wires carrying these weights, passing over
J73  53 pulleys, can be seen in the photograph.
J73  54 *<3. *1Safety Precautions*>
J73  55    |^*0Due to the high value of centrifugal force on the rotors and
J73  56 the possibility of instability, resonance, or fatigue, it was thought
J73  57 expedient to protect the personnel by reinforcing the tunnel inside
J73  58 with sheet steel and outside with shutters. ^These shutters were of
J73  59 sandwich construction comprised of blocks of paper between 1/4*?8
J73  60 thick plywood, totalling about two inches in thickness.
J73  61    |^To minimise the possibility of stopping the rotors before the
J73  62 tunnel and thereby losing the stabilising effect of centrifugal force
J73  63 on the blades, an interlock was incorporated in the electrical
J73  64 circuits, with a time delay of about a quarter of a minute, to ensure
J73  65 that the rotors attained a reasonable speed before starting the tunnel
J73  66 and also that the tunnel speed had dropped sufficiently on shutting
J73  67 down. ^As the electrical supplies to the tunnel and rotors were
J73  68 separate there remained the danger arising from a failure of the
J73  69 current to the rotors but as that was thought to be very improbable,
J73  70 no attempt was made to cover that eventuality.
J73  71 *<4. *1Method and Scope of Experiments*>
J73  72    |^*0The model was suspended from the main roof balance by two
J73  73 struts spaced 22 1/2*?8 apart. ^These struts carried at their ends a
J73  74 spindle mounted on ball races, passing through and fixed to the
J73  75 helicopter body 29 1/2*?8 from the nose. ^This spindle being freely
J73  76 mounted acted as a pitching axis. ^A further support was provided
J73  77 towards the rear of the body, using a pair of V-wires attached to an
J73  78 overhead split-beam balance, see \0Fig. 2. ^These wires were
J73  79 adjustable by means of a windlass carried on the balance, so that the
J73  80 attitude of the model could be varied.
J73  81    |^The earlier tests were made at 1800 {0r.p.m.} giving a tip
J73  82 speed of about 400 \0ft/ \0sec. ^Later the speed was reduced to 1200
J73  83 {0r.p.m.} and a tip speed of 267 \0ft/ \0sec. ^Lift, drag, and
J73  84 pitching moments were measured at wind speeds of 40, 80, 120, 160 and
J73  85 180 \0ft/ \0sec for the tests at a rotor speed of 1800 {0r.p.m.}
J73  86 giving approximate values of tip-speed ratio, \15m, of 0.1, 0.2, 0.3,
J73  87 0.4 and 0.45. ^When the rotor speed was reduced to 1200 {0r.p.m.}
J73  88 the wind speeds used were 25, 55, 80, 100 and 120 \0ft/ \0sec giving
J73  89 values of \15m = 0.094, 0.206, 0.300, 0.374 and 0.449 respectively.
J73  90    |^Measurements were made for blade angles, \15th*;0**;, of 4*@, 8*@
J73  91 and 12*@. ^The angles were set by a worm and wheel at the blade roots
J73  92 using a surface table and scribing blocks to measure the difference in
J73  93 heights at leading and trailing edges.
J73  94    |^Flapping angles were also measured by the method described in
J73  95 \0para. 2.3.
J73  96    |^Although it would have been desirable to make measurements at
J73  97 very low values of \15m, less than 0.1, difficulty was experienced due
J73  98 to the flow induced by the rotors themselves, especially at the higher
J73  99 body angles. ^For example, without the tunnel motor running, a vane
J73 100 anemometer indicated a wind speed of about 15 \0ft/ \0sec at
J73 101 \15th*;0**; = 8*@ and \15th = 20*@. ^As the flow was unreliable these
J73 102 tests were abandoned.
J73 103    |^Table 1 gives a summary of all the tests on the various rotor
J73 104 combinations together with references to the tables giving the
J73 105 results.
J73 106 *<5. *1Corrections*>
J73 107    |^*0The tunnel measurements were converted to the coefficients
J73 108 C*;T**; and C*;m**; where C*;T**; is the coefficient of the force
J73 109 normal to the longitudinal axis of the helicopter and C*;m**; is the
J73 110 pitching moment coefficient about the axis shown in \0Fig. 3. ^A
J73 111 further correction was made for the forces and moments on the body and
J73 112 rig, \0etc., by making the appropriate measurements with rotors
J73 113 removed and subtracting from the total. ^No account is therefore taken
J73 114 of forces due to the interference between rotors and body.
J73 115    |^As the final results were to be presented for constant values of
J73 116 tip speed ratio, \15m, and the wind speeds chosen did not give exact
J73 117 values and also as \15m = V \0cos {15th/ O}R, where \15th is the
J73 118 body angle, the correction varied with attitude of the model and so
J73 119 all the results had first to be plotted against \15m and then the
J73 120 values for \15m = 0.1, 0.2, 0.3, 0.4 and 0.45 taken from the curves.
J73 121 ^Corrections had also to be made to \15th due to tunnel interference
J73 122 and therefore the values corrected for \15m had then to be plotted
J73 123 against \15th and values read off at the chosen values of \15th
J73 124 \0viz., 0*@, 5*@, 10*@, 15*@, 20*@ and 25*@. ^For convenience \15th
J73 125 has been taken to be positive with the nose of the model downwards
J73 126 which is opposite to the normal convention.
J73 127    |^For the 9*?7 x 7*?7 wind tunnel the correction to body angle
J73 128 (\15th) has been taken to be
J73 129 **[FORMULA**]
J73 130    |where A is the total rotor disc area C is the cross-sectional area
J73 131 of the wind tunnel, C*;L**; is the overall lift coefficient based on
J73 132 total disc area. ^The correction is such that the effective
J73 133 inclination is less than the geometric inclination. ^It is felt that
J73 134 the above correction is not entirely satisfactory as it is based on
J73 135 fixed wing theory. ^It is hoped that at some future time a systematic
J73 136 series of experiments will be made to establish the order of wind
J73 137 tunnel corrections to be applied to helicopter model testing.
J73 138    |^The corrections to pitching moment due to flapping hinge offset
J73 139 are included in \0para. 6.
J73 140 *<6. *1Results*>
J73 141 *<*06.1 *1Effect of flapping hinge offset*>
J73 142    |^*0In addition to the corrections mentioned in \0para. 5 account
J73 143 had also to be taken of the effect of flapping hinge offset which, due
J73 144 to design difficulties, was of necessity rather large, about 6.275%.
J73 145    |^The effect of flapping hinge offset on the characteristics of a
J73 146 rotor is dealt with in a report by Meyer and Falabella and the
J73 147 analysis given in that report has been used to estimate the
J73 148 theoretical values of rotor thrust and flapping angles and also the
J73 149 effect on overall pitching moment.
J73 150 *<6.2 *1Thrust coefficient*>
J73 151    |^*0Assuming uniform distribution of induced velocity and
J73 152 neglecting blade tip losses the theoretical value of C*;T**; is given
J73 153 by equation (38) of \0Ref. 3.
J73 154 **[FORMULA**]
J73 155    |^As there is no cyclic pitch B*;1**; = 0 and the term involving
J73 156 a*;1**; is small and may be neglected and therefore approximately
J73 157 **[FORMULA**]
J73 158    |^For zero forward speed where \15m = 0
J73 159 **[FORMULA**]
J73 160    |^Also
J73 161 **[FORMULA**]
J73 162    |^In order to determine *"a**" the slope of the lift curve of the
J73 163 blade section C*;T**; was required for zero wind speed. ^As the tunnel
J73 164 was of the return flow type it was difficult to obtain a true zero
J73 165 wind speed due to the flow induced by the rotors. ^This was cut down
J73 166 to a minimum by closing the tunnel with a screen, but even so there
J73 167 was a circulation of air in the neighbourhood of the model,
J73 168 particularly at the larger blade angles. ^It was assumed that at zero
J73 169 tunnel speed the induced circulation at \15th*;0**; = 4*@ would be
J73 170 very small and the measured value of C*;T**; = 0.00142 was inserted in
J73 171 the equations (2) and (3). ^This gave a value of a = 5.0 (per rad)
J73 172 which was subsequently used in equation (1a). ^A curve of static
J73 173 thrust coefficient using the above value of *"a**" is given in \0Fig.
J73 174 7. ^The theoretical values of C*;T**; using equation (1a) for
J73 175 \15th*;0**; = 4*@, 8*@ and 12*@ are included in \0Figs. 9, 13 and 19.
J73 176 ^It is of interest to note that the effect of flapping hinge offset on
J73 177 C*;T**; is negligible, particularly at the lower values of \15m.
J73 178 *<6.3 *1Division of thrust*>
J73 179    |^*0From a knowledge of the total thrust and the pitching moment
J73 180 about a defined axis the contribution of thrust due to each rotor has
J73 181 been calculated. ^It was assumed that the thrust of each rotor acted
J73 182 at the disc centre and normal to the body axis and also that the rotor
J73 183 drag force, parallel to the longitudinal axis, acted at the mean
J73 184 height of the two rotors.
J73 185    |^The pitching moments as measured in the experiments included a
J73 186 contribution due to the effect of the offset flapping hinges and
J73 187 therefore before the thrust due to each rotor could be calculated the
J73 188 pitching moments had to be corrected for offset.
J73 189    |^In the report by Meyer and Falabella an expression is given for
J73 190 pitching moment due to hinge offset (M*;y**;). ^This expression is
J73 191 **[FORMULA**]
J73 192    |where
J73 193 **[FORMULA**]
J73 194 **[FORMULA**].
J73 195    |^Values of a*;0**;, b*;1**;, and a*;1**; are obtained by solving
J73 196 three simultaneous equations; these solutions are given in equations
J73 197 (27), (28) and (29) in the report. ^As there is no cyclic pitch,
J73 198 {0i.e.}, B*;1**; = 0 in the case of the model, these solutions
J73 199 become
J73 200 **[FORMULA**]
J73 201    |^The value of \15l is given by the expression
J73 202 **[FORMULA**]
J73 203    |and
J73 204 **[FORMULA**]
J73 205 **[FORMULA**].
J73 206    |^Using the wind tunnel values of C*;T**;, in equation (9) M*;y**;
J73 207 has been calculated for various cases and it was found that the terms
J73 208 involving a*;0**; and b*;1**; were quite small compared with the
J73 209 a*;1**; term.
J73 210 *# 2030
J74   1 **[368 TEXT J74**]
J74   2    |^*1Introduction. ^*0When considering the design of a jet-flapped
J74   3 aircraft from a stability and control aspect, it is necessary to have
J74   4 fairly accurate information concerning the downwash field behind the
J74   5 jet-flapped wing, particularly in those regions where it is
J74   6 practicable to locate the tailplane. ^The evaluation of the downwash
J74   7 at the tailplane is dependent upon a knowledge of the strength and
J74   8 position of the vorticity distributions which represent the wing and
J74   9 the jet. ^In his treatment of the flow past a wing with a jet-flap, of
J74  10 infinite span, Spence assumes that the incidence of the wing and the
J74  11 deflection of the jet are small, and hence the usual assumptions of
J74  12 thin aerofoil theory, in which the wing and jet are replaced by vortex
J74  13 sheets in the direction of the free stream, apply. ^The results so
J74  14 obtained for the vorticity distributions on the wing and jet are used
J74  15 in Part *=1 to give the downwash at any position relative to the plane
J74  16 vortex sheet in the form
J74  17 **[FORMULA**],
J74  18    |where \15e = downwash angle, \15t = jet deflection angle, and \15a
J74  19 = wing incidence. ^However, in the calculation of the downwash induced
J74  20 at a point (*1P*0) in the field, it is necessary to allow for its
J74  21 location relative to the actual wing and jet. ^To the order of
J74  22 accuracy consistent with the previous assumptions, this implies
J74  23 calculating the downwash at a point whose ordinate relative to the
J74  24 plane vortex sheets is equal to the distance of the tailplane from the
J74  25 jet (as shown in \0Figs. 1a and 1b). ^The functions {15de/ dt} and
J74  26 {15de/ da} depend upon the jet momentum coefficient *1C*;J**;, *0and
J74  27 on the relative position of the tailplane; charts for these functions,
J74  28 and for the position of the jet, are given for various specific
J74  29 *1C*;J**; *0values. ^The downwash has been evaluated for ranges of the
J74  30 tailplane position, wing incidence, jet deflection and jet momentum
J74  31 coefficient.
J74  32    |^For the unswept wing of finite span, with a full-span jet-flap,
J74  33 considered in Part *=2, Maskell has introduced the concept of an
J74  34 effective wing and jet flap of infinite span, in order to obtain the
J74  35 strength of the bound vorticity, elliptic spanwise loading being
J74  36 assumed. ^This solution may be used to give the contribution to the
J74  37 downwash from the bound vorticity, in a similar way to that described
J74  38 in Part *=1, but it does not account for the effect of the trailing
J74  39 vortices arising from the pressure gradients along the wing and jet
J74  40 spans. ^In the case of a wing without a jet-flap, it has been found
J74  41 that the downwash is very sensitive to the relative distance between
J74  42 the tailplane and the wake, and that the spanwise loading has more
J74  43 effect on the downwash than the chordwise loading, and so the wing and
J74  44 its wake are replaced by a lifting line and its trailing vortices, the
J74  45 latter being displaced in order to keep the tailplane at the correct
J74  46 height above the wake. ^The effect of the rolling-up of the wake has
J74  47 also been investigated for a wing without a jet-flap, and it is shown
J74  48 that rolling-up is not important for normal tailplane positions behind
J74  49 wings of large aspect ratio. ^The distance *1e *0behind the wing at
J74  50 which rolling-up may be assumed to be complete is given by *1e/ c *0=
J74  51 *1k*?7/ C*;L**; *0for a wing without a jet-flap, where *1k*?7
J74  52 *0depends upon the plan-form and spanwise loading of the wing. ^For
J74  53 the jet-flapped wing, the *1C*;L**; *0will be greater than for the
J74  54 normal wing, but *1k*?7 *0may now be a function of *1C*;J**;, *0and
J74  55 will probably increase with increasing *1C*;J**; *0(since the bound
J74  56 vorticity on the jet will tend to resist rolling-up), so that *1e/ c
J74  57 *0will not decrease so quickly with increasing *1C*;L**; *0and
J74  58 *1C*;J**;, *0as might have been expected from first considerations.
J74  59 ^Thus, in order to evaluate the contribution to the downwash behind a
J74  60 jet-flapped wing from the trailing vorticity, it is assumed that the
J74  61 majority of the load is carried on the wing, so that the trailing
J74  62 vortices may be considered to arise from one chordwise position on the
J74  63 wing with no rolling-up taking place. ^The displacement of the jet and
J74  64 trailing vortices is accounted for by taking the position of the
J74  65 tailplane relative to the wake, and a chart is given for the downwash
J74  66 due to the trailing vorticity. ^Calculated values of the downwash are
J74  67 in good agreement with the few experimental results available,
J74  68 especially if the difference between the experimental and theoretical
J74  69 lift coefficients is taken into account. ^Theoretical results for the
J74  70 downwash on the centre-line are also given for a wing of aspect ratio
J74  71 6.0, showing variation with tailplane position, wing incidence, and
J74  72 jet parameters.
J74  73 *<*2PART *=1*>
J74  74    |^*01. *1Vortex Representation of the Wing and Jet-Flap of Infinite
J74  75 Span. ^*0The wing and jet-flap of infinite span may be represented in
J74  76 two dimensions by vorticity distributed on the chordal plane of the
J74  77 wing and the median line of the jet (assumed to be thin). ^The
J74  78 downwash relations have been solved by Spence, using the assumptions
J74  79 of thin-aerofoil theory, so that the aerofoil incidence and jet
J74  80 deflection are considered to be small. ^The vorticity distributions
J74  81 and the position of the jet are given in Fourier-series forms, with
J74  82 coefficients as functions of the jet momentum coefficient *1C*;J**;.
J74  83    |^*0Let *1U*;*00**;*1f*0(*1x*0) be the vorticity distribution on
J74  84 the aerofoil (at incidence \15a to the mainstream) and \15g(*1ch*0)
J74  85 the vorticity distribution on the jet (emerging at deflection \15t to
J74  86 the extended chord-line of the aerofoil), as shown in \0Fig. 1a. ^The
J74  87 *1x *0axis is taken parallel to the main stream, and the *1z *0axis
J74  88 vertically downwards, with the origin at the leading edge of the
J74  89 aerofoil. ^The chord of the aerofoil is taken to be unity, so that *1x
J74  90 *0and *1z *0are non-dimensional. ^Thus the vortex representation of
J74  91 the flow which is in accordance with the assumptions of thin aerofoil
J74  92 theory is as shown in \0Fig. 1b, with *1U*;*00**;*1f*0(*1x*0) located
J74  93 on the *1x *0axis, between 0 and 1, and \15g(*1ch*0) also on the *1x
J74  94 *0axis, between 1 and *?25.
J74  95    |^Then the expressions for *1f*0(*1x*0), \15g(*1ch*0) and
J74  96 *1z*;J**;*0(*1x*0), the jet displacement, as obtained from \0Ref. 1,
J74  97 are: ^For
J74  98 **[FORMULA**]
J74  99 **[FORMULA**].
J74 100    |^For
J74 101 **[FORMULA**]
J74 102 **[FORMULA**].
J74 103    |^2. *1The Downwash. ^*0The downwash induced by the vortex
J74 104 distributions *1U*;*00**;*1f*0(*1x*0) and \15g(*1ch*0) at the point
J74 105 (*1X, Z*0) is given by
J74 106 **[FORMULA**]
J74 107    |to the first order in \15a and \15t (*1see \0*0Fig. 1b).
J74 108    |^In order to apply the results calculated for the simplified
J74 109 configuration (\0Fig. 1b) to the actual configuration (\0Fig. 1a),
J74 110 where the jet is displaced a distance *1z*;J**;*0(*1X*0) below the *1x
J74 111 *0axis, it is assumed that the downwash *1w*0(*1X, z*0) calculated for
J74 112 the point *1P*?7*0(*1X, z*0) in \0Fig. 1b is equal to the downwash at
J74 113 the point *1P*0(*1X, z *0+ *1z*;J**;*0) in \0Fig. 1a.
J74 114    |^A similar procedure is followed in \0Ref. 3, where the
J74 115 displacement of the wake of a finite wing has to be considered.
J74 116    |^In general, the tailplane will be located a distance *1H *0above
J74 117 the jet, as indicated in \0Fig. 1a, so that to evaluate the downwash
J74 118 at the tailplane, {0*1i.e.}, *0at the point (*1X, z*;J**; - H*0) in
J74 119 \0Fig. 1a, we must evaluate the downwash at the point (*1X, - H*0) in
J74 120 \0Fig. 1b.
J74 121    |^The position of the tailplane is usually given as the distance
J74 122 along and height above the extended chordline. ^If *1l *0is the
J74 123 distance of the aerodynamic centre of the tailplane behind the wing
J74 124 leading edge, measured along the extended wing chord-line, and *1h
J74 125 *0the height above the chord-line, when the chord is of length *1c,
J74 126 *0as shown in \0Fig. 1a, then the non-dimensional co-ordinates (*1X,
J74 127 Z*0) at which the downwash is to be evaluated are given by
J74 128 **[FORMULA**],
J74 129    |where *1z*;J**; *0may be obtained from \0Fig. 3 (or equation (4)).
J74 130    |^For the numerical evaluation of the two integrals in equation
J74 131 (6), it is necessary to change the variables of integration, in the
J74 132 first integral using equation (1) in order to avoid the infinite value
J74 133 of *1f*0(*1x*0) at the leading and trailing edges, and in the second
J74 134 integral using equation (3) to make the range of integration finite.
J74 135 ^Thus, if we write
J74 136 **[FORMULA**],
J74 137    |then the downwash at the tailplane is given by
J74 138 **[FORMULA**],
J74 139    |where *1f*;*01**;(*1x*0) \0sin \15th and *1f*;*02**;(*1x*0) \0sin
J74 140 \15th remain finite as *1x *0and \15th tend to zero, and as
J74 141 **[FORMULA**],
J74 142 **[FORMULA**]. ^Equation (10) may be rewritten in the form
J74 143 **[FORMULA**],
J74 144    |where {15de/ dt} and {15de/ da} are functions of *1C*;j**;, X
J74 145 *0and *1Z. ^*0These have been evaluated for *1C*;j**; *0= 0.5, 1.0,
J74 146 2.0 and 4.0, with
J74 147 **[FORMULA**] and
J74 148 **[FORMULA**], the results being shown as charts in \0Figs. 4a to 4d.
J74 149    |^Thus the procedure for the evaluation of the downwash at a given
J74 150 tailplane position, *1h/ c *0and *1l/ c, *0and given \15a, *1C*;J**;
J74 151 *0and \15t, is to calculate the functions in the following order:
J74 152    |(**=1) *1X *0from equation (8*1a*0)
J74 153    |(**=2) *1z*;J**; *0from \0Fig. 3
J74 154    |(**=3) *1Z *0from equation (8*1b*0)
J74 155    |(**=4) {15de/ dt}, {15de/ da} from \0Figs. 4a to 4d
J74 156    |(**=5) \15e from equation (11).
J74 157    |^Interpolation will be necessary for *1C*;J**; *0values other than
J74 158 0.5, 1.0, 2.0 and 4.0, and it seems better to evaluate \15e for a
J74 159 range of *1C*;J**;, *0and then to interpolate the final result, rather
J74 160 than to interpolate for *1z*;J**;, {15*0de/ dt} and {15de/ da}
J74 161 separately.
J74 162    |^For large *1X, *0the downwash is given by
J74 163 **[FORMULA**], (*1see *0\0Ref. 1)
J74 164    |so that
J74 165 **[FORMULA**] and
J74 166 **[FORMULA**].
J74 167    |^It may be noted that the value of *1C*;L**;*0/ (4{15p}*1X*0)
J74 168 for the downwash far behind the aerofoil is also obtained when the
J74 169 aerofoil is without a jet-flap.
J74 170    |^3. *1Results. ^*0The results for the downwash behind an infinite
J74 171 wing and jet-flap are shown in \0Figs. 7 to 11. ^It should be
J74 172 remembered that the theory is only strictly valid for small \15a and
J74 173 \15t, so that the use of the method to obtain the downwash for the
J74 174 larger values of \15a and \15t must wait to be justified or otherwise
J74 175 until experimental data are available. ^However, the results should
J74 176 indicate the trends in the variation of downwash with the various
J74 177 parameters.
J74 178    |^In \0Figs. 7 and 8, the variation of the downwash with tailplane
J74 179 position is shown for two values of jet deflection angle, \15t, and
J74 180 two values of wing incidence, \15a, for *1C*;J**; *0= 2.0. ^\0Fig. 7
J74 181 shows that on the extended chord-line, *1h/ c *0= 0, the downwash
J74 182 decreases quite sharply with increasing distance behind the wing, *1l/
J74 183 c, *0but when *1h *0= 2*1c, *0the downwash is practically constant in
J74 184 each case for
J74 185 **[FORMULA**]. ^The results have been replotted in \0Fig. 8 to show
J74 186 the downwash field ({0*1i.e.}, *0contours of equal downwash), in the
J74 187 tailplane region. ^A comparison between the fields for the various
J74 188 \15t and \15a shows that the downwash is more sensitive to tailplane
J74 189 position for the higher \15t and \15a values, as might be expected.
J74 190    |^The results for the variation of \15e with *1C*;J**;, \15*0t and
J74 191 \15a are given in \0Figs. 9 and 10 for a representative tailplane
J74 192 position, *1l/ c *0= 3.5, *1h/ c *0= 1.5, and also for a position on
J74 193 the extended chord-line, *1l/ c *0= 3.5, *1h/ c *0= 0. ^It will be
J74 194 noticed in \0Fig. 9a that \15e does not increase linearly with \15t
J74 195 for a given *1C*;J**; *0value (as might be implied by a glance at
J74 196 equation (11)) due to the correction made to the downwash field for
J74 197 the displacement of the jet relative to the tailplane position.
J74 198 ^\0Fig. 9b indicates that {15de/ d}*1C*;J**; *0decreases with
J74 199 increasing *1C*;J**;. ^*0The variation of downwash with wing incidence
J74 200 is more important for stability and control considerations and the
J74 201 results are shown in \0Figs. 10a to 10d for \15t = 30 and 60 \0deg,
J74 202 and for various *1C*;J**; *0values. ^Ranges of values of
J74 203 **[FORMULA**] are also indicated on the diagrams, and are seen to be
J74 204 the same for the two different \15t values over the same range of
J74 205 *1C*;J**; *0for a given value of *1h/ c. ^*0Since
J74 206 **[FORMULA**] increases with *1C*;J**;, *0it is not possible to assess
J74 207 a maximum, but for *1C*;J**; *0= 4.0,
J74 208 **[FORMULA**] is well below 1.0 at the tailplane and on the extended
J74 209 chord-line, being 0.20 and 0.35 respectively. ^It also appears that
J74 210 {15de/ da} increases as \15a increases, but this is only noticeable
J74 211 at the higher values of *1C*;J**;, *0and for *1C*;J**; *0= 4.0, \15a =
J74 212 20 \0deg, {15de/ da} is still less than 0.4 at the extended
J74 213 chord-line position.
J74 214 *# 2029
J75   1 **[369 TEXT J75**]
J75   2 *<*4Effect of Cross Draughts on the Exhaust Air Volume required for
J75   3 Hot Knock-out*>
J75   4    |^*0The obstruction offered by the side of a mould does not shield
J75   5 the depressed velocity zone above the mould from disturbance by the
J75   6 horizontal motion of cross draughts. ^Consequently, cross draughts can
J75   7 enhance the rate of diffusion of rising thermal currents and blow them
J75   8 sideways into exhaust air streams at a point nearer to the grid, where
J75   9 the exhaust air velocities are higher.
J75  10    |^It follows that the performance of down-draught systems can be
J75  11 improved by the influence of cross draughts only if the thermal
J75  12 currents are blown into exhaust air streams moving at higher
J75  13 velocities than the cross draughts, so that the resultant direction of
J75  14 all dust-bearing air streams is towards the grid.
J75  15    |^If the grid is unduly blocked on the down-wind side of the cross
J75  16 draughts, the thermal currents will be blown into a zone of reduced
J75  17 exhaust air velocities, and control of the dust-bearing air streams
J75  18 can be impaired, particularly if the speed of the cross draughts is
J75  19 high in relation to the exhaust air movement.
J75  20    |^The important conclusion is that the performance of correctly
J75  21 designed and operated down-draught systems for the knock-out of hot
J75  22 moulds is not unduly affected by cross draughts of the order usually
J75  23 present in foundries. ^Obviously, high velocity cross draughts, such
J75  24 as may be found when the knock-out is situated near large open doors,
J75  25 will seriously impair their performance.
J75  26    |^Nevertheless, cross draughts are so variable and unreliable that
J75  27 the assistance they may provide should not be considered when
J75  28 designing a system.
J75  29 *<*4Effect of Cross Draughts on the Exhaust Air Volume required for
J75  30 Cold Knock-out*>
J75  31    |^*0The effect of the cross draughts is to increase the strength of
J75  32 the exhaust air velocities on the windward side of the grid and to
J75  33 reduce those on the down-wind side.
J75  34    |^Since cross draughts not only diminish the exhaust air velocities
J75  35 on the down-wind side of the grid, but also blow the dust and fumes
J75  36 into this zone, it follows that the exhaust air volume must be
J75  37 increased by an amount that will counteract the fall in exhaust air
J75  38 velocities.
J75  39    |^The main distinction between the effects of cross draughts of
J75  40 normal velocity on thermal currents and cold air streams is that the
J75  41 former are deflected into exhaust air streams of unchanged or even
J75  42 higher velocities, while the latter are blown into weaker air streams,
J75  43 and therefore additional exhaust air volume is required.
J75  44 *<*4Relationship of Grid Size, Box Height and Exhaust Air Volume*>
J75  45    |^*0Examination of the results shown in \0Figs. 6.9 and 10 shows
J75  46 that the minimum exhaust air volume does not increase in direct
J75  47 proportion to the increase in the size of the grid. ^The proportional
J75  48 increase in air volume is, however, never greater than the
J75  49 corresponding increase in grid area.
J75  50    |^When considering these results it is important to remember that
J75  51 engineering methods of air flow measurement are not precise, and
J75  52 errors of 10 per \0cent. and even more, in some cases, may occur.
J75  53 ^Nevertheless, by considering a large number of test results, it is
J75  54 possible to distinguish two marked trends in the amount of exhaust air
J75  55 volume required by the 6-\0ft. x 4-\0ft. grid in relation to the
J75  56 4-\0ft. 6-\0in. x 3-\0ft. 6-\0in. grid.
J75  57 *<(1) *1Increase in exhaust air volume.*>
J75  58    |^*0The exhaust air volume required by the 6-\0ft. x 4-\0ft. grid
J75  59 with the 8-\0in. deep hot and cold moulds and the 16-\0in. deep cold
J75  60 moulds tested in the absence of appreciable cross draughts exceeded
J75  61 the volumes required by the 4-\0ft. 6-\0in. x 3-\0ft. 6-\0in. grid by
J75  62 between 25 and 40 per \0cent.
J75  63 *<(2) *1Constant exhaust air volume.*>
J75  64    |^*0The exhaust air volume required by the 6-\0ft. x 4-\0ft. grid,
J75  65 with 16-\0in. deep hot and cold moulds tested in cross draughts of
J75  66 75-100 {0f.p.m.} was approximately equal to (and in some cases even
J75  67 less than) the volumes required by the 4-\0ft. 6-\0in. x 3-\0ft.
J75  68 6-\0in. grid.
J75  69    |^Insufficient experimental data are available to provide a
J75  70 complete explanation of the conditions responsible for the similarity
J75  71 of exhaust air volumes measured between the two grids with the
J75  72 16-\0in. deep boxes in 75-100 {0f.p.m.} cross draughts. ^The many
J75  73 variable factors present during the tests produced complex air flow
J75  74 conditions which do not facilitate comparison, but the resultant
J75  75 effect of the following two factors emerges as a predominant
J75  76 influence:
J75  77 **[BEGIN INDENTATION**]
J75  78    |^(*1a*0) The effect of cross draughts on the sideways entrainment
J75  79 of dust-bearing air currents from the depressed velocity zone into
J75  80 relatively higher exhaust air velocities near to the down-wind top
J75  81 edge of the moulding box.
J75  82    |^(*1b*0) The effect of the grid area and, therefore, grid velocity
J75  83 diminishes with increasing distance from the grid until the exhaust
J75  84 air velocities are almost identical, regardless of the size of the
J75  85 grid, as explained earlier.
J75  86 **[END INDENTATION**]
J75  87    |^In practice, however, the number of possible variations in the
J75  88 factors controlling the distance from the grid at which air velocities
J75  89 become constant for a given exhaust air volume is so large that the
J75  90 distance must be calculated afresh for each individual case. ^In
J75  91 addition to the variation in the area of the vertical gaps at the
J75  92 sides of the grids and in the horizontal unblocked grid area, the
J75  93 pattern of grid blockage may be such that the zone above the grid is
J75  94 divided into separate regions so far apart that the exhaust streams
J75  95 found in them only lose their identity at a considerable height above
J75  96 the top of the moulding box.
J75  97    |^The important conclusion is that the effectiveness of
J75  98 down-draught systems of knock-out ventilation will not necessarily be
J75  99 improved by changes in the size and design of knock-out grids*-
J75 100 regardless of exhaust air volume*- if the depth of the box is too
J75 101 great. ^Field observations indicate that for the conditions described
J75 102 above, 11-\0in. or 12-\0in. is about the maximum permissible depth
J75 103 when knocking out hot, and that the blockage due to the box and sand
J75 104 should be less than 50 per \0cent. of the grid area.
J75 105 *<*4Selection and Performance of Down-Draught Systems*>
J75 106    |^Importance of the down-draught system*0*- ^The ease with which a
J75 107 down-draught system of ventilation can be applied to a knock-out
J75 108 without interfering with other foundry operations frequently commends
J75 109 it to the planning engineer. ^The practical advantage of the absence
J75 110 of ventilating equipment above floor level is that all four sides of
J75 111 grids are available for the accommodation of foundry equipment, the
J75 112 movement of operators, boxes and castings, and no limitations are
J75 113 imposed upon the travel of cranes and hoists.
J75 114    |^The comfort of knock-out operators is greatly affected by radiant
J75 115 heat. ^The quantity of heat energy radiated from a surface depends
J75 116 upon its area, temperature, and radiation coefficient. ^Since no hood
J75 117 and baffles are fitted and the net area of the hot grid bars is small,
J75 118 the source of heat radiated to operators is effectively limited to the
J75 119 hot casting and the mould. ^Consequently, a down-draught system can
J75 120 give not only control of dust, but also less discomfort to the
J75 121 operators when dealing with a large number of very hot castings.
J75 122    |^*4Limitations in the application of down-draught systems*0*-
J75 123 ^Down-draught systems can, as indicated by the experiments illustrated
J75 124 in \0Figs. 6.10 and 10a, and do, as shown by Test 1 in Table 2.2,
J75 125 provide effective protection from the dust and fumes produced by
J75 126 relatively small castings in fairly shallow boxes. ^This system,
J75 127 therefore, finds the greatest application in highly mechanized
J75 128 foundries producing large quantities of light repetition castings.
J75 129    |^The down-draught system has, however, certain limitations and
J75 130 various factors must be considered before installing such a system.
J75 131    |^*1Depth of boxes*0*- ^Thermal currents cannot be reversed with
J75 132 economical exhaust air if the distance between the grid and the top of
J75 133 the boxes exceeds 12-\0in., unless special provision is made. ^Boxes
J75 134 must always be knocked out at grid level and never turned over on
J75 135 rails above the grid.
J75 136    |^*1Size of grid*0*- ^The larger the grid, the greater the area of
J75 137 boxes that can be knocked out and, consequently, the greater the
J75 138 distance between the side and centre of the boxes. ^The size of grids
J75 139 for hot moulds should not exceed 4-\0ft. 6-\0in. x 3-\0ft. 6-\0in., or
J75 140 6-\0ft. x 4-\0ft. in special cases.
J75 141    |^*1Shape of grid*0*- ^The ratio of the grid length to width should
J75 142 be similar for both boxes and grid, so that exhaust air streams are
J75 143 concentrated around the sides of the box.
J75 144    |^*1Height of grid above the floor*0*- ^The floor restricts the
J75 145 direction from which replacement air can approach a grid and acts as
J75 146 an air baffle, so that exhaust air velocities are highest when the
J75 147 grid is mounted level with the floor. ^Raised grids should not exceed
J75 148 18-\0in. in height.
J75 149    |^*1Grid design*0*- ^Green sand clogs between the bars of fixed
J75 150 grids and restricts the flow of exhaust air. ^A knock-out point should
J75 151 not be ventilated by a down-draught system unless sand is shaken
J75 152 through a vibrating grid at about the same rate as it is spilt from
J75 153 the box.
J75 154    |^*1Blockage of the grid*0*- ^The blocked section of a grid should
J75 155 not greatly exceed the area of the box if the vibrating grid is
J75 156 efficient. ^The area of the box and spilt sand together should not
J75 157 exceed 50 per \0cent. of the grid if the exhaust air volumes given in
J75 158 \0Figs. 6.9, 10 and 10a are to be used as the design basis.
J75 159    |^Experiments have shown that if the blockage is increased from 50
J75 160 to 75 per \0cent., the minimum exhaust air volumes required to control
J75 161 dust and fumes are increased by amounts up to 50 per \0cent., or even
J75 162 more in some cases.
J75 163    |^*1Air seals*0*- ^It is essential for knock-out units to be
J75 164 provided with effective air seals.
J75 165    |^The air seals at the sand transfer point between the hopper and
J75 166 belt must remain effective regardless of the rate at which sand spills
J75 167 from the hopper.
J75 168 *<*4Extraction of Sand and Fines*>
J75 169    |^*0In the down-draught system, air is exhausted through the sand
J75 170 falling into the hopper. ^Should this sand, or a large proportion of
J75 171 it, be completely dry, a considerable amount of the fines will be
J75 172 exhausted. ^With very high velocities the fines may be accompanied by
J75 173 fairly coarse grains. ^In consequence, the composition of the sand
J75 174 will be radically changed. ^The amount of material to be collected
J75 175 will be large and there may be abrasion of the ducting.
J75 176    |^The extraction of sand and fines can be reduced by consideration
J75 177 of the three following factors in design. ^Usually a combination of
J75 178 all three is necessary:
J75 179 **[BEGIN INDENTATION**]
J75 180    |^(1) The frequency of knocking-out in relation to the size of the
J75 181 hopper, rate of sand removal, and location of air ducts should be
J75 182 determined, so that the sand inside the hopper can never rise unduly
J75 183 close to the air inlets.
J75 184    |^The external angle of the base of the hopper should not be less
J75 185 than 60*@.
J75 186    |^(2) The velocity of the exhaust air close to the falling sand
J75 187 inside the hopper should be reduced by enlarged inlets.
J75 188    |^(3) The air ducts in the hopper should be located and arranged so
J75 189 that sand does not fall directly into the exhaust inlet, and the
J75 190 openings should be protected by shields.
J75 191 **[END INDENTATION**]
J75 192    |^In addition, the sand-to-metal ratio and the time between pouring
J75 193 and knock-out should be such that only part of the mould is completely
J75 194 dry by the time the knock-out is reached (see Chapter 3). ^If this
J75 195 condition cannot be fulfilled a down-draught system should not be
J75 196 used.
J75 197 *<*4Sludging of Sand in the Exhaust Air Ducts*>
J75 198    |^*0Steam is released from hot moist sand moulds as they
J75 199 disintegrate and fall through the grid into the hopper. ^Should this
J75 200 steam exceed the amount which can be retained by the exhaust air, it
J75 201 will condense on the exhaust ducts. ^Sand and dust in the air stream
J75 202 will deposit on the moist surfaces or on any water at the bottom of
J75 203 the duct, forming a sludge which may eventually choke the duct to such
J75 204 an extent that efficient ventilation becomes impossible.
J75 205    |^The amount of water that can be retained by the air depends on
J75 206 the air volume and temperature. ^If the saturation level is exceeded,
J75 207 the moisture condenses to form droplets which are sufficiently small
J75 208 to remain in suspension as visible *"steam,**" but are readily
J75 209 deposited on objects with which they come into contact.
J75 210 *# 2029
J76   1 **[370 TEXT J76**]
J76   2 ^*0The assumption takes account of the possibility that neither the
J76   3 deflection nor the slope at the ends of the beam is zero. ^The
J76   4 potential energy of the system is as follows:
J76   5 **[FORMULA**]
J76   6    |where *1b *0is the stiffness of the supports and *1K *0is a
J76   7 constant which depends upon the datum of the potential energy.
J76   8 ^Substituting for the {15D}'s by making use of equation (7.51) then
J76   9 yields:
J76  10 **[FORMULA**]
J76  11    |and for the potential energy to be stationary:
J76  12 **[FORMULA**]
J76  13    |whence:
J76  14 **[FORMULA**]
J76  15    |being the deflection of *1x *0= 0, that is, at the load. ^Had an
J76  16 exact solution of this problem been carried-out there would have been
J76  17 seven simultaneous equations to solve in the seven unknown deflections
J76  18 {15D*;1**;, D*;2**;,..., D*;7**;}.
J76  19    |^The loss of accuracy due to adopting an approximate procedure is
J76  20 usually insignificant for purposes of engineering practice, {0i.e.}
J76  21 a few per cent. ^Thus the correct value of d*;1**; is 5.4 \0in. ^The
J76  22 considerable saving in labour achieved is usually much more important
J76  23 than a small loss of accuracy. ^In fact, it is possible in some
J76  24 instances, that without recourse to an approximate solution by an
J76  25 energy method, solution by manual activity would be too laborious to
J76  26 be practicable.
J76  27 *<*2CHAPTER 8*>
J76  28 *<*4Some Uses of the Reciprocal Theorem*>
J76  29 *<8:1. *6INTRODUCTION*>
J76  30    |^*0One of the simplest statements of the reciprocal theorem which
J76  31 defines the reciprocal property of linear systems, specifies that the
J76  32 deflection of a point *1i *0of an elastic structure in a given
J76  33 direction due to the application of unit force in a given direction at
J76  34 another point *1j *0is equal to the deflection of *1j *0when unit
J76  35 force is applied at *1i. ^*0The deflection of *1j *0is measured in the
J76  36 direction of the line of action of the unit force while the unit force
J76  37 is applied at *1i *0in the line in which the deflection due to its
J76  38 presence at *1j *0was measured. ^This is manifest when the flexibility
J76  39 coefficients of linear structures are calculated, since then it is
J76  40 found that *1a*;ij**; = a*;ji**; *0as shown in Chapter 2. ^It is also
J76  41 manifest when the stiffness coefficients are calculated. ^Further
J76  42 proof of the reciprocal theorem is hardly necessary.
J76  43    |^A simple statement of the theorem on these lines was made by \0J.
J76  44 Clerk Maxwell in his well-known paper on the analysis of frameworks
J76  45 (1864) but Clebsch had actually noted the reciprocal property of
J76  46 stiffness coefficients in his book published some two years earlier.
J76  47 ^Later Betti (1872) and Rayleigh (1873) made important general
J76  48 contributions to the theorem independently, which led to its coming to
J76  49 occupy an important place in the physics of linear systems. ^For the
J76  50 purpose of structural analysis the reciprocal theorem provides useful
J76  51 devices for the construction of influence lines for deflections and
J76  52 forces in frameworks whose elasticity is linear.
J76  53 *<*68:2. INFLUENCE LINES FOR DEFLECTION BY THE RECIPROCAL THEOREM*>
J76  54    |^*0For the purpose of illustrating this use of the reciprocal
J76  55 theorem it is sufficient to consider a simply supported beam with
J76  56 linear elasticity. ^Thus, if the influence line for the deflection of
J76  57 any point P of the beam shown in \0Fig. 8.1 is required (that is, the
J76  58 curve whose ordinates represent the deflection of P as a concentrated
J76  59 unit load traverses the beam), by the reciprocal theorem it is merely
J76  60 necessary to consider the deflected shape of the beam due to unit load
J76  61 at P. ^The reason for this is that the deflection at any other point Q
J76  62 of the beam due to unit load at P is:
J76  63 **[FORMULA**]
J76  64    |where *1a*;QP**; *0is the relevant flexibility coefficient. ^Since
J76  65 this is equal to the deflection of P due to unit load at Q, {0i.e.}:
J76  66 **[FORMULA**]
J76  67    |it follows that the deformed shape of the beam caused by unit load
J76  68 at P represents the variation of *1a*;QP**; = a*;PQ**; *0over the
J76  69 length of the beam which is the influence line for the deflection of
J76  70 P. ^By similar reasoning the influence line for the deflection of any
J76  71 point of an elastic linear structure, in a given direction, is
J76  72 represented by the deformed shape of the structure due to unit load
J76  73 applied in the specified direction at the point in question.
J76  74    |^A convenient means of using this principle to practical advantage
J76  75 is afforded by scale models. ^Such models need not be to scale in
J76  76 **[DIAGRAM**]
J76  77 every detail; for plane frameworks it is merely necessary that they
J76  78 are made of material which obeys Hooke's Law of linear elasticity, to
J76  79 a chosen layout scale. ^Then, for portal frameworks whose members
J76  80 deform primarily in bending, it is sufficient for the ratios of the
J76  81 second moments of area of the members to be the same as in the actual
J76  82 framework. ^The shape of the required influence line to scale can be
J76  83 obtained by applying a force to the model at the point in question, in
J76  84 the specified direction. ^The scale factor for the ordinates of the
J76  85 influence line so obtained can be found either by scaling the force
J76  86 applied to the model or by calculating the deflection of the actual
J76  87 framework at the point in question due to unit load applied there.
J76  88 *<*68:3. INFLUENCE LINES FOR FORCES BY THE RECIPROCAL THEOREM*>
J76  89    |^*0A cantilever with a rigid prop at its *"free**" end, as one of
J76  90 the simplest statically-indeterminate systems, is suitable for
J76  91 demonstrating this use of the reciprocal theorem. ^In order to obtain
J76  92 the influence line for the force exerted by the prop, suppose first of
J76  93 all that unit concentrated load acts at any point Q of the span, as
J76  94 shown in \0Fig.
J76  95 **[DIAGRAMS**]
J76  96 8.2(a). ^If the prop is absent the deflection of the end of the
J76  97 cantilever due to this load is:
J76  98 **[FORMULA**]
J76  99    |so that the force which the prop must exert in restoring zero
J76 100 deflection at this point is:
J76 101 **[FORMULA**]
J76 102    |where the flexibility coefficients *1a*;PQ**; *0and *1a*;PP**;
J76 103 *0refer to the cantilever. ^Therefore, by equations (8.3) and (8.4):
J76 104 **[FORMULA**]
J76 105    |^Now the ratio *1a*;PQ**;/ a*;PP**; *0can be obtained by
J76 106 considering an arbitrary small displacement {15D}*?7*;*1P**; *0of
J76 107 the end of the unloaded cantilever due to an arbitrary force
J76 108 *1R*?7*;P**;, *0as shown in \0Fig. 8.2(b), since:
J76 109 **[FORMULA**]
J76 110    |while the resulting deflection of any other point Q is:
J76 111 **[FORMULA**]
J76 112    |so that:
J76 113 **[FORMULA**]
J76 114    |^Therefore, by equation (8.5):
J76 115 **[FORMULA**]
J76 116    |^The significance of this result is that the deflection curve of
J76 117 the cantilever due to an arbitrary small displacement of P represents
J76 118 to scale the influence line for the load on the prop at P. ^This is in
J76 119 accordance with Mu"ller-Breslau's principle that the influence line
J76 120 for the force in a member or upon a support of a linear
J76 121 statically-indeterminate framework is represented to scale by the
J76 122 change in shape of the framework due to a small displacement within
J76 123 the member or at the support. ^For the purpose of using the principle
J76 124 for the influence line for the bending moment at any point, the small
J76 125 displacement introduced there must be of the angular kind. ^It can be
J76 126 shown by virtual work that Mu"ller-Breslau's principle also applies to
J76 127 statically-determinate systems which are not subject to gross
J76 128 distortion under load.
J76 129    |^Mu"ller-Breslau's principle would be of very little practical
J76 130 value without scale model techniques. ^The procedure prescribed by the
J76 131 principle can be applied physically to a scale model for the purpose
J76 132 of obtaining influence lines to scale and affords an effective method
J76 133 of *"model analysis**" of frameworks. ^Such models must be made of
J76 134 material with linear elasticity to a definite length scale. ^Thus, if
J76 135 a model of the propped cantilever is made *1s *0times smaller than the
J76 136 actual, a small displacement ({15D}*1*;P**;*0)*1*;m**; *0at P
J76 137 corresponds to a small displacement {15D}*1*;P**; =
J76 138 s*0({15D}*1*;P**;*0)*1*;m**; *0at P of the actual system.
J76 139 ^Similarly, any other point of the model Q suffers a displacement
J76 140 which may be multiplied by the scale factor *1s *0to obtain the
J76 141 corresponding displacement of the point Q of the actual cantilever due
J76 142 to the displacement of P of *1s*0({15D}*1*;P**;*0)*1*;m**;. ^*0Also
J76 143 the deformed shape of the model represents the influence line for the
J76 144 load on the prop of the actual system to scale. ^Therefore, with
J76 145 reference to equations (8.8) and (8.9):
J76 146 **[FORMULA**]
J76 147    |so that:
J76 148 **[FORMULA**]
J76 149    |and the scale factor does not appear in the final result obtained
J76 150 by the model in respect of influence lines for forces, because the
J76 151 ratios of model displacements of the linear kind are identical to the
J76 152 ratios of corresponding displacements of the actual structure.
J76 153    |^It is relatively easy to construct suitable models of frameworks
J76 154 whose members deform primarily in bending, such as portals, because
J76 155 then it is merely necessary for the ratios of the second moments of
J76 156 area of the various members to be correct. ^The actual scale factor in
J76 157 respect of second moment of area is immaterial and so models can be
J76 158 cut from, say, sheet celluloid, which obeys Hooke's Law. ^Beggs
J76 159 pioneered the use of this kind of model.
J76 160 *<*68:4. EXAMPLE OF MODEL ANALYSIS*>
J76 161    |^*0The steel portal framework shown in \0Fig. 8.3 has encastre*?2
J76 162 stanchion feet and the second moments of area of AB, BC, and CD are I,
J76 163 2I and I, respectively. ^In order to obtain the influence lines for
J76 164 the redundants, chosen to be the reactions *1R*0*;1**;, *1R*0*;2**;
J76 165 and *1R*0*;3**; at the foot A, a scale model may be used.
J76 166 **[DIAGRAM**]
J76 167 ^The model must be made of material which has linear elasticity in
J76 168 accordance with Hooke's Law ({0e.g.}, it can be cut from sheet
J76 169 Xylonite celluloid), to a layout scale factor *1s *0and the ratios of
J76 170 the second moments of area of the model members AB, BC and CD must be
J76 171 1 : 2 : 1. ^The required influence lines are found by subjecting the
J76 172 model, mounted to reproduce the encastre*?2 conditions at A and D, to
J76 173 small displacements horizontally (for the influence line for
J76 174 *1R*0*;1**;), vertically (for *1R*0*;2**;) and rotationally (for
J76 175 *1R*0*;3**;) at A, in turn, and recording the resulting changes in
J76 176 shape of the model. ^It is important for each displacement to be
J76 177 applied at A separately without movement in any other direction.
J76 178    |^Suppose the influence lines so obtained are as shown in \0Fig.
J76 179 8.4 and that it is desired to determine the magnitudes of the
J76 180 reactions at A caused by the loading shown in \0Fig. 8.3. ^Then using
J76 181 subscripts *1m *0to denote that the displacements are obtained from
J76 182 the model:
J76 183 **[FORMULA**]
J76 184    |which are independent of the scale of the model. ^For *1R*0*;3**;,
J76 185 however, the scale of the model enters into the calculations and for
J76 186 this reason it is desirable to refer the model displacements to the
J76 187 corresponding values for the actual structure. ^Thus, if the foot A of
J76 188 the actual framework were rotated through \15th radians the resulting
J76 189 deflections
J76 190 **[DIAGRAMS**]
J76 191 would be *1s *0times those of the model when its foot A is rotated
J76 192 through the same angle. ^Using the equivalent full-scale influence
J76 193 line ordinates then to obtain *1R*0*;3**; gives:
J76 194 **[FORMULA**]
J76 195    |since \15th is
J76 196 **[FORMULA**].
J76 197    |^Again, for a uniformly distributed loading of intensity *1w
J76 198 *0over, say, CD, the corresponding values of the reactions at A are:
J76 199 **[FORMULA**]
J76 200    |where distance *1x *0along CD refers to the model, so that if
J76 201 \15a*;1**;, \15a*;2**; and \15a*;3**; are the areas enclosed by the
J76 202 relevant portions of the influence lines of the model, respectively:
J76 203 **[FORMULA**]
J76 204    |and for practical purposes it is sufficiently accurate to assume
J76 205 that the influence lines are straight between measured ordinates.
J76 206 **[DIAGRAM**]
J76 207    |^The influence line for the bending moment at a point within a
J76 208 member can be obtained similarly by cutting the model at the point in
J76 209 question and applying an angular displacement, as indicated in \0Fig.
J76 210 8.5. ^The required bending moment due to particular loading is then
J76 211 obtained from the influence line ordinates in a manner similar to that
J76 212 used for finding *1R*0*;3**;.
J76 213    |^It is particularly important to measure the influence line
J76 214 ordinates correctly, as, for example, in \0Fig. 8.4 with respect to
J76 215 the line of *1F*;Q*02**;. ^Accuracy can also be improved by using
J76 216 positive and negative displacements, as shown in \0Figs. 10.20 and
J76 217 10.21.
J76 218    |^Use of scale models for the analysis of frameworks is always
J76 219 worth considering as an alternative to manual computation, especially
J76 220 for frameworks of simple form whose members are of non-uniform section
J76 221 for reasons of economy. ^Accuracy of model analysis tends to lie
J76 222 between 5% and 10% in relation to values calculated exactly on the
J76 223 basis of the same assumptions as those used in constructing the model.
J76 224 *# 2000
J77   1 **[371 TEXT J77**]
J77   2 ^*0Two articles have appeared by Bichsel on electron microscopy; one
J77   3 is concerned with an investigation of sub-grain structure in high
J77   4 purity aluminium, while the other is general, describing the
J77   5 application of oxide replica techniques and the examination of thin
J77   6 foils. ^The illustrations in all these papers are impressive
J77   7 scientifically and attractive aesthetically; it is only a matter of
J77   8 time before they receive the attention of designers of wallpaper,
J77   9 floor coverings and similar goods.
J77  10    |^Single crystals continue to attract the experimenter; McKinnon
J77  11 has studied the work-hardening of a super-purity aluminium crystal,
J77  12 and indicated that during stage *=1, that is the period of slip on
J77  13 (111) plane of maximum resolved shear stress, the rate of hardening is
J77  14 determined by the amount and type of uniformly distributed secondary
J77  15 slip. Greetham and Honeycombe have deformed single crystals of
J77  16 aluminium-4.5% copper given various ageing treatments after solution
J77  17 treatment. ^Under-aged crystals showed a marked yield point followed
J77  18 by a period of low hardening, while over-aged crystals and those
J77  19 treated at the optimum temperature, though showing no yield point,
J77  20 strain-hardened rapidly. ^By X-ray and metallographic study, Richards
J77  21 and Pugh have determined the sequences of behaviour of super-purity
J77  22 aluminium during rolling and annealing. ^Structures after various
J77  23 amounts of cold reduction are illustrated as photomicrographs and
J77  24 X-ray transmission patterns.
J77  25    |^Blade, Clare and Lamb have used levitation melting to provide
J77  26 ingots of zone-refined aluminium containing additions of various
J77  27 elements, which were then rolled to sheet for determination of
J77  28 recrystallisation temperatures. ^As little as 0.001 \0at. % of the
J77  29 addition elements was sufficient to produce most of the retardation of
J77  30 recrystallisation; silicon, copper and magnesium each caused an
J77  31 increase of recrystallisation temperature of 50-100*@ \0C., while for
J77  32 iron, chromium and manganese a figure of \0*1c. *0200*@ \0C. is
J77  33 quoted. ^At temperatures varying from 195-500*@ \0C., Ormerod and
J77  34 Tegart have subjected super-purity aluminium to torsion stresses, and
J77  35 determined torque values which are converted to shear stress, while
J77  36 specimen revolutions are converted to shear strain, the two being used
J77  37 to draw true stress/ strain curves. ^Davies has performed
J77  38 stress-rupture tests on the aluminium-1% nickel alloy favoured for
J77  39 resistance to corrosion by high temperature water, and obtained 1,000
J77  40 hour values of 0.75 at 350*@ \0C., 1.8 at 250*@ \0C., and 4.2 at 100*@
J77  41 \0C., the units being \0kg/ {0sq. mm.}; English eyes would have
J77  42 preferred tons/ {0sq. in.}
J77  43 *<*4Corrosion and Protection*>
J77  44    |^*0No form of degeneration of metals is more insidious than
J77  45 corrosion, and the volume of work published on the subject is a
J77  46 measure of the seriousness with which it is viewed. ^Evans has
J77  47 produced a monumental volume of great authority on the corrosion and
J77  48 oxidation of metals in general, with an author index containing no
J77  49 less than 3,000 names. ^A fat volume, but the scribbling has been very
J77  50 well worth while, and as with Gibbon's work it will well outlive the
J77  51 author. ^Another useful book is that written by Rogers, principally
J77  52 for the education of naval constructors who are responsible for the
J77  53 maintenance of ships of war; aluminium receives its due meed of
J77  54 attention, with alarming illustrations of what happens when wrong
J77  55 procedures are adopted, and details of correct design and practice.
J77  56    |^The power of the corrosive enemy must be recognised and assessed;
J77  57 Great Britain has the unenviable reputation of being a particularly
J77  58 aggressive place. ^Ambler has found that the distribution of chloride
J77  59 in the British atmosphere has the same general relation to distance
J77  60 from the sea as in West Africa, and that the corrosion of steel and
J77  61 zinc bears no relation to salinity; encouragingly, he considers that
J77  62 the corrosion of his aluminium specimens was so small as to give high
J77  63 errors on cleaning. ^A new hazard has been added to corrosion testing.
J77  64 ^At Llanrhystyd, Ambler's specimens were liable to be licked by cows
J77  65 on the landward side; he states that this would not be expected to
J77  66 give low results, but this surely depends on the corrosivity of cow
J77  67 saliva as against the beneficial effects of regular cleaning.
J77  68    |^In continuing its work on the basic causes and mechanism of
J77  69 corrosion, the National Bureau of Standards in the {0U.S.A.} has
J77  70 established that with large single crystals of high purity aluminium
J77  71 exposed to an acid mixture, configuration of etch pits differed
J77  72 according to crystallographic orientation, and the rates of attack
J77  73 varied radically from those observed in an alkali mixture. ^Edeleanu
J77  74 has studied the pitting mechanism, using 99.999% aluminium foil in
J77  75 sodium chloride solution, and demonstrated that the rate of attack per
J77  76 unit of active area inside a pit is a constant, and that changes in an
J77  77 external polarising current change the rate of pitting only by
J77  78 altering the active area. ^An electron micrograph of a pitting system
J77  79 illustrates effectively the frequent changes in direction of the
J77  80 attack. ^In a general summary of the causes of pitting and its
J77  81 effects, Robinson makes the cardinal point that to avoid it one must
J77  82 eliminate the chloride ion or inhibit it; it is not always possible to
J77  83 adopt either of these admirable actions, so that pitting must
J77  84 sometimes be lived with and allowed for in design and selection of
J77  85 materials.
J77  86    |^Susceptibility to intercrystalline corrosion may be a less
J77  87 serious matter than proneness to stress-corrosion; indeed, in the high
J77  88 strength \0Al-Zn-Mg-Cu alloys, stress-corrosion failure can occur when
J77  89 very little evidence of corrosive attack is to be detected. ^In
J77  90 developing tests for the susceptibility of this type of alloy to
J77  91 intercrystalline attack, Ketcham and Taylor do not mention
J77  92 stress-corrosion, and while their tests are no doubt of value, tests
J77  93 including stress application would be preferred. ^Silver is highly
J77  94 cathodic to aluminium, and alloys containing large additions of silver
J77  95 might be expected to be correspondingly low in corrosion resistance.
J77  96 ^This has been shown to be the case by Stadelmeier and Whitener; in
J77  97 their aluminium-silver alloy, \0Ag*;2**;Al was precipitated on the
J77  98 grain boundaries, and in a refrigerator atmosphere samples were
J77  99 completely pulverised in four weeks. ^A Committee of the National
J77 100 Association of Corrosion Engineers has reported on its investigations
J77 101 of techniques applicable to the examination of aluminium corrosion
J77 102 products, including X-ray diffraction and fluorescence, thermal
J77 103 analysis, electrographic methods, spectrographic analysis, microscopic
J77 104 examination and quantitative and qualitative tests.
J77 105    |^Having purified water sufficiently for it to merit the
J77 106 application high-purity, the user is anxious to keep it so, and
J77 107 Knoedler and Gordon have assembled test data on many materials that
J77 108 may be used for containers, pipes, \0etc., including steel sprayed
J77 109 with aluminium, and the same combination coated with a polyvinyl top
J77 110 coat. ^Commercially pure aluminium and aluminium-manganese alloy tanks
J77 111 were also used, and the water showed 0.035 parts per million of
J77 112 aluminium after 56 days' storage; a very low proportion. ^In comparing
J77 113 metals for compatibility with 90% hydrogen peroxide, Bloom and his
J77 114 co-workers award classification 1 only to pure aluminium, certain
J77 115 aluminium alloys and zirconium. ^A rocket fuel rejoicing in the name
J77 116 of unsymmetrical dimethylhydrazine has been successfully stored in
J77 117 aluminium containers for three years without ill effect, as reported
J77 118 by Raleigh and Derr. ^Many somewhat unusual chemicals are needed in
J77 119 conjunction with rocket engines, and Geiger, Schuler and Mowers have
J77 120 discussed material selection problems in the light of present
J77 121 knowledge. ^Aluminium is compatible with hydrogen peroxide, nitrogen
J77 122 tetroxide, liquid fluorine and inhibited red fuming nitric acid,
J77 123 amongst other rocket chemicals.
J77 124    |^Aylmore, Gregg and Jepson have studied the oxides formed when
J77 125 aluminium is heated in dry oxygen and interpreted their results as
J77 126 showing crystallisation of an initially formed amorphous layer. ^Using
J77 127 an {0A.C.} bridge, Lorking measured the capacity and thus the
J77 128 thickness of non-porous oxide films on aluminium; chloride ions in
J77 129 solution increased the permeability of the film, and this was detected
J77 130 by potential measurements. ^Since a general air of pessimism permeates
J77 131 the account by Capp and Philibert about ship corrosion, their remarks
J77 132 about trouble with aluminium are perhaps less unacceptable; however,
J77 133 they seem to be ill-informed about developments since the war in such
J77 134 matters as riveting and boundary bar joints, and the general avoidance
J77 135 of bimetallic corrosion. ^The stupid things that are still done are
J77 136 exemplified in an account by Brooks of a floodlight from a fishing
J77 137 vessel, that had castings in an aluminium alloy containing 2 1/2%
J77 138 copper, was bolted together with brass bolts, and employed an
J77 139 absorbent fibre gasket. ^It seems hardly conceivable, but these things
J77 140 still happen, even in the second half of the twentieth century. ^In
J77 141 the aircraft industry, hazards are much more fully recognised; Heath
J77 142 has shown how modern aircraft design is being modified to provide
J77 143 access to all parts for inspection, to ensure that unobserved
J77 144 corrosion cannot proceed to cause a catastrophe. ^This requirement in
J77 145 design is, of course, most important in modern aircraft from which
J77 146 long service lives are expected.
J77 147    |^Corrosion at welds has not proved a serious problem with
J77 148 aluminium since the dangers of flux entrapment were eliminated by the
J77 149 adoption of inert gas-shielded welding methods; however, trouble with
J77 150 large gas-welded cooking pans in aluminium-2% magnesium alloy
J77 151 described by Latimer was not due to flux residues. ^*"Knife-edge**"
J77 152 attack along the sides of the welds was shown to be associated with
J77 153 the coarse structure of the partially fused zone, and the presence of
J77 154 continuous {15b}-phase on the grain boundaries of the heat-affected
J77 155 zones. ^This could be avoided by welding at a faster rate with less
J77 156 heat input, {0e.g.} by tungsten-arc welding. ^Oldfield and Twigg
J77 157 investigating the staining of stainless steel tableware, tested blades
J77 158 in contact with galvanised iron and with aluminium in Sheffield tap
J77 159 water at 60*@ and 100*@ \0C. ^They concluded that aluminium containers
J77 160 are reasonably safe for trays or baskets for washing stainless steel
J77 161 cutlery, but galvanised iron can cause staining.
J77 162 ^Aluminium-magnesium-silicon alloy (similar to H9-P) pipe, *2TIG
J77 163 *0welded, and used for sour gas was inspected by Flournoy after being
J77 164 buried for six years without protection in a soil of sandy loam and
J77 165 broken caliche. ^Where failure had occurred, it was by pitting from
J77 166 the outside, and chlorides were detected in the corrosion product.
J77 167 ^This experience shows that aluminium is resistant to sour gas, and
J77 168 may be installed bare underground if protection is afforded at local
J77 169 spots of high corrosivity.
J77 170    |^If one keeps the anti-freeze in the cooling system of one's car
J77 171 from year to year, one runs the risk of corrosion of the cast-iron
J77 172 parts of the circuit, due to increase in acid content and reduction of
J77 173 inhibitor content of the cooling liquid. ^This has been shown by
J77 174 Collins and Higgins, who also state that the danger of corrosion of
J77 175 other metals by the deteriorated anti-freeze is slight; only
J77 176 occasionally has slight pitting been seen with aluminium, and no
J77 177 corrosion necessitating replacement has resulted. ^Investigating the
J77 178 special case of hypereutectic aluminium-silicon alloys under
J77 179 conditions related to car engine cooling systems, Craig and Woods have
J77 180 shown that such alloys, even when coupled to copper, are corroded to a
J77 181 negligible extent if there are suitable inhibitors in the coolant; in
J77 182 general, hypereutectic aluminium-silicon alloys are more corrosion
J77 183 resistant than cast iron.
J77 184    |^Sundararajan and Char, continuing their studies of inhibition of
J77 185 the corrosion of aluminium, have assessed the effects of acridine,
J77 186 nicotinic acid, dextrin, thiourea and tannic acid in dilute
J77 187 hydrochloric acid; all were efficient. ^In a second paper these
J77 188 authors describe polarisation studies in acid and alkaline solutions,
J77 189 with thiourea and dextrin as inhibitors, and conclude that cathodic
J77 190 protection is possible in acid solutions in the potential range -0.55
J77 191 to -0.80 \0V. ^In both these papers one meets again the curious
J77 192 material previously described by Sundararajan and Char, namely 92%
J77 193 pure aluminium, containing 3% \0Fe, 4% \0Mn, 1% \0Si; doubts about
J77 194 decimal points return more strongly than ever. ^Using some impressive
J77 195 mathematics, Bauer and Eddy have compared various possible anode
J77 196 materials for the protection of water tanks. ^One interesting factor
J77 197 affecting choice is whether or not the water freezes and breaks the
J77 198 anode or suspension; if it does, aluminium is used, because of its
J77 199 cheapness.
J77 200    |^Chemical conversion coatings have been summarised by Ayres,
J77 201 considering them principally from the point of view of corrosion
J77 202 resistance, which is conferred by low chemical activity and
J77 203 solubility. ^Wells and Pinner have surveyed recent advances in
J77 204 chemical and electrolytic polishing, on all relevant metals including
J77 205 aluminium.
J77 206 *# 2006
J78   1 **[372 TEXT J78**]
J78   2 ^*0This particular detecting element illustrates why the plant
J78   3 engineer is slow to take up new ideas, for at first sight to introduce
J78   4 microwave generating and detecting equipment into a power station
J78   5 fills the plant engineer with horror. ^It is only when the equipment
J78   6 can be made rugged and utterly reliable that he will consider using it
J78   7 at all.
J78   8    |^Nowadays engineers tend to use detecting elements which give an
J78   9 electrical output. ^The reason for this is that it is a matter of
J78  10 extreme simplicity to amplify the signal to any degree which is
J78  11 necessary. ^Moreover, it is very easy to transmit the signal from one
J78  12 part of the plant to another without serious loss. ^Detectors having
J78  13 an electrical output are therefore of growing importance at the
J78  14 present time, although in many cases a mechanical output is still
J78  15 quite satisfactory.
J78  16 *<*5Pneumatic Devices*>
J78  17    |^*0It is surprising that so little use is made of pneumatic
J78  18 devices for measurement and control of small distances. ^Work which
J78  19 has been done in the British Scientific Instrument Research
J78  20 Association has shown that pneumatic gauging is an almost ideal way of
J78  21 deciding if a sliver of a semiconducting material is of the right
J78  22 dimensions for manufacturing a transistor. ^Pneumatic bearings also
J78  23 have a considerable application which has not been developed outside
J78  24 gyroscopes: for example, a patent has recently been taken out covering
J78  25 the use of a pneumatic bearing for a glass polishing head. ^Passing on
J78  26 to optical detecting elements, which are now beginning to receive the
J78  27 attention they deserve as a result of the application of electronic
J78  28 devices to replace the human eye, these are coming more and more into
J78  29 favour as on line instruments. ^The nondispersive infra-red
J78  30 spectrometer is a good example, while the automatic saccharimeter
J78  31 developed at the National Physical Laboratory has a good future, but
J78  32 it is when one comes to consider the more sophisticated optical
J78  33 electronic instruments that one finds the numerous advantages of
J78  34 utilising the visible and near visible portions of the electromagnetic
J78  35 spectrometer. ^The Hilger & Watts automatic spectrographs are now well
J78  36 known and are in constant use in the iron and steel industries, while
J78  37 optical methods are beginning to be used in the guidance systems of
J78  38 many of our guided missiles. ^The importance of electrical detecting
J78  39 elements has already been stressed. ^Of these, the piezo electric
J78  40 effect is the best known and most used, apart from the obvious
J78  41 conventional cases of the thermocouple and the resistance thermometer.
J78  42 ^The piezo electric effect can be used to launch ultrasonic waves in a
J78  43 liquid or in a slurry, and the resulting phenomena are only now being
J78  44 investigated on an industrial basis. ^Nucleonic instruments tend to be
J78  45 largely electronic devices. ^The detecting element itself generally
J78  46 uses a nucleonic phenomenon, but the remainder of the apparatus is
J78  47 electronic. ^The reason for this is that nucleonic detection usually
J78  48 takes place in a very short space of time and, of course, the big
J78  49 advantage of electronics is its speed of response.
J78  50    |^The preceding paragraph gives some general reflections on
J78  51 detecting elements. ^A book could easily be written on this subject
J78  52 without exhausting the possibilities.
J78  53    |^Mechanical, hydraulic, pneumatic and electrical amplifiers are
J78  54 all in use in automatic control systems, and these represent the
J78  55 second class of component into which the system can be resolved.
J78  56 ^Mechanical amplifiers are exemplified by levers, while hydraulic
J78  57 amplifiers are exemplified by transference of a pressure or a flow
J78  58 from a wide tube to a narrow one. ^Pneumatic amplifiers operate in
J78  59 much the same way as hydraulic amplifiers, but offer greater diversity
J78  60 in their application. ^It should be noted that in none of these cases
J78  61 is there any real gain in the energy of the signal. ^For example, a
J78  62 lever increases the movement which is available to the observer, but
J78  63 it does so at the expense of the effort which is available at the end
J78  64 of the lever. ^The same is true of the hydraulic and pneumatic
J78  65 amplifiers which have been mentioned. ^Nevertheless, amplifiers have
J78  66 been made which correspond exactly to the electronic amplifier: the
J78  67 signal strength is actually increased at the expense of a reservoir of
J78  68 gas or liquid. ^Electronic amplifiers are essentially devices which
J78  69 transform part of the direct current available from the power supply
J78  70 to signal current, which can then be used to perform an operation.
J78  71    |^The third element of a control system is the transmission itself.
J78  72 ^At the present time the transmission is very often done hydraulically
J78  73 or pneumatically, but electrical systems are gradually coming into
J78  74 use, subject, of course, to the stringent conditions of intrinsic
J78  75 safety. ^Where long runs are required, electrical transmission is
J78  76 obviously to be preferred.
J78  77 *<*5The Use of Computers*>
J78  78    |^*0The next item in the control system has gained considerable
J78  79 notoriety and is sometimes thought by the uninitiated to be the
J78  80 principal component. ^It is the data logger or computer. ^Computers
J78  81 were originally manufactured in analogue form to solve certain complex
J78  82 differential equations and, in the first instance, they were
J78  83 mechanically operated. ^Thereafter, electronic computers came in,
J78  84 operated digitally, and since then there has been competition between
J78  85 the analogue computer and the digital computer. ^To a certain limited
J78  86 extent the analogue computers are very useful for the examination of
J78  87 plant characteristics, and such computers can be used to advantage
J78  88 when a new plant is being set up which is to be automatically
J78  89 controlled throughout. ^On the other hand, where extreme accuracy is
J78  90 required the digital computer is the only one to use and electronic
J78  91 digital computers are employed to advantage in performing difficult
J78  92 calculations in optics, in stresses and strains in aircraft, and in a
J78  93 multitude of other problems. ^So far as process control is concerned,
J78  94 after the preliminary investigation has been carried out by means of
J78  95 an analogue computer, the equipment to be used on the plant should be
J78  96 as simple as possible and should comprise a detecting element, a data
J78  97 logger and a controller, the third being connected, of course, by
J78  98 transmission lines. ^The data logger is usually called upon to perform
J78  99 one or two simple operations and, as such, it is not worth while using
J78 100 a general purpose electronic digital computer to do the job. ^It is
J78 101 therefore the writer's opinion that general purpose computers have no
J78 102 long term significance so far as process or machine tool control is
J78 103 concerned. ^Rather the data loggers and computers which will be used
J78 104 in these circumstances will be small black boxes, designed to do
J78 105 specific jobs. ^It will be seen that the problem of the computer is in
J78 106 no way related to the problem of the detecting element. ^When we are
J78 107 concerned with the right kind of detecting element to use for a
J78 108 particular purpose, this takes us into the background of science to
J78 109 examine all the various phenomena and decide on the right device. ^On
J78 110 the other hand, so far as data loggers and computers are concerned it
J78 111 is a matter of straightforward engineering, for the circuits and
J78 112 devices to be used to perform the various specific tasks are all well
J78 113 understood. ^There is only one case where this may not be completely
J78 114 true, and that is where extreme speed is required in the computer, but
J78 115 this occurs so seldom in process control or machine tool control that
J78 116 it is hardly worth considering.
J78 117 *<*5The Controller*>
J78 118    |^*0The last element in the automatic control system is the
J78 119 controller itself. ^This has to be a mechanical device since it is
J78 120 applied to the line and changes certain parameters therein.
J78 121 ^Controllers nowadays are usually described as *"three term**",
J78 122 meaning that they have a proportional control, a control which is
J78 123 determined by the rate of change of the signal, and a control which is
J78 124 determined by the integral of the signal. ^Three term controllers
J78 125 require careful setting up, and to make the best use of them an
J78 126 exhaustive analysis of the plant is necessary, but there is no doubt
J78 127 that three term control is essential in most cases if the plant is to
J78 128 operate at optimum efficiency.
J78 129    |^The necessity for the three term controller is to be found in the
J78 130 mode of variation of any particular parameter. ^For example, if we are
J78 131 concerned with temperature measurement and the temperature should
J78 132 suddenly shoot up, then some degree of anticipation is given to the
J78 133 controller by means of the rate of change of the signal. ^On the other
J78 134 hand should the parameter vary slightly between fairly wide limits
J78 135 over a long period of time, then it is very difficult to maintain it
J78 136 at the desired value unless an integral of the signal is used in the
J78 137 control system. ^No doubt more complex controllers could be
J78 138 manufactured and may be used in the future, but in the meantime the
J78 139 rate of change, the signal itself, and the integral of the signal give
J78 140 sufficient control.
J78 141 *<*5The Instrumentation of Reactors and Conventional Electrical Power
J78 142 Units*>
J78 143    |^*0Whether coal or uranium is used as the fuel, the power unit
J78 144 must always contain certain basic automatic controls. ^At the present
J78 145 moment the output of any station is in the form of electricity, which
J78 146 usually comes from a turbogenerator. ^Certain conventional
J78 147 instrumental controls are necessary at this end, but with the
J78 148 increasing use of reactors as power producing units, a completely new
J78 149 set of problems has been posed to the industrial instrument
J78 150 manufacturer. ^Apart from the measurement of such novel parameters as
J78 151 the neutron flux in the reactor, the control of temperature has become
J78 152 of major importance. ^An elegant solution to this problem is not yet
J78 153 in sight, but reactors are able to operate using a very large number
J78 154 of detecting elements which measure temperature. ^One of the
J78 155 outstanding problems of reactor instrumentation is the measurement of
J78 156 flux of intermediate energy neutrons. ^The British Scientific
J78 157 Instrument Research Association began an investigation of this problem
J78 158 some three years ago and the results so far achieved are promising.
J78 159 ^As might have been expected, on the way towards the solution of the
J78 160 set problem (the measurement of flux of intermediate energy neutrons)
J78 161 many other problems have been brought to the notice of the Association
J78 162 and have been solved. ^It is probable that the work at present in
J78 163 progress on new types of phosphors will result in a new set of
J78 164 instruments becoming available to the reactor engineer. ^If this is
J78 165 so, the economics of reactor manufacture and operation will need to be
J78 166 completely revised.
J78 167 *<*5Power Units in Industry*>
J78 168    |^*0Almost every big factory in the country produces a large amount
J78 169 of steam, which is then used for many purposes. ^These power units are
J78 170 all very similar and one would expect that their instrumentation would
J78 171 be well known and well defined. ^This is not the case, however. ^Apart
J78 172 from the measurement and control of fuel, steam pressure, water, and
J78 173 alkalinity or acidity, there are many other factors which must be
J78 174 measured in an economic power plant. ^The air to fuel ratio, the
J78 175 carbon monoxide content in the flue gases, and the smoke issuing from
J78 176 the chimney must all be controlled, and almost every factory has its
J78 177 individual system. ^There is certainly room here for a large amount of
J78 178 standardisation and, among smaller firms, for education in the value
J78 179 of adequate instrumentation.
J78 180 *<*5Future Trends*>
J78 181    |^*0It is a difficult matter at this juncture to specify the future
J78 182 trends of instrumentation among our basic industries, and so it may be
J78 183 well to deal, first of all, with those matters which are well defined.
J78 184 ^There is no doubt that large chemical plants could use to advantage
J78 185 on line instruments to perform simple chemical analyses, but in many
J78 186 cases progress is at a standstill because it is very difficult to
J78 187 imagine a detecting element which can be successfully applied to a
J78 188 plant. ^Another trend which has been mentioned above is towards the
J78 189 small special purpose computer. ^The general purpose machine usually
J78 190 contains much more than is necessary to perform its operation on the
J78 191 plant, and it is only by cutting out these unnecessary devices that
J78 192 the computer can be made an economic proposition. ^This trend is
J78 193 fairly certain. ^The other trend which appears to be well established
J78 194 is towards the detecting element having an electrical output.
J78 195 *# 2014
J79   1 **[373 TEXT J79**]
J79   2 ^*0The ultimate concentration in the liquid oxygen will, therefore,
J79   3 depend on the equilibrium constant for the impurity when present in
J79   4 low concentration in liquid oxygen. ^Also, if the solubility is low,
J79   5 precipitation may occur before the concentration in the exit gas
J79   6 reaches the required value, and accumulation of the impurity as a
J79   7 solid will occur.
J79   8    |^Table *=3 shows the results of calculations for a number of trace
J79   9 impurities in which, for different assumed concentrations in the inlet
J79  10 air, the concentration in the liquid oxygen in the evaporator for
J79  11 steady state operation has been determined for gaseous oxygen
J79  12 production.
J79  13    |^It must be appreciated that the figures for the concentration
J79  14 build up are dependent on the accuracy of the equilibrium data, which
J79  15 are uncertain, but the table does give an indication of the order of
J79  16 magnitude to be expected. ^It is important to note that where high
J79  17 concentrations are theoretically possible in the plant evaporator the
J79  18 time required to build them up may be considerable, thus easily
J79  19 allowing steps to be taken to prevent such accumulations occurring.
J79  20    |^Before discussing the methods which are adopted in practice to
J79  21 achieve this, we shall consider in a little more detail the effect of
J79  22 impurities in the air intake.
J79  23 *<*1Effect of trace impurities in the air feed*>
J79  24    |^*0There has been a considerable amount of work carried out in
J79  25 recent years on the effect of trace impurities in the air feed. ^Not
J79  26 all of it has been convincing, and certain aspects are still by no
J79  27 means clear. ^It is impossible to do more than briefly review
J79  28 available information and data here.
J79  29    |^In considering the relative significance of trace impurities,
J79  30 particularly hydrocarbons, it should be borne in mind that small
J79  31 concentrations of hydrocarbons dissolved in liquid oxygen do not
J79  32 necessarily present a hazard. ^This depends on the susceptibility to
J79  33 detonation of the hydrocarbon solution, and on the explosive limits.
J79  34 ^Data are incomplete for such solutions, but generally if the
J79  35 percentage by weight of the hydrocarbon in *1homogeneous solution *0is
J79  36 less than 2%, detonation cannot be initiated. ^In practice, it is
J79  37 obviously undesirable to operate near such a limit.
J79  38 *<*2LIGHT HYDROCARBONS, CARBON MONOXIDE, AND HYDROGEN*>
J79  39    |^*0In general, the C*;1**; and C*;2**; hydrocarbons such as
J79  40 methane, ethane, and ethylene, (but excluding acetylene) which have
J79  41 relatively low boiling points, do not normally present any hazard if
J79  42 present as traces in the air intake to a plant since they are
J79  43 appreciably soluble in liquid oxygen, and their equilibrium constants
J79  44 in admixture with this are relatively high. ^This means that they will
J79  45 not tend to accumulate in, for example, the oxygen evaporator to any
J79  46 dangerous concentration under likely operating conditions.
J79  47    |^Carbon monoxide and hydrogen in trace quantities present no
J79  48 hazard since hydrogen is incondensible at the temperatures involved
J79  49 and is removed with the atmospheric inert gases, helium and neon, at a
J79  50 suitable vent-point in the plant. ^Carbon monoxide is similar to
J79  51 nitrogen in properties and is, in fact, more volatile than oxygen. ^It
J79  52 therefore presents no hazard in trace concentrations.
J79  53 *<*2HIGHER HYDROCARBONS AND ACETYLENICS*>
J79  54    |^*0Hydrocarbon impurities under the rather arbitrary
J79  55 classification of higher hydrocarbons and acetylenics can arise from
J79  56 three possible sources.
J79  57    |^The first is physical carry-over of hydrocarbon oil from, for
J79  58 example, an oil-lubricated expansion engine. ^This can accumulate as a
J79  59 solid in an oxygen evaporator unless provision is made in the plant
J79  60 design to prevent such an occurrence.
J79  61    |^The second source is from atmospheric contamination.
J79  62    |^The third is oxidation or thermal cracking of compressor
J79  63 lubricating oils where a reciprocating compressor is used. ^By the use
J79  64 of relatively low interstage pressure ratios (3/1 or less) and by the
J79  65 use of lubricating oils of high stability, contamination from this
J79  66 source can be reduced to very small proportions. ^The problem does not
J79  67 arise with turbocompressors.
J79  68    |^The higher hydrocarbons and acetylenics have low vapour pressures
J79  69 at liquid oxygen temperature and are, therefore relatively
J79  70 non-volatile. ^When combined with a low solubility, as in the case of
J79  71 acetylene, accumulation as a precipitated solid can occur. ^It is for
J79  72 this reason that acetylene is one of the most dangerous of hydrocarbon
J79  73 contaminants. ^Its solubility in liquid oxygen at its normal boiling
J79  74 point is approximately 6 parts per million and its *3K-*0value
J79  75 (defined as the ratio of the mol-fraction of hydrocarbon in the gas
J79  76 phase to the mol-fraction in the liquid phase under equilibrium
J79  77 conditions) is between 1/15 and 1/70, depending on the data used, for
J79  78 oxygen evaporator conditions. ^Whilst solid acetylene itself is more
J79  79 stable than usually realised, when mixed with liquid oxygen it is
J79  80 detonated relatively easily. ^It has also been shown that when a solid
J79  81 acetylene/ liquid oxygen mixture contains fine inert solid particles,
J79  82 then the susceptibility of the mixture to detonation as measured by an
J79  83 impact sensitivity test is high.
J79  84    |^It has also been stated by Karwat that an incrustation of solid
J79  85 acetylene on oxygen evaporator tubes, which can be wetted by splashing
J79  86 with liquid, represents a particularly dangerous condition.
J79  87    |^It should be appreciated that whilst the amount of acetylene
J79  88 which can accumulate in a plant may not always in itself be sufficient
J79  89 to cause a serious explosion, it can, however, act as a trigger or
J79  90 detonator for the explosion of larger amounts of carbonaceous material
J79  91 if these should be allowed to accumulate.
J79  92    |^It is interesting to note that recently it has been pointed out
J79  93 by Karwat that propane may, under certain conditions, present a rather
J79  94 greater hazard than has perhaps hitherto been recognised, mainly due
J79  95 to the fact that although its solubility in liquid oxygen is
J79  96 relatively high (\6*1circa *050 000 parts per million of oxygen) its
J79  97 equilibrium constant is very low. ^Even traces in the air feed can,
J79  98 therefore, accumulate in the oxygen evaporator unless removed.
J79  99    |^The higher molecular weight hydrocarbons do not normally cause
J79 100 appreciable difficulty because they are almost completely non-volatile
J79 101 at low temperatures and are removed in the purification or heat
J79 102 exchanger system.
J79 103 *<*2NON-HYDROCARBON IMPURITIES*>
J79 104    |^*0The main non-hydrocarbon impurities which are likely to pass
J79 105 through the heat exchanger system and initial purification on air
J79 106 separation plants are nitrous oxide, ozone, and oxides of nitrogen, in
J79 107 particular, nitric oxide. ^These impurities will also tend to
J79 108 concentrate in the oxygen evaporator, in particular nitrous oxide
J79 109 because of its low equilibrium constant. ^It has a low solubility
J79 110 (\6*1circa *0100 {0v.p.m.}) and there have been suggestions that
J79 111 mixed crystals of nitrous oxide and acetylene may form from saturated
J79 112 solutions arising in air separation plants which can be easily
J79 113 detonated when the acetylene content of the mixed crystals is high
J79 114 enough.
J79 115    |^Whilst fully conclusive evidence is not available, there are
J79 116 indications that the presence of ozone or oxides of nitrogen, (or
J79 117 both) in the presence of acetylene or other hydrocarbons may increase
J79 118 the susceptibility to explosion. ^Further information is required to
J79 119 elucidate fully the possible role of these contaminants.
J79 120 *<*2SOLID PARTICLES*>
J79 121    |^*0A factor that is not always mentioned when discussing the
J79 122 safety of air separation plants is the importance of strict
J79 123 cleanliness during plant assembly to avoid the introduction anywhere
J79 124 into the low temperature system of possible carbonaceous material,
J79 125 {0*1i.e.*0} carbonaceous dust, cloth fibres \0*1etc., *0since they
J79 126 can constitute a hazard if they accumulate in sufficient quantity at a
J79 127 particular point where a high oxygen concentration exists.
J79 128 *<*1Safety measures*>
J79 129    |^*0We shall now briefly review the various methods which have been
J79 130 or are used to control impurity build up in air separation plants. ^It
J79 131 is important to stress that the degree of protection which is employed
J79 132 may frequently be influenced by the amount of contamination of the
J79 133 atmosphere in the vicinity of the plant.
J79 134 *<*2PURIFICATION OF THE AIR ENTERING THE PLANT*>
J79 135    |^*0An obvious method, if practicable, is to eliminate impurities
J79 136 in the air entering the air separation unit. ^One approach to this
J79 137 problem is the use of catalytic purifiers after the air compressor in
J79 138 which the heat of compression is used, partly at least, to raise the
J79 139 air to a temperature at which the hydrocarbon impurities present can
J79 140 be catalytically oxidised. ^For example, in an installation in America
J79 141 a Hopcalite catalyst has been used. ^Whilst for heavily contaminated
J79 142 atmospheres this initial purification may have advantages, it is
J79 143 relatively costly and also will not *1completely *0remove all trace
J79 144 impurities which will, therefore, nevertheless require treatment and
J79 145 removal at a later stage. ^A further disadvantage is that if used with
J79 146 a reciprocating compressor, oil contamination of the catalyst and loss
J79 147 of activity can occur if it is used directly after one of the
J79 148 compression stages.
J79 149    |^A different method of reducing the contamination in the air
J79 150 intake, particularly in industrialised areas, is the use of
J79 151 alternative suction lines, sometimes of considerable length, leading
J79 152 outside the contaminated area. ^These may be changed over depending on
J79 153 wind direction and the intensity of local contamination. ^This again
J79 154 does not eliminate contamination but it can reduce it appreciably.
J79 155 *<*2REMOVAL OF IMPURITIES IN THE HEAT EXCHANGER SYSTEM*>
J79 156    |^*0The removal of the less volatile trace constituents in the
J79 157 air-feed can take place in the heat exchanger system to some extent
J79 158 depending on their concentration, physical properties, the type of
J79 159 heat exchanger system, and the air pressure. ^For example, in a plant
J79 160 using regenerators in which the air is cooled at approximately 5
J79 161 {0atm abs} almost to its dew point (approximately -173*@ \0C),
J79 162 acetylene may be condensed in the regenerator packing and resublimed
J79 163 in the nitrogen of the next cooling cycle if the concentration in the
J79 164 inlet air exceeds approximately 0.6 {0v.p.m.} ^This is a valuable
J79 165 safeguard of such plants. ^In plants operating with higher pressures,
J79 166 {0*1e.g.} *0fluid-producing plants, the effect of the superimposed
J79 167 air pressure in raising the vapour pressure of condensible impurities
J79 168 reduces, or may eliminate the possible deposition of impurities in the
J79 169 heat exchanger system.
J79 170 *<*2REMOVAL AT LOW TEMPERATURES*>
J79 171    |^*0One of the simplest methods of reducing the build-up of
J79 172 contaminants in the oxygen evaporator, which is the crucial part of
J79 173 the plant, is to provide a continuous purge of liquid. ^This has been
J79 174 practised since early days, but by itself is not an entirely
J79 175 satisfactory operation since it is only palliative, can easily be
J79 176 misapplied, or not operated, and also imposes an additional
J79 177 refrigeration load due to liquid withdrawn and rejected.
J79 178    |^The next step was to use an additional small condenser built away
J79 179 from the main plant condenser which was operated in series as far as
J79 180 the oxygen flow was concerned. ^The basic elements are shown in \0Fig.
J79 181 4. ^A small purge was led away from the additional condenser and
J79 182 rejected. ^The net result is a relatively large purge from the main
J79 183 plant condenser, and an appreciable accumulation of impurities in the
J79 184 additional condenser. ^This, however, is small and suitably protected,
J79 185 so that if, in fact, an explosion should occur, relatively little
J79 186 damage is done. ^Whilst the above arrangement together with correct
J79 187 condenser design has been largely used in the past, the tendency today
J79 188 is undoubtedly towards the use of adsorption of the impurities from
J79 189 one or more of the process streams. ^Silica gel is the adsorbent
J79 190 commonly used.
J79 191    |^There are a number of places at which one can apply such a
J79 192 clean-up system and they will be briefly mentioned. ^\0Fig. 5 shows a
J79 193 hypothetical and simplified plant flow diagram in which the various
J79 194 positions in which such adsorbers can be used is indicated. ^For
J79 195 illustration, the plant cycle shown is a low pressure plant using
J79 196 regenerators and producing gaseous oxygen.
J79 197    |^Adsorption from the gas phase at or near the saturation
J79 198 temperature has attractions and silica gel adsorbers placed after the
J79 199 regenerators on low pressure plants provide a very effective clean up.
J79 200 ^The adsorbers are, however, large and relatively costly.
J79 201    |^The effect when a number of impurities are present on their
J79 202 individual adsorptive capacities under dynamic conditions, must be
J79 203 allowed for, {0*1i.e.} *0the occurrence of sorption displacement has
J79 204 to be considered. ^For example, Karwat showed that in solution in
J79 205 liquid oxygen trace impurities reached their *"break point**" in a
J79 206 silica gel adsorber in the order of ethane/ propane/ nitrous oxide +
J79 207 ethylene/ carbon dioxide/ propylene and acetylene, whereas in gas
J79 208 phase adsorbers the order of break through was ethane/ ethylene and
J79 209 nitrous oxide/ propane, and then acetylene and propylene.
J79 210 *# 2006
J80   1 **[374 TEXT J80**]
J80   2 ^*0Another generalization presented in Chapter *=6 was the application
J80   3 of the technique to large structural assemblies in which we provide
J80   4 also for the so-called interaction or external redundancies. ^As far
J80   5 as the practical side of the cut-out technique is concerned this was
J80   6 discussed in connexion with windows, doors, wing-fuselage
J80   7 interpenetrations, floors, partial removals of rings, \0etc. ^Now, we
J80   8 may consider the cut-out process as a special case of the more general
J80   9 modification technique and this was, in fact, usually our approach to
J80  10 the presentation of the relevant theory. ^However, we did also mention
J80  11 that there is an essential difference between the cut-out and
J80  12 modification techniques in their practical application. ^This is
J80  13 immediately evident if we have to apply these respective procedures to
J80  14 a large number of elements which may be taken to form a sub-system.
J80  15 ^Thus, when the flexibilities of the elements of the sub-system have
J80  16 to be modified it is obvious that we have to include all stresses
J80  17 specified in the elements to be altered in the matrix *4b*0*;1*1h**;
J80  18 *0and other relevant matrices of the sub-systems. ^But this is not so
J80  19 if we wish to eliminate the sub-system. ^Here we may achieve its
J80  20 effective removal by detaching it along its boundary in the parent
J80  21 regularized structure, leaving only a statically determinate
J80  22 connexion. ^Hence, in this approach, we actually cut only the
J80  23 redundant members of this connexion without having, at the same time,
J80  24 to break it up internally if it is itself redundant. ^On the other
J80  25 hand, it is perfectly legitimate to carry out, in addition, these
J80  26 internal eliminations, but this extends inevitably the amount of work
J80  27 involved and the order of magnitude of the matrix to be inverted. ^But
J80  28 on no account can we cut beyond this stage for we would then create a
J80  29 kinematic mechanism which means mathematically linearly dependent rows
J80  30 in *4b*0*;1*1h**; *0and a consequent singularity of the process.
J80  31 ^Thus, we see that in the case of the elimination of sub-systems there
J80  32 is no unique number of cut-outs and, furthermore, no unique position
J80  33 of these cut-outs. ^We may achieve a minimum of eliminations by
J80  34 removing only the redundancies along the boundary and we may reach a
J80  35 maximum of eliminations by cutting also the internal redundancies.
J80  36 ^These subtle considerations are dealt with in great detail in Section
J80  37 36 and illustrated on a wide range of examples showing the alternative
J80  38 ways we can view and solve these problems. ^Prior to this we summarize
J80  39 for the convenience of the reader in Section 35 the basic theory of
J80  40 the modification and cut-out procedures as developed in a number of
J80  41 sections of this book and take this opportunity to generalize slightly
J80  42 the presentation. ^We hope that this joint account of theory and
J80  43 solutions to specimen problems will contribute to a deepening of the
J80  44 understanding of the cut-out technique and of its applications to
J80  45 practical cases.
J80  46    |^The concluding section of this chapter generalizes the matrix
J80  47 programme for the bending moments in the rings put forward in Section
J80  48 12. ^The reader will remember that the method given there ignored any
J80  49 discontinuity of the bending moments at the vertices. ^Now, this may
J80  50 be a too rough approximation when large loads ({0e.g.} at wing
J80  51 fuselage attachments) are applied at the external vertices or other
J80  52 points of the rings. ^The necessary simple theory is developed in
J80  53 Section 37.
J80  54 *<*433. Techniques to Improve the Conditioning of the D Matrix*>
J80  55    |^*0First a word of apology to our mathematically more
J80  56 knowledgeable readers. ^We are only too conscious that, in our
J80  57 repeated references to the conditioning of the *4D *0matrix, we have
J80  58 been guilty of imprecise language, not having really defined
J80  59 mathematically what we mean by the conditioning of a set of linear
J80  60 equations in the unknown redundancies. ^Indeed, our whole approach to
J80  61 this matter was rather of applying the terminologies well- or
J80  62 ill-conditioned as qualitative terms of praise or abuse to a system of
J80  63 equations. ^Now, ill-conditioning can, in fact, be expressed by
J80  64 various mathematical measures. ^Unfortunately, most of these precise
J80  65 measures involve as long computations as the solution itself of the
J80  66 simultaneous equations and are not, hence, very useful in practice for
J80  67 giving advance warning. ^We refer the interested reader to the papers
J80  68 of Todd, Turing, and Johannes \von Neumann \6*1cum *0Goldstine. ^Even
J80  69 the relatively simple rule that ill conditioning is present when the
J80  70 value of the determinant
J80  71 **[FORMULA**] is small (more precisely we should state that
J80  72 **[FORMULA**] is small compared with the individual terms of expansion
J80  73 of
J80  74 **[FORMULA**] in the co-factors of the elements of any chosen row or
J80  75 column) is not of much value in computational work. ^Nevertheless, in
J80  76 structural problems it is usually possible to adopt a simple measure
J80  77 sufficient for practical purposes. ^To fix ideas, consider a fuselage
J80  78 with two bays where only one set of primary redundancies *4Y *0arises
J80  79 at the intermediate frame station. ^Having introduced*- for reasons
J80  80 connected exclusively with the application of the digital computer*-
J80  81 the inversion technique of \0Eqs. (*=4, 21, 44) for the direct
J80  82 determination of the complete *4b*0*;1*1l**;, *4b*0*;1*1q**;
J80  83 *0matrices, and hence also of *4b*0*;1*1r**;, *0we are necessarily
J80  84 faced with self-equilibrating systems which are spread over the
J80  85 complete cross-section or, at least, over the main (outer) periphery.
J80  86 ^To express then with a high degree of accuracy (from the practical
J80  87 computational point of view, which is the only one which interests us)
J80  88 any arbitrary self-equilibrating stress system in terms of the
J80  89 *4b*0*;1*1l**;, *4b*0*;1*1q**;, *4b*0*;1*1r**; *0distributions, it is
J80  90 mandatory that the columns of these matrices*- each of which
J80  91 corresponds to a redundancy*- be not even remotely linearly dependent.
J80  92 ^This is evidently achieved when the flange loads, field forces and
J80  93 ring bending moments due to *4Y *0exhibit an increasing waviness with
J80  94 increasing order of redundancy. ^The search for such distributions
J80  95 brought us, more or less inevitably, to the selection of the
J80  96 trigonometrical matrix {15O}*1*;l**; *0as a transformation matrix
J80  97 *4A*1*;l**; *0defining the redundancies. ^As we know from Chapter *=4
J80  98 and a large number of other similar computations, it appears that for
J80  99 the cross-sections commonly occurring in practice the flange loads and
J80 100 field forces based on {15O}*1*;l**; *0do indeed retain the full
J80 101 waviness of {15O}*1*;l**;, *0although naturally they are not any
J80 102 longer orthogonal as in the uniform circular cylinder. ^If the rings
J80 103 or frames were now rigid this characteristic waviness would ensure the
J80 104 precise determination of the redundancies and we then say that the
J80 105 associated equations are well conditioned. ^For the associated matrix
J80 106 *4D*1*;yy**;*- *0which in the present case where *4D*1*;yyr**; *0is
J80 107 zero reduces to
J80 108 **[FORMULA**]
J80 109    |we observe that the diagonal terms *1d*;ii**; *0must be strongly
J80 110 preponderant, the non-diagonal *1d*;ij**; *0being the smaller the
J80 111 better the waviness of {15O}*1*;l**; *0is retained. ^It is now
J80 112 possible to give the conditioning some measure by the degree of
J80 113 satisfaction of the condition
J80 114 **[FORMULA**]
J80 115    |which is the generalization of the simple requirement usually
J80 116 quoted for 2 x 2 matrices. ^From the strictly mathematical point of
J80 117 view the inequality (2) ought to be defined more rigorously to express
J80 118 a sufficient condition theoretically acceptable; at the same time we
J80 119 know that it is not a necessary prerequisite for good conditioning.
J80 120 ^Nevertheless, for us engineers the relation (2) yields for structural
J80 121 matrices a sufficient measure for satisfactory conditioning.
J80 122    |^We must interpolate here in our main argument and refer briefly
J80 123 to the method of establishing systems of redundancies previously
J80 124 advocated by us in \0Ref. (30). ^Contrary to what we put forward in
J80 125 the present treatise, we suggested there that it is advantageous to
J80 126 select systems of a distinctly local character. ^Clearly then
J80 127 condition (2) still holds and is the better satisfied the less
J80 128 overlapping there is between the self-equilibrating systems. ^For
J80 129 reasons set out in the introduction and subsequently, we preferred
J80 130 here the method of direct inversion for the determination of
J80 131 *4b*0*;1**;.
J80 132    |^Considering next the more realistic case of fuselages with rings
J80 133 of finite stiffness, we find that the matrix *4D*1*;yyr**; *0becomes
J80 134 of paramount importance (this being at least so for the lower order
J80 135 redundancies) and \0Eq. (1) must be written as
J80 136 **[FORMULA**]
J80 137    |^We noted in Chapter *=5 that the internal ring forces
J80 138 *4b*0*;1*1r**; *0are much more prone to lose their full waviness when
J80 139 the cross-section departs significantly from the circular shape. ^It
J80 140 is inevitable, in such instances, that the off-diagonal terms
J80 141 *1d*;ijr**; *0(elements of the matrix *4D*1*;r**;*0) may become of
J80 142 similar order to *1d*;iir**; *0and/or *1d*;jjr**; *0so that the
J80 143 measure of conditioning, \0Eq. (2), will consequently deteriorate and
J80 144 yield, in extreme cases of severe loss of waviness, a positive value
J80 145 only slightly above zero (of course, it can never become negative in
J80 146 structural problems). ^Such unfavourable conditions may prevail only
J80 147 in a few isolated spots of the *4D*1*;yy**; *0matrix and we observed
J80 148 in Chapter *=5, \0p. 195, that they do not seem, in our experience, to
J80 149 affect appreciably the accuracy of the solution, as long as these
J80 150 *'\Scho"nheitsfehler**' are within
J80 151 **[FORMULA**]
J80 152    |^On the other hand, as these unfavourable patches spread, the
J80 153 solution of the equations in the redundancies becomes increasingly
J80 154 inaccurate due to the limited number of digits available and the rapid
J80 155 accumulation of errors. ^Naturally, all methods of inversion or direct
J80 156 solution of equations are not equally sensitive to this danger in each
J80 157 specific case. ^Although such pronounced ill-conditioning should not
J80 158 often occur in practice, it remains a distinct even if remote
J80 159 possibility. ^We are thinking here of double cell cross-sections with
J80 160 doubly-connected rings of unfavourable shape*- for which the
J80 161 conditioning of the symmetrical higher modes deteriorates rapidly*-
J80 162 and the rather box-like cross-sections of fuselages specially designed
J80 163 for bulky loads.
J80 164    |^Our unavoidably superficial account leaves many extremely
J80 165 difficult questions unanswered; in particular, the precise or
J80 166 statistical correlation between order and spread of bad patches, on
J80 167 the one hand, and loss of the accuracy of the solution on the other
J80 168 must unfortunately be ignored. ^An interesting practical point
J80 169 concerns the acceptable degree of inaccuracy in a solution due to such
J80 170 or other causes of errors. ^The practising engineer may often, and
J80 171 rightly so, consider a solution as satisfactory, although to us
J80 172 primarily interested in this instance to develop new methods, it may
J80 173 appear unacceptable. ^We referred to this issue in the introduction to
J80 174 this chapter when we discussed the application of the four-flange
J80 175 systems as redundancies. ^Now, for the reasons stated there and here,
J80 176 we must reject such a narrow utilitarian outlook and seek, in fact, a
J80 177 system of redundancies even better than that based on {15O}*1*;l**;,
J80 178 *0if the conditioning of the latter should prove to us unsatisfactory.
J80 179 ^However, quite apart from the purely technical reasons, which demand
J80 180 such an extension of our original method, it is also perfectionism*- a
J80 181 close companion of any intense research activity*- which induces us to
J80 182 search for a more appropriate transformation matrix *4A*1*;l**;.
J80 183 ^*0Before we proceed to the examination of this question, we must
J80 184 first conclude the bird's eye view of our theme.
J80 185    |^The discussion of the previous paragraphs was concerned with the
J80 186 so-called conditioning of the matrix *4D *0in the case of a single set
J80 187 of the primary redundancies *4Y*1*;a**;. ^*0When the fuselage extends
J80 188 over more than two bays, there arises at each intermediate frame
J80 189 station *1i *0a set of redundancies *4Y*1*;i**;. ^*0It is evident that
J80 190 our previous account is still applicable to the submatrices
J80 191 *4D*1*;ii**; *0in the leading diagonal of *4D*1*;yy**;. ^*0We denote
J80 192 the conditioning of these matrices as peripheral to differentiate from
J80 193 another type presently to be mentioned. ^Now, when a satisfactory
J80 194 conditioning of the leading diagonal submatrices has been achieved
J80 195 this will also apply, in general, to each of the other submatrices (in
J80 196 the secondary diagonals) of the five-band supermatrix *4D*1*;yy**;.
J80 197 ^*0Only a very violent change of cross-section could, {6*1in
J80 198 extremis}, *0give rise to a significant ill-conditioning in these
J80 199 submatrices. ^However, from the point of view of the overall
J80 200 conditioning of the complete *4D*1*;yy**; *0matrix, another possible
J80 201 source of ill-conditioning has to be looked for. ^Thus, if the
J80 202 off-diagonal submatrices, say, *4D*1*;i,i*0+1**; (or
J80 203 *4D*1*;i,i*0+2**;) arising from the coupling of the sets *4Y*1*;i**;
J80 204 *0and *4Y*1*;i*0+1**; (or *4Y*1*;i*0+2**;) were proportional to
J80 205 *4D*1*;ii**;, *0the proportionality factor being only slightly smaller
J80 206 than unity, then it is evident from what we said previously in the
J80 207 peripheral kind of conditioning, that a new kind of ill-conditioning,
J80 208 conveniently denoted as a longitudinal one, could originate.
J80 209 *# 2010
        **[END**]